Monday
18 February
Dawn Opinion With Urdu Translation 18 February 2024
GB without rights
Aizaz Ahmad Chaudhry
The writer, a former foreign secretary, is chairman
Sanober Institute Islamabad.
MOHAMMAD Hussain, who hails from Ghanche in
Gilgit-Baltistan (GB) and has been working in a
household in Lahore, watched in despair as the
whole of Pakistan, except for his own fellow Baltis,
went to vote for their preferred candidates in the
Feb 8 election. Hussain asked his boss why his
folks were not allowed to vote. He could not
understand the complex answer to this simple
question.
GB’s political fate has been hanging in the balance
for the past seven decades, even though on the eve
of partition, the people of Gilgit Agency and many
other northern areas, who had hardly accepted the
suzerainty of the Dogra rulers, expressed their wish
to join Pakistan. However, the political fate of these
territories got linked to the dispute between India
and Pakistan over Jammu and Kashmir. Ever since,
the territories of Gilgit, Skardu, Diamer, Astore,
Ghanche, Ghizer, and Hunza have been under
Pakistan’s administrative control. Their people join
the civil and armed services, carry Pakistan national
identity cards, and for all practical purposes are
Pakistanis. Yet, they cannot join our National
Assembly and Senate to participate in Pakistan’s
governance.
Successive governments have tried to enhance
GB’s administrative autonomy, particularly in 2009
and 2018, but have fallen well short of what the
people of GB have repeatedly demanded: full
integration into Pakistan. In January 2019, the
Supreme Court extended its jurisdiction to GB,
creating an anomaly, because constitutionally GB
was not a part of Pakistan. In March 2021, the GB
Legislative Assembly unanimously adopted a
resolution demanding provisional provincial status
with representation in the constitutional bodies of
Pakistan. Further, GB residents feel that while
Pakistan took from the resources of GB, it was
reluctant to give it constitutional status.
There is political consensus in Pakistan to admit GB
as a provisional province. Under prime minister
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‫ﺣ ﻘ ﻮ ق ﮐ ﮯ ﺑﻐ ﯿ ﺮ ﺟ ﯽ ﺑ ﯽ‬
‫اﻋﺰاز اﺣﻤﺪ ﭼﻮﮨﺪری‬
‫ ﭼﯿﺌﺮﻣﯿﻦ ﺻﻨﻮﺑﺮ اﻧﺴﭩﯽ ﭨﯿﻮٹ اﺳ‬،‫ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﺳﯿﮑﺮﭨﺮی ﺧﺎرﺟﮧ‬،‫ﻣﺼﻨﻒ‬
‫ﻼم آﺑﺎد ﮨﯿﮟ۔‬
‫ ﺟﻦ ﮐﺎ ﺗﻌﻠﻖ ﮔﻠﮕﺖ ﺑﻠﺘﺴﺘﺎن )ﺟﯽ ﺑﯽ( ﮐﮯ ﻋﻼﻗﮯ‬،‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺣﺴﯿﻦ‬
،‫ﮔﮭﺎﻧﭽﮯ ﺳﮯ ﮨﮯ اور ﻻﮨﻮر ﻣﯿﮟ اﯾﮏ ﮔﮭﺮ ﻣﯿﮟ ﮐﺎم ﮐﺮ رﮨﮯ ﮨﯿﮟ‬
‫ﻣﺎﯾﻮﺳﯽ ﮐﮯ ﻋﺎﻟﻢ ﻣﯿﮟ دﯾﮑﮫ رﮨﮯ ﺗﮭﮯ ﮐﮧ ﻓﺮوری ﻣﯿﮟ ان ﮐﮯ اﭘﻨﮯ‬
‫ﺳﺎﺗﮭﯽ ﺑﻠﺘﯿﻮں ﮐﮯ ﻋﻼوہ ﭘﻮرا ﭘﺎﮐﺴﺘﺎن اﭘﻨﮯ ﻣﻦ ﭘﺴﻨﺪ اﻣﯿﺪواروں‬
‫ اﻟﯿﮑﺸﻦ۔ ﺣﺴﯿﻦ ﻧﮯ اﭘﻨﮯ ﺑﺎس ﺳﮯ ﭘﻮﭼﮭﺎ‬8 ‫ﮐﻮ ووٹ دﯾﻨﮯ ﮔﯿﺎ ﺗﮭﺎ۔‬
‫ﮐﮧ ان ﮐﮯ ﻟﻮﮔﻮں ﮐﻮ ووٹ دﯾﻨﮯ ﮐﯽ اﺟﺎزت ﮐﯿﻮں ﻧﮩﯿﮟ دی ﮔﺌﯽ۔‬
‫اس ﺳﺎدہ ﺳﮯ ﺳﻮال ﮐﺎ ﭘﯿﭽﯿﺪہ ﺟﻮاب وہ ﻧﮧ ﺳﻤﺠﮫ ﺳﮑﺎ۔‬
،‫ﮔﺰﺷﺘﮧ ﺳﺎت دﮨﺎﺋﯿﻮں ﺳﮯ ﺟﯽ ﺑﯽ ﮐﯽ ﺳﯿﺎﺳﯽ ﺗﻘﺪﯾﺮ اﻟﭧ رﮨﯽ ﮨﮯ‬
‫ﺣﺎﻻﻧﮑﮧ ﺗﻘﺴﯿﻢ ﮐﮯ ﻣﻮﻗﻊ ﭘﺮ ﮔﻠﮕﺖ اﯾﺠﻨﺴﯽ اور دﯾﮕﺮ ﮐﺌﯽ ﺷﻤﺎﻟﯽ‬
‫ ﺟﻨﮩﻮں ﻧﮯ ﺑﮍی ﻣﺸﮑﻞ ﺳﮯ ڈوﮔﺮہ‬،‫ﻋﻼﻗﮧ ﺟﺎت ﮐﮯ ﻟﻮﮔﻮں ﻧﮯ‬
‫ ﻣﯿﮟ ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﮨﻮﻧﮯ ﮐﯽ‬،‫ﺣﮑﻤﺮاﻧﻮں ﮐﯽ ﺑﺎﻻدﺳﺘﯽ ﮐﻮ ﻗﺒﻮل ﮐﯿﺎ ﺗﮭﺎ‬
‫ ان ﺧﻄﻮں ﮐﯽ ﺳﯿﺎﺳﯽ‬،‫ﺧﻮاﮨﺶ ﮐﺎ اﻇﮩﺎر ﮐﯿﺎ ﺗﮭﺎ۔ ﭘﺎﮐﺴﺘﺎن ﺗﺎﮨﻢ‬
‫ﺗﻘﺪﯾﺮ ﺑﮭﺎرت اور ﭘﺎﮐﺴﺘﺎن ﮐﮯ درﻣﯿﺎن ﺟﻤﻮں و ﮐﺸﻤﯿﺮ ﮐﮯ ﺗﻨﺎزﻋﮧ‬
،‫ ﮔﮭﺎﻧﭽﮯ‬،‫ اﺳﺘﻮر‬،‫ دﯾﺎﻣﺮ‬،‫ ﺳﮑﺮدو‬،‫ﺳﮯ ﺟﮍی ﮨﻮﺋﯽ ﮨﮯ۔ ﺗﺐ ﺳﮯ ﮔﻠﮕﺖ‬
‫ﻏﺬر اور ﮨﻨﺰہ ﮐﮯ ﻋﻼﻗﮯ ﭘﺎﮐﺴﺘﺎن ﮐﮯ اﻧﺘﻈﺎﻣﯽ ﮐﻨﭩﺮول ﻣﯿﮟ ﮨﯿﮟ۔ ان‬
‫ ﭘﺎﮐﺴﺘﺎن ﮐﮯ‬،‫ﮐﮯ ﻟﻮگ ﺳﻮل اور آرﻣﮉ ﺳﺮوﺳﺰ ﻣﯿﮟ ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﮨﻮﺗﮯ ﮨﯿﮟ‬
‫ اور ﺗﻤﺎم ﻋﻤﻠﯽ ﻣﻘﺎﺻﺪ ﮐﮯ ﻟﯿﮯ‬،‫ﻗﻮﻣﯽ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﯽ ﮐﺎرڈ رﮐﮭﺘﮯ ﮨﯿﮟ‬
‫ﭘﺎﮐﺴﺘﺎﻧﯽ ﮨﯿﮟ۔ اس ﮐﮯ ﺑﺎوﺟﻮد وہ ﭘﺎﮐﺴﺘﺎن ﮐﯽ ﺣﮑﻤﺮاﻧﯽ ﻣﯿﮟ‬
‫ﺣﺼﮧ ﻟﯿﻨﮯ ﮐﮯ ﻟﯿﮯ ﮨﻤﺎری ﻗﻮﻣﯽ اﺳﻤﺒﻠﯽ اور ﺳﯿﻨﯿﭧ ﻣﯿﮟ ﺷﺎﻣﻞ‬
‫ﻧﮩﯿﮟ ﮨﻮ ﺳﮑﺘﮯ۔‬
‫ﯾﮑﮯ ﺑﻌﺪ دﯾﮕﺮے آﻧﮯ واﻟﯽ ﺣﮑﻮﻣﺘﻮں ﻧﮯ ﺟﯽ ﺑﯽ ﮐﯽ اﻧﺘﻈﺎﻣﯽ‬
2009 ‫ ﺧﺎص ﻃﻮر ﭘﺮ‬،‫ﺧﻮدﻣﺨﺘﺎری ﮐﻮ ﺑﮍﮬﺎﻧﮯ ﮐﯽ ﮐﻮﺷﺶ ﮐﯽ ﮨﮯ‬
‫ ﻟﯿﮑﻦ ﺟﯽ ﺑﯽ ﮐﮯ ﻟﻮﮔﻮں ﻧﮯ ﺑﺎر ﺑﺎر ﭘﺎﮐﺴﺘﺎن ﻣﯿﮟ‬،‫ ﻣﯿﮟ‬2018 ‫اور‬
‫ﻣﮑﻤﻞ اﻧﻀﻤﺎم ﮐﺎ ﺟﻮ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﮧ ﮐﯿﺎ ﺗﮭﺎ اس ﻣﯿﮟ وہ ﺑﺎﻟﮑﻞ ﻧﺎﮐﺎم رﮨﯽ‬
‫ ﺳﭙﺮﯾﻢ ﮐﻮرٹ ﻧﮯ اﭘﻨﺎ داﺋﺮہ اﺧﺘﯿﺎر ﺟﯽ‬،‫ ﻣﯿﮟ‬2019 ‫ﮨﯿﮟ۔ ﺟﻨﻮری‬
‫ ﮐﯿﻮﻧﮑﮧ‬،‫ ﺟﺲ ﺳﮯ اﯾﮏ ﺑﮯ ﺿﺎﺑﻄﮕﯽ ﭘﯿﺪا ﮨﻮﺋﯽ‬،‫ﺑﯽ ﺗﮏ ﺑﮍﮬﺎ دﯾﺎ‬
2021 ‫آﺋﯿﻨﯽ ﻃﻮر ﭘﺮ ﺟﯽ ﺑﯽ ﭘﺎﮐﺴﺘﺎن ﮐﺎ ﺣﺼﮧ ﻧﮩﯿﮟ ﺗﮭﺎ۔ ﻣﺎرچ‬
‫ ﺟﯽ ﺑﯽ ﻗﺎﻧﻮن ﺳﺎز اﺳﻤﺒﻠﯽ ﻧﮯ ﻣﺘﻔﻘﮧ ﻃﻮر ﭘﺮ اﯾﮏ ﻗﺮارداد‬،‫ﻣﯿﮟ‬
‫ﻣﻨﻈﻮر ﮐﯽ ﺟﺲ ﻣﯿﮟ ﭘﺎﮐﺴﺘﺎن ﮐﮯ آﺋﯿﻨﯽ اداروں ﻣﯿﮟ ﻧﻤﺎﺋﻨﺪﮔﯽ ﮐﮯ‬
‫ ﺟﯽ ﺑﯽ ﮐﮯ‬،‫ﺳﺎﺗﮫ ﻋﺎرﺿﯽ ﺻﻮﺑﺎﺋﯽ ﺣﯿﺜﯿﺖ ﮐﺎ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﮧ ﮐﯿﺎ ﮔﯿﺎ۔ ﻣﺰﯾﺪ‬
‫رﮨﺎﺋﺸﯿﻮں ﮐﺎ ﺧﯿﺎل ﮨﮯ ﮐﮧ ﺟﺐ ﭘﺎﮐﺴﺘﺎن ﻧﮯ ﺟﯽ ﺑﯽ ﮐﮯ وﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺳﮯ‬
‫ وہ اﺳﮯ آﺋﯿﻨﯽ ﺣﯿﺜﯿﺖ دﯾﻨﮯ ﺳﮯ ﮔﺮﯾﺰاں ﺗﮭﺎ۔‬،‫ﺣﺼﮧ ﻟﯿﺎ‬
‫ﭘﺎﮐﺴﺘﺎن ﻣﯿﮟ ﺟﯽ ﺑﯽ ﮐﻮ ﻋﺎرﺿﯽ ﺻﻮﺑﮧ ﺗﺴﻠﯿﻢ ﮐﺮﻧﮯ ﭘﺮ ﺳﯿﺎﺳﯽ‬
‫اﺗﻔﺎق راﺋﮯ ﭘﺎﯾﺎ ﺟﺎﺗﺎ ﮨﮯ۔ وزﯾﺮاﻋﻈﻢ ﻧﻮاز ﺷﺮﯾﻒ ﮐﯽ ﻗﯿﺎدت ﻣﯿﮟ‬
 Monday
18 February
Nawaz Sharif, the Sartaj Aziz Committee
recommended in 2016 giving GB a provisional
provincial status. Prime minister Imran Khan’s
government had also announced in 2020 that GB
would be granted a provisional provincial status.
And yet, the status quo is so hard to break, mainly
because the integration of these territories into
Pakistan could undermine the UNSC resolutions
calling for determining the political fate of the entire
state of Jammu and Kashmir through a plebiscite
under UN auspices. So, for nearly 76 years, the
people of GB have been waiting for the plebiscite.
Gilgit-Baltistan’s fate has been hanging in the
balance for decades.
Is such a plebiscite likely to happen anytime soon?
The ground reality is that India has consistently and
brazenly refused to implement UNSC resolutions on
the Kashmir dispute. The Modi government went a
step further to annex the occupied territory in
August 2019, and is currently engaged in
demographic and electoral engineering to change
the Muslim-majority status of India-occupied
Kashmir in blatant violation of the UNSC
resolutions. However, given India’s large market
and strategic partnership with the US, there is no
real pressure of the international community on
India to fulfil its obligations under the resolutions.
So, in practical terms, the prospects of India
agreeing to hold the plebiscite are extremely low. If
that is the ground reality, then the people of GB
wonder how much longer they have to wait to get
their right to self-determination recognised.
Understandably, integrating GB could have
implications for Pakistan’s legal position on the
Kashmir dispute. Hence, the suggestion has been
to keep the integration provisional and subject to
the final settlement of the Kashmir dispute.
However, there are other factors that must not be
ignored. Firstly, the people of GB have a right to self
-determination, which is a fundamental right that
overrides other considerations.
Secondly, given the salience of our relationship with
Beijing, GB provides the vital geographical link to
China and is central to the implementation of CPEC.
Formally integrating GB will give full constitutional
protection to CPEC-related and other international
investments in GB. Thirdly, ignoring the consistently
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‫ ﻣﯿﮟ ﺟﯽ ﺑﯽ ﮐﻮ ﻋﺎرﺿﯽ ﺻﻮﺑﺎﺋﯽ‬2016 ‫ﺳﺮﺗﺎج ﻋﺰﯾﺰ ﮐﻤﯿﭩﯽ ﻧﮯ‬
‫درﺟﮧ دﯾﻨﮯ ﮐﯽ ﺳﻔﺎرش ﮐﯽ ﺗﮭﯽ۔ وزﯾﺮاﻋﻈﻢ ﻋﻤﺮان ﺧﺎن ﮐﯽ‬
‫ ﻣﯿﮟ ﺟﯽ ﺑﯽ ﮐﻮ ﻋﺎرﺿﯽ ﺻﻮﺑﺎﺋﯽ درﺟﮧ‬2020 ‫ﺣﮑﻮﻣﺖ ﻧﮯ ﺑﮭﯽ‬
‫ ﺟﻤﻮد ﮐﻮ ﺗﻮڑﻧﺎ ﺑﮩﺖ ﻣﺸﮑﻞ ﮨﮯ‬،‫دﯾﻨﮯ ﮐﺎ اﻋﻼن ﮐﯿﺎ ﺗﮭﺎ۔ اور ﭘﮭﺮ ﺑﮭﯽ‬
‫ اس ﮐﯽ ﺑﻨﯿﺎدی وﺟﮧ ﯾﮧ ﮨﮯ ﮐﮧ ان ﺧﻄﻮں ﮐﺎ ﭘﺎﮐﺴﺘﺎن ﻣﯿﮟ اﻧﻀﻤﺎم‬،
‫اﻗﻮام ﻣﺘﺤﺪہ ﮐﯽ ﺳﻼﻣﺘﯽ ﮐﻮﻧﺴﻞ ﮐﯽ ﻗﺮاردادوں ﮐﻮ ﻧﻘﺼﺎن ﭘﮩﻨﭽﺎ‬
‫ﺳﮑﺘﺎ ﮨﮯ ﺟﺲ ﻣﯿﮟ اﻗﻮام ﻣﺘﺤﺪہ ﮐﯽ ﺳﺮﭘﺮﺳﺘﯽ ﻣﯿﮟ راﺋﮯ ﺷﻤﺎری‬
‫ﮐﮯ ذرﯾﻌﮯ رﯾﺎﺳﺖ ﺟﻤﻮں و ﮐﺸﻤﯿﺮ ﮐﯽ ﺳﯿﺎﺳﯽ ﺗﻘﺪﯾﺮ ﮐﺎ ﺗﻌﯿﻦ ﮐﺮﻧﮯ‬
‫ ﺳﺎل ﺳﮯ ﺟﯽ ﺑﯽ ﮐﮯ ﻋﻮام‬76 ‫ﮐﺎ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﮧ ﮐﯿﺎ ﮔﯿﺎ ﮨﮯ۔ ﭼﻨﺎﻧﭽﮧ ﺗﻘﺮﯾﺒًﺎ‬
‫اﺳﺘﺼﻮاب راﺋﮯ ﮐﺎ اﻧﺘﻈﺎر ﮐﺮ رﮨﮯ ﮨﯿﮟ۔‬
‫ﮔﻠﮕﺖ ﺑﻠﺘﺴﺘﺎن ﮐﯽ ﺗﻘﺪﯾﺮ ﮐﺌﯽ دﮨﺎﺋﯿﻮں ﺳﮯ اﻟﭧ رﮨﯽ ﮨﮯ۔‬
‫ﮐﯿﺎ اس ﻃﺮح ﮐﯽ راﺋﮯ ﺷﻤﺎری ﺟﻠﺪ ﮨﯽ ﮐﺴﯽ ﺑﮭﯽ وﻗﺖ ﮨﻮﻧﮯ ﮐﺎ‬
‫اﻣﮑﺎن ﮨﮯ؟ زﻣﯿﻨﯽ ﺣﻘﯿﻘﺖ ﯾﮧ ﮨﮯ ﮐﮧ ﺑﮭﺎرت ﮐﺸﻤﯿﺮ ﮐﮯ ﺗﻨﺎزع ﭘﺮ‬
‫اﻗﻮام ﻣﺘﺤﺪہ ﮐﯽ ﺳﻼﻣﺘﯽ ﮐﻮﻧﺴﻞ ﮐﯽ ﻗﺮاردادوں ﭘﺮ ﻋﻤﻞ درآﻣﺪ ﺳﮯ‬
‫ﻣﺴﻠﺴﻞ اور ڈﮬﭩﺎﺋﯽ ﺳﮯ اﻧﮑﺎری ﮨﮯ۔ ﻣﻮدی ﺣﮑﻮﻣﺖ ﻧﮯ اﮔﺴﺖ‬
‫ ﻣﯿﮟ ﻣﻘﺒﻮﺿﮧ ﻋﻼﻗﮯ ﮐﻮ اﻟﺤﺎق ﮐﺮﻧﮯ ﮐﮯ ﻟﯿﮯ اﯾﮏ ﻗﺪم آﮔﮯ‬2019
‫ اور ﻓﯽ اﻟﺤﺎل اﻗﻮام ﻣﺘﺤﺪہ ﮐﯽ ﺳﻼﻣﺘﯽ ﮐﻮﻧﺴﻞ ﮐﯽ‬،‫ﺑﮍﮬﺎﯾﺎ‬
‫ﻗﺮاردادوں ﮐﯽ ﮐﮭﻠﻢ ﮐﮭﻼ ﺧﻼف ورزی ﮐﺮﺗﮯ ﮨﻮﺋﮯ ﮨﻨﺪوﺳﺘﺎن ﮐﮯ‬
‫ﻣﻘﺒﻮﺿﮧ ﮐﺸﻤﯿﺮ ﮐﯽ ﻣﺴﻠﻢ اﮐﺜﺮﯾﺘﯽ ﺣﯿﺜﯿﺖ ﮐﻮ ﺗﺒﺪﯾﻞ ﮐﺮﻧﮯ ﮐﮯ ﻟﯿﮯ‬
‫ ﺑﮭﺎرت ﮐﯽ‬،‫آﺑﺎدﯾﺎﺗﯽ اور اﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﯽ اﻧﺠﯿﻨﺌﺮﻧﮓ ﻣﯿﮟ ﻣﺼﺮوف ﮨﮯ۔ ﺗﺎﮨﻢ‬
‫ﺑﮍی ﻣﺎرﮐﯿﭧ اور اﻣﺮﯾﮑﮧ ﮐﮯ ﺳﺎﺗﮫ اﺳﭩﺮﯾﭩﺠﮏ ﺷﺮاﮐﺖ داری ﮐﻮ‬
‫ ﻗﺮاردادوں ﮐﮯ ﺗﺤﺖ اﭘﻨﯽ ذﻣﮧ دارﯾﻮں ﮐﻮ ﭘﻮرا ﮐﺮﻧﮯ‬،‫دﯾﮑﮭﺘﮯ ﮨﻮﺋﮯ‬
‫ﮐﮯ ﻟﯿﮯ ﺑﮭﺎرت ﭘﺮ ﻋﺎﻟﻤﯽ ﺑﺮادری ﮐﺎ ﮐﻮﺋﯽ ﺣﻘﯿﻘﯽ دﺑﺎؤ ﻧﮩﯿﮟ ﮨﮯ۔ ﻟٰﮩﺬا‬
‫ ﺑﮭﺎرت ﮐﮯ اﺳﺘﺼﻮاب راﺋﮯ ﭘﺮ رﺿﺎﻣﻨﺪی ﮐﮯ‬،‫ ﻋﻤﻠﯽ ﻟﺤﺎظ ﺳﮯ‬،
‫اﻣﮑﺎﻧﺎت اﻧﺘﮩﺎﺋﯽ ﮐﻢ ﮨﯿﮟ۔ اﮔﺮ ﯾﮧ زﻣﯿﻨﯽ ﺣﻘﯿﻘﺖ ﮨﮯ ﺗﻮ ﮔﻠﮕﺖ‬
‫ﺑﻠﺘﺴﺘﺎن ﮐﮯ ﻟﻮگ ﺣﯿﺮان ﮨﯿﮟ ﮐﮧ اﻧﮩﯿﮟ اﭘﻨﮯ ﺣﻖ ﺧﻮدارادﯾﺖ ﮐﻮ‬
‫ﺗﺴﻠﯿﻢ ﮐﺮﻧﮯ ﮐﮯ ﻟﯿﮯ ﻣﺰﯾﺪ ﮐﺘﻨﺎ اﻧﺘﻈﺎر ﮐﺮﻧﺎ ﭘﮍے ﮔﺎ۔‬
‫ ﺟﯽ ﺑﯽ ﮐﻮ ﺿﻢ ﮐﺮﻧﮯ ﺳﮯ ﺗﻨﺎزﻋﮧ ﮐﺸﻤﯿﺮ ﭘﺮ‬،‫ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻓﮩﻢ ﻃﻮر ﭘﺮ‬
‫ﭘﺎﮐﺴﺘﺎن ﮐﯽ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﯽ ﭘﻮزﯾﺸﻦ ﭘﺮ اﺛﺮ ﭘﮍ ﺳﮑﺘﺎ ﮨﮯ۔ اس ﻟﯿﮯ اﻧﻀﻤﺎم‬
‫ﮐﻮ ﻋﺎرﺿﯽ اور ﺗﻨﺎزﻋﮧ ﮐﺸﻤﯿﺮ ﮐﮯ ﺣﺘﻤﯽ ﺣﻞ ﺳﮯ ﻣﺸﺮوط رﮐﮭﻨﮯ‬
‫ اور ﺑﮭﯽ ﻋﻮاﻣﻞ ﮨﯿﮟ ﺟﻦ ﮐﻮ ﻧﻈﺮ اﻧﺪاز‬،‫ﮐﯽ ﺗﺠﻮﯾﺰ دی ﮔﺌﯽ ﮨﮯ۔ ﺗﺎﮨﻢ‬
‫ ﺟﯽ ﺑﯽ ﮐﮯ ﻟﻮﮔﻮں ﮐﻮ ﺣﻖ‬،‫ﻧﮩﯿﮟ ﮐﯿﺎ ﺟﺎﻧﺎ ﭼﺎﮨﯿﮯ۔ ﺳﺐ ﺳﮯ ﭘﮩﻠﮯ‬
‫ ﺟﻮ ﮐﮧ اﯾﮏ ﺑﻨﯿﺎدی ﺣﻖ ﮨﮯ ﺟﻮ دﯾﮕﺮ‬،‫ﺧﻮد ارادﯾﺖ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﮨﮯ‬
‫ﺗﺤﻔﻈﺎت ﮐﻮ زﯾﺮ ﮐﺮﺗﺎ ﮨﮯ۔‬
،‫ ﺑﯿﺠﻨﮓ ﮐﮯ ﺳﺎﺗﮫ ﮨﻤﺎرے ﺗﻌﻠﻘﺎت ﮐﯽ اﮨﻤﯿﺖ ﮐﻮ دﯾﮑﮭﺘﮯ ﮨﻮﺋﮯ‬،‫دوم‬
‫ ﮐﮯ ﻧﻔﺎذ‬CPEC ‫ ﭼﯿﻦ ﮐﻮ اﮨﻢ ﺟﻐﺮاﻓﯿﺎﺋﯽ ﻟﻨﮏ ﻓﺮاﮨﻢ ﮐﺮﺗﺎ ﮨﮯ اور‬GB
‫ﻣﯿﮟ ﻣﺮﮐﺰی ﺣﯿﺜﯿﺖ رﮐﮭﺘﺎ ﮨﮯ۔ ﺑﺎﺿﺎﺑﻄﮧ ﻃﻮر ﭘﺮ ﺟﯽ ﺑﯽ ﮐﻮ ﺿﻢ‬
‫ﮐﺮﻧﮯ ﺳﮯ ﺳﯽ ﭘﯿﮏ ﺳﮯ ﻣﺘﻌﻠﻖ اور ﺟﯽ ﺑﯽ ﻣﯿﮟ دﯾﮕﺮ ﺑﯿﻦ اﻻﻗﻮاﻣﯽ‬
‫ ﺟﯽ ﺑﯽ ﮐﮯ‬،‫ﺳﺮﻣﺎﯾﮧ ﮐﺎری ﮐﻮ ﻣﮑﻤﻞ آﺋﯿﻨﯽ ﺗﺤﻔﻆ ﻣﻠﮯ ﮔﺎ۔ ﺗﯿﺴﺮا‬
‫ﻟﻮﮔﻮں ﮐﯽ ﭘﺎﮐﺴﺘﺎن ﻣﯿﮟ ﺷﻤﻮﻟﯿﺖ ﮐﯽ ﻣﺴﻠﺴﻞ ﻇﺎﮨﺮ ﮐﺮدہ ﺧﻮاﮨﺶ‬
 Monday
18 February
expressed desire of the people of GB to join
Pakistan is creating a sense of alienation in GB,
which could be exploited by the detractors of
Pakistan. As it is, BJP leaders in India have
sharpened their rhetoric of claim on these
territories.
In view of these arguments, it is a strategic
imperative that GB be integrated into Pakistan as a
provisional province without further delay and its
people be recognised as citizens of Pakistan with
full rights admissible under the Constitution of
Pakistan, pending a final settlement of the Kashmir
dispute.
The writer, a former foreign secretary, is chairman
Sanober Institute Islamabad.
Published in Dawn, February 18th, 2024
All about women
Muna Khan
The writer is an instructor of journalism.
I UNDERSTAND that politics is the art of
compromise, but why must women’s bodies be
sacrificed at the altar of deal-making?
This question weighs heavily on my mind, but I’ve
accepted this is just the way things are going to be
here. Men accused of sexual assault, for example,
will be awarded seats because that crime won’t be
considered as grievous as their opponents’ loot
maar. I was reminded of just how little value is
placed on women when news of Imran Khan’s
decision to nominate Amin Gandapur broke.
I understand enough politics to know that you won’t
find a perfect candidate or one that will appeal to
various stakeholders. However, since Gandapur’s
name was announced, many questions were raised
across prime time shows, leading with his alleged
role in May 9 violence. It would be grossly unfair to
reward him with such a high seat when people are
imprisoned on the same charges. Many people
brought up his sexist remarks made at jalsas about
Maryam Nawaz, saying she spent Rs80m on
taxpayers’ money on cosmetic surgery. (It was not
denounced by the party leadership or supporters.)
What few mentioned on mainstream media, but it
figured on social media, were the serious
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‫ﮐﻮ ﻧﻈﺮ اﻧﺪاز ﮐﺮﻧﮯ ﺳﮯ ﺟﯽ ﺑﯽ ﻣﯿﮟ ﺑﯿﮕﺎﻧﮕﯽ ﮐﺎ اﺣﺴﺎس ﭘﯿﺪا ﮨﻮ رﮨﺎ‬
‫ ﺟﺲ ﮐﺎ ﻓﺎﺋﺪہ ﭘﺎﮐﺴﺘﺎن ﮐﮯ ﻧﺎﻗﺪﯾﻦ اﭨﮭﺎ ﺳﮑﺘﮯ ﮨﯿﮟ۔ ﺟﯿﺴﺎ ﮐﮧ ﯾﮧ‬،‫ﮨﮯ‬
ٰ ‫ ﮨﻨﺪوﺳﺘﺎن ﻣﯿﮟ ﺑﯽ ﺟﮯ ﭘﯽ ﮐﮯ رﮨﻨﻤﺎؤں ﻧﮯ ان ﻋﻼﻗﻮں ﭘﺮ دﻋﻮ‬،‫ﮨﮯ‬
‫ی‬
‫ﮐﺮﻧﮯ ﮐﯽ اﭘﻨﯽ ﺑﯿﺎن ﺑﺎزی ﮐﻮ ﺗﯿﺰ ﮐﺮ دﯾﺎ ﮨﮯ۔‬
‫ ﯾﮧ اﯾﮏ ﺳﭩﺮﭨﯿﺠﮏ ﺿﺮوری ﮨﮯ ﮐﮧ ﺟﯽ ﺑﯽ‬،‫ان دﻻﺋﻞ ﮐﮯ ﭘﯿﺶ ﻧﻈﺮ‬
‫ﮐﻮ ﺑﻐﯿﺮ ﮐﺴﯽ ﺗﺎﺧﯿﺮ ﮐﮯ اﯾﮏ ﻋﺎرﺿﯽ ﺻﻮﺑﮯ ﮐﮯ ﻃﻮر ﭘﺮ ﭘﺎﮐﺴﺘﺎن‬
‫ﻣﯿﮟ ﺿﻢ ﮐﯿﺎ ﺟﺎﺋﮯ اور اس ﮐﮯ ﻟﻮﮔﻮں ﮐﻮ ﭘﺎﮐﺴﺘﺎن ﮐﮯ ﺷﮩﺮی ﮐﮯ‬
‫ﻃﻮر ﭘﺮ ﺗﺴﻠﯿﻢ ﮐﯿﺎ ﺟﺎﺋﮯ ﺟﻮ ﮐﮧ آﺋﯿﻦ ﭘﺎﮐﺴﺘﺎن ﮐﮯ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻗﺒﻮل‬
.‫ ﮐﺸﻤﯿﺮ ﮐﮯ ﺣﺘﻤﯽ ﺗﺼﻔﯿﮯ ﺗﮏ۔ ﺗﻨﺎزﻋﮧ‬،‫ﮨﯿﮟ‬
‫ﺧ ﻮ ا ﺗ ﯿ ﻦ ﮐ ﮯ ﺑﺎ رے ﻣ ﯿ ﮟ ﺳ ﺐ ﮐ ﭽ ﮫ‬
‫ﻣﻮﻧﺎ ﺧﺎن‬
‫ﻣﺼﻨﻒ ﺻﺤﺎﻓﺖ ﮐﮯ اﺳﺘﺎد ﮨﯿﮟ۔‬
‫ ﻟﯿﮑﻦ‬،‫ﻣﯿﮟ ﺳﻤﺠﮭﺘﺎ ﮨﻮں ﮐﮧ ﺳﯿﺎﺳﺖ ﺳﻤﺠﮭﻮﺗﮧ ﮐﺮﻧﮯ ﮐﺎ ﻓﻦ ﮨﮯ‬
‫ﺳﻮدے ﺑﺎزی ﮐﯽ ﻗﺮﺑﺎن ﮔﺎہ ﭘﺮ ﻋﻮرﺗﻮں ﮐﯽ ﻻﺷﯿﮟ ﮐﯿﻮں ﻗﺮﺑﺎن ﮐﯽ‬
‫ﺟﺎﺋﯿﮟ؟‬
‫ ﻟﯿﮑﻦ ﻣﯿﮟ ﻧﮯ‬،‫ﯾﮧ ﺳﻮال ﻣﯿﺮے ذﮨﻦ ﭘﺮ ﺑﮩﺖ زﯾﺎدہ وزن رﮐﮭﺘﺎ ﮨﮯ‬
‫ﻗﺒﻮل ﮐﺮ ﻟﯿﺎ ﮨﮯ ﮐﮧ ﯾﮩﺎں ﭼﯿﺰﯾﮟ ﮨﻮﻧﮯ ﺟﺎ رﮨﯽ ﮨﯿﮟ۔ ﻣﺜﺎل ﮐﮯ ﻃﻮر ﭘﺮ‬
‫ اﻧﮩﯿﮟ ﻧﺸﺴﺘﯿﮟ دی ﺟﺎﺋﯿﮟ‬،‫ﺟﻦ ﻣﺮدوں ﭘﺮ ﺟﻨﺴﯽ زﯾﺎدﺗﯽ ﮐﺎ اﻟﺰام ﮨﮯ‬
‫ﮔﯽ ﮐﯿﻮﻧﮑﮧ اس ﺟﺮم ﮐﻮ ان ﮐﮯ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﯿﻦ ﮐﮯ ﻟﻮٹ ﻣﺎر ﮐﯽ ﻃﺮح‬
‫ﺳﻨﮕﯿﻦ ﻧﮩﯿﮟ ﺳﻤﺠﮭﺎ ﺟﺎﺋﮯ ﮔﺎ۔ ﺟﺐ ﻋﻤﺮان ﺧﺎن ﮐﯽ ﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﺳﮯ‬
‫اﻣﯿﻦ ﮔﻨﮉا ﭘﻮر ﮐﻮ ﻧﺎﻣﺰد ﮐﺮﻧﮯ ﮐﮯ ﻓﯿﺼﻠﮯ ﮐﯽ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺑﺮﯾﮏ ﮨﻮﺋﯽ ﺗﻮ‬
‫ﻣﺠﮭﮯ ﯾﺎد آﯾﺎ ﮐﮧ ﺧﻮاﺗﯿﻦ ﮐﻮ ﮐﺘﻨﯽ ﮐﻢ اﮨﻤﯿﺖ دی ﺟﺎﺗﯽ ﮨﮯ۔‬
‫ﻣﯿﮟ ﯾﮧ ﺟﺎﻧﻨﮯ ﮐﮯ ﻟﯿﮯ ﮐﺎﻓﯽ ﺳﯿﺎﺳﺖ ﮐﻮ ﺳﻤﺠﮭﺘﺎ ﮨﻮں ﮐﮧ آپ ﮐﻮ‬
‫ﮐﻮﺋﯽ ﮐﺎﻣﻞ اﻣﯿﺪوار ﯾﺎ ﮐﻮﺋﯽ اﯾﺴﺎ اﻣﯿﺪوار ﻧﮩﯿﮟ ﻣﻠﮯ ﮔﺎ ﺟﻮ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ‬
‫ ﺟﺐ ﺳﮯ ﮔﻨﮉا ﭘﻮر ﮐﮯ ﻧﺎم ﮐﺎ اﻋ‬،‫اﺳﭩﯿﮏ ﮨﻮﻟﮉرز ﮐﻮ ﭘﺴﻨﺪ ﮐﺮے۔ ﺗﺎﮨﻢ‬
‫ ﺟﺲ‬،‫ ﭘﺮاﺋﻢ ﭨﺎﺋﻢ ﺷﻮز ﻣﯿﮟ ﺑﮩﺖ ﺳﮯ ﺳﻮاﻻت اﭨﮭﺎﺋﮯ ﮔﺌﮯ‬،‫ﻼن ﮐﯿﺎ ﮔﯿﺎ‬
‫ ﻣﺌﯽ ﮐﮯ ﺗﺸﺪد ﻣﯿﮟ ان ﮐﮯ ﻣﺒﯿﻨﮧ ﮐﺮدار ﭘﺮ ﮨﮯ۔ ﺟﺐ ﻟﻮگ‬9 ‫ﮐﯽ وﺟﮧ‬
‫اﻧﮩﯽ اﻟﺰاﻣﺎت ﻣﯿﮟ ﻗﯿﺪ ﮨﻮﺗﮯ ﮨﯿﮟ ﺗﻮ اﺳﮯ اﺗﻨﯽ ﺑﮍی ﻧﺸﺴﺖ ﺳﮯ‬
‫ﻧﻮازﻧﺎ ﺳﺮاﺳﺮ ﻧﺎاﻧﺼﺎﻓﯽ ﮨﻮﮔﯽ۔ ﺑﮩﺖ ﺳﮯ ﻟﻮﮔﻮں ﻧﮯ ﻣﺮﯾﻢ ﻧﻮاز ﮐﮯ‬
‫ﺑﺎرے ﻣﯿﮟ ﺟﻠﺴﻮں ﻣﯿﮟ ﮐﯿﮯ ﮔﺌﮯ ان ﮐﮯ ﺟﻨﺲ ﭘﺮﺳﺖ رﯾﻤﺎرﮐﺲ ﮐﻮ‬
‫ﺳﺎﻣﻨﮯ ﻻﯾﺎ اور ﮐﮩﺎ ﮐﮧ اﻧﮩﻮں ﻧﮯ ﮐﺎﺳﻤﯿﭩﮏ ﺳﺮﺟﺮی ﭘﺮ ﭨﯿﮑﺲ‬
‫ ﻣﻠﯿﻦ روﭘﮯ ﺧﺮچ ﮐﯿﮯ ﮨﯿﮟ۔ )ﭘﺎرﭨﯽ ﻗﯿﺎدت ﯾﺎ‬80 ‫دﮨﻨﺪﮔﺎن ﮐﮯ‬
‫ﺣﺎﻣﯿﻮں ﮐﯽ ﻃﺮف ﺳﮯ اس ﮐﯽ ﻣﺬﻣﺖ ﻧﮩﯿﮟ ﮐﯽ ﮔﺌﯽ۔( ﻣﺮﮐﺰی‬
‫ ﻟﯿﮑﻦ ﯾﮧ ﺳﻮﺷﻞ‬،‫دﮬﺎرے ﮐﮯ ﻣﯿﮉﯾﺎ ﭘﺮ ﺟﻦ ﮐﺎ ذﮐﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻟﻮﮔﻮں ﻧﮯ ﮐﯿﺎ‬
‫ وہ اس ﺟﺮم ﮐﮯ ﻣﺮﺗﮑﺐ اﻓﺮاد ﮐﯽ ﻣﺒﯿﻨﮧ ﺣﻤﺎﯾﺖ‬،‫ﻣﯿﮉﯾﺎ ﭘﺮ ﺳﺎﻣﻨﮯ آﯾﺎ‬
 Monday
18 February
allegations about his alleged support to the
perpetrators of a crime where a teenage girl was
stripped and paraded naked in his native D.I. Khan
in 2017. He has denied those charges.
That the chairman thought it more important to
send a certain message to the country with
Gandapur’s nomination is the reminder I needed
about women being sacrificial lambs again and
again in deal-making. What disappoints me the
most is the women who support this. I’m talking
about the party supporters who blast ‘feminists’ for
not standing up for a host of issues related to PTI
but stay silent when women are thrown under the
bus by their party leadership.
There can be no stability if half the demographic is
ignored.
Gandapur should not be the hill anyone wants to die
on.
It is possible to support a party and criticise its
policies. PTI has some of the most passionate
women supporters and leaders, many of whom do
not subscribe to these horrendous views. I hope
they will take courage and denounce anti-women
rhetoric.
Unfortunately, Gandapur is not alone in the brazen
display of misogyny but how can we make it
unacceptable to hold such views, at least in public
office? You can’t eradicate misogyny but surely
there is another road away from systems built on a
disregard for women’s participation in public life.
This is why language matters, especially if they
frame policies.
Remember when we celebrated Afghans for having
‘broken the shackles of slavery’? It demonstrated a
lack of thought to the consequences the Taliban’s
return to power will have on women. Today, there is
no indication when the Taliban will lift a ban on
secondary education for girls, or working in
government or travelling far without a male relative
or even going to parks. Social services, like the
healthcare sector, are in a dire state. There is a cost
to this ban on women’s participation in the
country’s progress. The UNDP put a figure on it: an
estimated five per cent of the country’s GDP.
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‫ﮐﮯ ﺑﺎرے ﻣﯿﮟ ﺳﻨﮕﯿﻦ اﻟﺰاﻣﺎت ﺗﮭﮯ ﺟﮩﺎں اﯾﮏ ﻧﻮﻋﻤﺮ ﻟﮍﮐﯽ ﮐﻮ ﺑﺮﮨﻨﮧ‬
‫ ﻣﯿﮟ ان اﻟﺰاﻣﺎت‬2017 ‫ ﻣﯿﮟ ﺧﺎن ﻧﮯ‬D.I ‫ﮐﺮ دﯾﺎ ﮔﯿﺎ ﺗﮭﺎ۔ اﭘﻨﮯ آﺑﺎﺋﯽ‬
‫ﮐﯽ ﺗﺮدﯾﺪ ﮐﯽ ﮨﮯ۔‬
‫ﯾﮧ ﮐﮧ ﭼﯿﺌﺮﻣﯿﻦ ﻧﮯ ﮔﻨﮉہ ﭘﻮر ﮐﯽ ﻧﺎﻣﺰدﮔﯽ ﮐﮯ ﺳﺎﺗﮫ ﻣﻠﮏ ﮐﻮ اﯾﮏ‬
‫ﺧﺎص ﭘﯿﻐﺎم ﺑﮭﯿﺠﻨﺎ زﯾﺎدہ اﮨﻢ ﺳﻤﺠﮭﺎ وہ ﯾﺎد دﮨﺎﻧﯽ ﮨﮯ ﺟﺲ ﮐﯽ‬
‫ﻣﺠﮭﮯ ﺧﻮاﺗﯿﻦ ﮐﻮ ﺑﺎر ﺑﺎر ﻗﺮﺑﺎﻧﯽ ﮐﮯ ﻣﯿﻤﻨﮯ ﺑﻨﻨﮯ ﮐﮯ ﺑﺎرے ﻣﯿﮟ ڈﯾﻞ‬
‫ﻣﯿﮑﻨﮓ ﻣﯿﮟ درﮐﺎر ﺗﮭﯽ۔ ﺟﺲ ﭼﯿﺰ ﻧﮯ ﻣﺠﮭﮯ ﺳﺐ ﺳﮯ زﯾﺎدہ‬
‫ﻣﺎﯾﻮس ﮐﯿﺎ وہ ﺧﻮاﺗﯿﻦ ﮨﯿﮟ ﺟﻮ اس ﮐﯽ ﺣﻤﺎﯾﺖ ﮐﺮﺗﯽ ﮨﯿﮟ۔ ﻣﯿﮟ‬
‫ﭘﺎرﭨﯽ ﮐﮯ ان ﺣﺎﻣﯿﻮں ﮐﮯ ﺑﺎرے ﻣﯿﮟ ﺑﺎت ﮐﺮ رﮨﺎ ﮨﻮں ﺟﻮ ﭘﯽ ﭨﯽ آﺋﯽ‬
‫ﺳﮯ ﻣﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﮩﺖ ﺳﮯ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﮐﮯ ﻟﯿﮯ ﮐﮭﮍے ﻧﮧ‬
‫ﮨﻮﻧﮯ ﭘﺮ ’ﻓﯿﻤﻨﺴﭩﻮں‘ ﮐﻮ دﮬﻤﺎﮐﮯ ﺳﮯ اڑا دﯾﺘﮯ ﮨﯿﮟ ﻟﯿﮑﻦ ﺟﺐ ﺧﻮاﺗﯿﻦ‬
‫ﮐﻮ ان ﮐﯽ ﭘﺎرﭨﯽ ﻗﯿﺎدت ﻧﮯ ﺑﺲ ﮐﮯ ﻧﯿﭽﮯ ﭘﮭﯿﻨﮏ دﯾﺎ ﺗﻮ ﺧﺎﻣﻮش‬
‫رﮨﺘﮯ ﮨﯿﮟ۔‬
‫اﮔﺮ آدﮬﯽ آﺑﺎدی ﮐﻮ ﻧﻈﺮ اﻧﺪاز ﮐﺮ دﯾﺎ ﺟﺎﺋﮯ ﺗﻮ ﮐﻮﺋﯽ اﺳﺘﺤﮑﺎم ﻧﮩﯿﮟ‬
‫ﮨﻮ ﺳﮑﺘﺎ۔‬
‫ﮔﻨﮉا ﭘﻮر وہ ﭘﮩﺎڑی ﻧﮩﯿﮟ ﮨﻮﻧﺎ ﭼﺎﮨﯿﮯ ﺟﺲ ﭘﺮ ﮐﻮﺋﯽ ﻣﺮﻧﺎ ﭼﺎﮨﮯ۔‬
‫ﮐﺴﯽ ﭘﺎرﭨﯽ ﮐﯽ ﺣﻤﺎﯾﺖ اور اس ﮐﯽ ﭘﺎﻟﯿﺴﯿﻮں ﭘﺮ ﺗﻨﻘﯿﺪ ﻣﻤﮑﻦ ﮨﮯ۔‬
‫ﭘﯽ ﭨﯽ آﺋﯽ ﮐﮯ ﭘﺎس ﮐﭽﮫ اﻧﺘﮩﺎﺋﯽ ﭘﺮﺟﻮش ﺧﻮاﺗﯿﻦ ﮐﮯ ﺣﺎﻣﯽ اور‬
‫ ﺟﻦ ﻣﯿﮟ ﺳﮯ اﮐﺜﺮ ان ﺧﻮﻓﻨﺎک ﺧﯿﺎﻻت ﮐﻮ ﻗﺒﻮل ﻧﮩﯿﮟ‬،‫رﮨﻨﻤﺎ ﮨﯿﮟ‬
‫ﮐﺮﺗﯽ ﮨﯿﮟ۔ ﻣﺠﮭﮯ اﻣﯿﺪ ﮨﮯ ﮐﮧ وہ ﮨﻤﺖ ﺳﮯ ﮐﺎم ﻟﯿﮟ ﮔﮯ اور ﺧﻮاﺗﯿﻦ‬
‫ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺑﯿﺎن ﺑﺎزی ﮐﯽ ﻣﺬﻣﺖ ﮐﺮﯾﮟ ﮔﮯ۔‬
‫ ﮔﻨﮉا ﭘﻮر ﺑﺪﺗﻤﯿﺰی ﮐﮯ ڈﮬﭩﺎﺋﯽ ﺳﮯ اﻇﮩﺎر ﮐﺮﻧﮯ ﻣﯿﮟ‬،‫ﺑﺪﻗﺴﻤﺘﯽ ﺳﮯ‬
‫اﮐﯿﻠﮯ ﻧﮩﯿﮟ ﮨﯿﮟ ﻟﯿﮑﻦ ﮨﻢ ﮐﻢ از ﮐﻢ ﻋﻮاﻣﯽ ﻋﮩﺪے ﭘﺮ اس ﻃﺮح ﮐﮯ‬
‫ﺧﯿﺎﻻت رﮐﮭﻨﮯ ﮐﻮ ﮐﯿﺴﮯ ﻧﺎﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻗﺒﻮل ﺑﻨﺎ ﺳﮑﺘﮯ ﮨﯿﮟ؟ آپ ﺑﺪﮔﻤﺎﻧﯽ‬
‫ﮐﻮ ﺧﺘﻢ ﻧﮩﯿﮟ ﮐﺮ ﺳﮑﺘﮯ ﻟﯿﮑﻦ ﯾﻘﯿﻨًﺎ ﻋﻮاﻣﯽ زﻧﺪﮔﯽ ﻣﯿﮟ ﺧﻮاﺗﯿﻦ ﮐﯽ‬
‫ﺷﺮﮐﺖ ﮐﻮ ﻧﻈﺮ اﻧﺪاز ﮐﺮﻧﮯ ﭘﺮ ﺑﻨﺎﺋﮯ ﮔﺌﮯ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻮں ﺳﮯ دور اﯾﮏ اور‬
‫راﺳﺘﮧ ﮨﮯ۔‬
‫ ﺧﺎص ﻃﻮر ﭘﺮ اﮔﺮ وہ ﭘﺎﻟﯿﺴﯿﺎں‬،‫ﯾﮩﯽ وﺟﮧ ﮨﮯ ﮐﮧ زﺑﺎن ﮐﯽ اﮨﻤﯿﺖ ﮨﮯ‬
‫ﺑﻨﺎﺗﯽ ﮨﯿﮟ۔‬
‫ﯾﺎد ﮨﮯ ﺟﺐ ﮨﻢ ﻧﮯ اﻓﻐﺎﻧﻮں ﮐﻮ ’ﻏﻼﻣﯽ ﮐﯽ ﺑﯿﮍﯾﺎں ﺗﻮڑﻧﮯ‘ ﭘﺮ ﺟﺸﻦ‬
‫ﻣﻨﺎﯾﺎ ﺗﮭﺎ؟ اس ﻧﮯ ان ﻧﺘﺎﺋﺞ ﮐﮯ ﺑﺎرے ﻣﯿﮟ ﺳﻮﭼﻨﮯ ﮐﯽ ﮐﻤﯽ ﮐﺎ‬
‫ﻣﻈﺎﮨﺮہ ﮐﯿﺎ ﮐﮧ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎن ﮐﯽ اﻗﺘﺪار ﻣﯿﮟ واﭘﺴﯽ ﺳﮯ ﺧﻮاﺗﯿﻦ ﭘﺮ ﮐﯿﺎ‬
‫ اس ﺑﺎت ﮐﺎ ﮐﻮﺋﯽ اﺷﺎرہ ﻧﮩﯿﮟ ﮨﮯ ﮐﮧ ﻃ‬،‫اﺛﺮات ﻣﺮﺗﺐ ﮨﻮں ﮔﮯ۔ آج‬
‫ ﯾﺎ ﺣﮑﻮﻣﺖ ﻣﯿﮟ ﮐﺎم ﮐﺮﻧﮯ ﯾﺎ ﮐﺴﯽ‬،‫ﺎﻟﺒﺎن ﻟﮍﮐﯿﻮں ﮐﮯ ﻟﯿﮯ ﺛﺎﻧﻮی ﺗﻌﻠﯿﻢ‬
‫ﻣﺮد رﺷﺘﮧ دار ﮐﮯ ﺑﻐﯿﺮ دور ﺳﻔﺮ ﮐﺮﻧﮯ ﯾﺎ ﭘﺎرﮐﻮں ﻣﯿﮟ ﺟﺎﻧﮯ ﭘﺮ‬
‫ﭘﺎﺑﻨﺪی ﮐﺐ ﺧﺘﻢ ﮐﺮﯾﮟ ﮔﮯ۔ ﺻﺤﺖ ﮐﯽ دﯾﮑﮫ ﺑﮭﺎل ﮐﮯ ﺷﻌﺒﮯ ﮐﯽ‬
‫ﻃﺮح ﺳﻤﺎﺟﯽ ﺧﺪﻣﺎت ﮐﯽ ﺣﺎﻟﺖ اﺑﺘﺮ ﮨﮯ۔ ﻣﻠﮏ ﮐﯽ ﺗﺮﻗﯽ ﻣﯿﮟ‬
‫ﺧﻮاﺗﯿﻦ ﮐﯽ ﺷﺮﮐﺖ ﭘﺮ اس ﭘﺎﺑﻨﺪی ﮐﯽ ﻗﯿﻤﺖ ﮨﮯ۔ ﯾﻮ اﯾﻦ ڈی ﭘﯽ ﻧﮯ‬
‫ ﻣﻠﮏ ﮐﯽ ﺟﯽ ڈی ﭘﯽ ﮐﺎ‬:‫اس ﭘﺮ اﯾﮏ اﻋﺪاد و ﺷﻤﺎر ﭘﯿﺶ ﮐﯿﮯ‬
‫ﺗﺨﻤﯿﻨﮧ ﭘﺎﻧﭻ ﻓﯿﺼﺪ۔‬
 Monday
18 February
Perhaps one way forward is to stop thinking of
issues as women’s issues. No issue only impacts
women — be it her health or her freedom of
movement. Women’s issues impact everyone; they
require urgent redressal, which won’t happen if their
well-being is an afterthought; if she herself
perceives her safety, health, access to services was
not taken into consideration when creating XYZ
policy.
We should strive to live in a country where people
think twice before saying something sexist for
ratings or giggles. Instead, we live in a country
where the portrayal of toxic masculinity, domestic
violence and regressive female roles are considered
ratings gold. Our pace of reforms towards gender
equality is painfully slow. We ranked 142 out of 146
countries on the Global Gender Gap report in 2023;
it was 145 out of 146 in 2022. This is nothing to
cheer.
The small optimist in me says things don’t have to
be this way. Pakistan doesn’t have to keep featuring
in lists of worst countries for women’s rights. That
there is more to women than their reproductive
ability or place in the family or ties to power.
I understand the new government has the economy
as its foremost priority but stability cannot come if
half the country’s demographic is ignored. Policies
must include contributions women can make in
stabilising Pakistan. Investments must be made in
sectors that will enable their full participation,
starting with health and education, which will lead
to an increase in the labour force. All TV analysts
are saying the new government has to take tough
decisions. I hope they will make the right ones, too.
The writer is an instructor of journalism.
X: @LedeingLady
Published in Dawn, February 18th, 2024
Controlled chaos? Think not
Abbas Nasir
The writer is a former editor of Dawn.
HOPES of clarity after the Feb 8 elections have
evaporated and a country, perennially in the midst
of a crisis, now appears gripped by chaos and in a
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‫ﺷﺎﯾﺪ آﮔﮯ ﺑﮍﮬﻨﮯ ﮐﺎ اﯾﮏ ﻃﺮﯾﻘﮧ ﯾﮧ ﮨﮯ ﮐﮧ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﮐﻮ ﺧﻮاﺗﯿﻦ ﮐﮯ‬
‫ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﮐﮯ ﻃﻮر ﭘﺮ ﺳﻮﭼﻨﺎ ﭼﮭﻮڑ دﯾﺎ ﺟﺎﺋﮯ۔ ﮐﻮﺋﯽ ﻣﺴﺌﻠﮧ ﺻﺮف‬
‫ ﭼﺎﮨﮯ وہ اس ﮐﯽ ﺻﺤﺖ ﮨﻮ ﯾﺎ اس‬- ‫ﺧﻮاﺗﯿﻦ ﭘﺮ اﺛﺮ اﻧﺪاز ﻧﮩﯿﮟ ﮨﻮﺗﺎ‬
‫ﮐﯽ ﻧﻘﻞ و ﺣﺮﮐﺖ ﮐﯽ آزادی۔ ﺧﻮاﺗﯿﻦ ﮐﮯ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺳﺐ ﭘﺮ اﺛﺮ اﻧﺪاز‬
‫ ﺟﻮ اس ﺻﻮرت ﻣﯿﮟ‬،‫ﮨﻮﺗﮯ ﮨﯿﮟ۔ اﻧﮩﯿﮟ ﻓﻮری ازاﻟﮯ ﮐﯽ ﺿﺮورت ﮨﮯ‬
‫ﻧﮩﯿﮟ ﮨﻮﮔﺎ ﺟﺐ ان ﮐﯽ ﻓﻼح و ﺑﮩﺒﻮد ﮐﮯ ﺑﺎرے ﻣﯿﮟ ﺳﻮﭼﺎ ﮔﯿﺎ ﮨﻮ۔‬
‫ ﭘﺎﻟﯿﺴﯽ‬XYZ ،‫ ﺻﺤﺖ ﮐﻮ ﺳﻤﺠﮭﺘﯽ ﮨﮯ‬،‫اﮔﺮ وہ ﺧﻮد اﭘﻨﯽ ﺣﻔﺎﻇﺖ‬
‫ﺑﻨﺎﺗﮯ وﻗﺖ ﺧﺪﻣﺎت ﺗﮏ رﺳﺎﺋﯽ ﮐﻮ ﻣﺪﻧﻈﺮ ﻧﮩﯿﮟ رﮐﮭﺎ ﮔﯿﺎ ﺗﮭﺎ۔‬
‫ﮨﻤﯿﮟ اﯾﺴﮯ ﻣﻠﮏ ﻣﯿﮟ رﮨﻨﮯ ﮐﯽ ﮐﻮﺷﺶ ﮐﺮﻧﯽ ﭼﺎﮨﯿﮯ ﺟﮩﺎں ﻟﻮگ‬
‫رﯾﭩﻨﮓ ﯾﺎ ﮨﻨﺴﯽ ﻣﺬاق ﮐﮯ ﻟﯿﮯ ﺳﯿﮑﺴﺴﭧ ﮐﮩﻨﮯ ﺳﮯ ﭘﮩﻠﮯ دو ﺑﺎر‬
‫ ﮨﻢ اﯾﮏ اﯾﺴﮯ ﻣﻠﮏ ﻣﯿﮟ رﮨﺘﮯ ﮨﯿﮟ ﺟﮩﺎں‬،‫ﺳﻮﭼﯿﮟ۔ اس ﮐﮯ ﺑﺠﺎﺋﮯ‬
‫ ﮔﮭﺮﯾﻠﻮ ﺗﺸﺪد اور رﺟﻌﺖ ﭘﺴﻨﺪ ﺧﻮاﺗﯿﻦ ﮐﮯ‬،‫زﮨﺮﯾﻠﯽ ﻣﺮداﻧﮕﯽ‬
‫ﮐﺮداروں ﮐﯽ ﺗﺼﻮﯾﺮ ﮐﺸﯽ ﮐﻮ ﺳﻮﻧﮯ ﮐﺎ درﺟﮧ ﺳﻤﺠﮭﺎ ﺟﺎﺗﺎ ﮨﮯ۔‬
‫ﺻﻨﻔﯽ ﻣﺴﺎوات ﮐﯽ ﻃﺮف ﮨﻤﺎری اﺻﻼﺣﺎت ﮐﯽ رﻓﺘﺎر ﺗﮑﻠﯿﻒ دہ‬
‫ ﻣﯿﮟ ﮔﻠﻮﺑﻞ ﺟﯿﻨﮉر ﮔﯿﭗ رﭘﻮرٹ‬2023 ‫ﻃﻮر ﭘﺮ ﺳﺴﺖ ﮨﮯ۔ ﮨﻢ ﻧﮯ‬
2022 ‫ ﮐﯽ درﺟﮧ ﺑﻨﺪی ﮐﯽ۔ ﯾﮧ‬142 ‫ ﻣﻤﺎﻟﮏ ﻣﯿﮟ ﺳﮯ‬146 ‫ﻣﯿﮟ‬
‫ ﺗﮭﺎ۔ ﯾﮧ ﺧﻮش ﮐﺮﻧﮯ ﮐﯽ ﮐﻮﺋﯽ ﺑﺎت ﻧﮩﯿﮟ‬145 ‫ ﻣﯿﮟ ﺳﮯ‬146 ‫ﻣﯿﮟ‬
‫ﮨﮯ‬
‫ﻣﺠﮫ ﻣﯿﮟ ﭼﮭﻮﭨﺎ اﻣﯿﺪ ﭘﺮﺳﺖ ﮐﮩﺘﺎ ﮨﮯ ﮐﮧ ﭼﯿﺰﯾﮟ اس ﻃﺮح ﻧﮩﯿﮟ‬
‫ﮨﻮﻧﯽ ﭼﺎﮨﺌﯿﮟ۔ ﭘﺎﮐﺴﺘﺎن ﮐﻮ ﺧﻮاﺗﯿﻦ ﮐﮯ ﺣﻘﻮق ﮐﮯ ﻟﯿﮯ ﺑﺪﺗﺮﯾﻦ ﻣﻤﺎﻟﮏ‬
‫ﮐﯽ ﻓﮩﺮﺳﺖ ﻣﯿﮟ ﺷﺎﻣﻞ رﮐﮭﻨﮯ ﮐﯽ ﺿﺮورت ﻧﮩﯿﮟ ﮨﮯ۔ ﮐﮧ ﺧﻮاﺗﯿﻦ‬
‫ﮐﮯ ﻟﯿﮯ ان ﮐﯽ ﺗﻮﻟﯿﺪی ﺻﻼﺣﯿﺖ ﯾﺎ ﺧﺎﻧﺪان ﻣﯿﮟ ﻣﻘﺎم ﯾﺎ اﻗﺘﺪار ﺳﮯ‬
‫ﺗﻌﻠﻖ ﺳﮯ زﯾﺎدہ ﮨﮯ۔‬
‫ﻣﯿﮟ ﺳﻤﺠﮭﺘﺎ ﮨﻮں ﮐﮧ ﻧﺌﯽ ﺣﮑﻮﻣﺖ ﮐﯽ اوﻟﯿﻦ ﺗﺮﺟﯿﺢ ﻣﻌﯿﺸﺖ ﮨﮯ‬
‫ﻟﯿﮑﻦ اﮔﺮ ﻣﻠﮏ ﮐﯽ ﻧﺼﻒ آﺑﺎدی ﮐﻮ ﻧﻈﺮ اﻧﺪاز ﮐﺮ دﯾﺎ ﺟﺎﺋﮯ ﺗﻮ‬
‫اﺳﺘﺤﮑﺎم ﻧﮩﯿﮟ آ ﺳﮑﺘﺎ۔ ﭘﺎﻟﯿﺴﯿﻮں ﻣﯿﮟ وہ ﮐﺮدار ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﮨﻮﻧﺎ ﭼﺎﮨﯿﮯ‬
‫ﺟﻮ ﭘﺎﮐﺴﺘﺎن ﮐﮯ اﺳﺘﺤﮑﺎم ﻣﯿﮟ ﺧﻮاﺗﯿﻦ ﮐﺮ ﺳﮑﺘﯽ ﮨﯿﮟ۔ اﯾﺴﮯ‬
‫ﺷﻌﺒﻮں ﻣﯿﮟ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﯾﮧ ﮐﺎری ﮐﯽ ﺟﺎﻧﯽ ﭼﺎﮨﯿﮯ ﺟﻮ ﺻﺤﺖ اور ﺗﻌﻠﯿﻢ‬
‫ ﺟﺲ ﺳﮯ‬،‫ﺳﮯ ﺷﺮوع ﮨﻮ ﮐﺮ ان ﮐﯽ ﻣﮑﻤﻞ ﺷﺮﮐﺖ ﮐﻮ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺑﻨﺎﺋﯿﮟ‬
‫اﻓﺮادی ﻗﻮت ﻣﯿﮟ اﺿﺎﻓﮧ ﮨﻮ ﮔﺎ۔ ﺗﻤﺎم ﭨﯽ وی ﺗﺠﺰﯾﮧ ﮐﺎر ﮐﮩﮧ رﮨﮯ ﮨﯿﮟ‬
‫ﮐﮧ ﻧﺌﯽ ﺣﮑﻮﻣﺖ ﮐﻮ ﺳﺨﺖ ﻓﯿﺼﻠﮯ ﮐﺮﻧﮯ ﮨﻮں ﮔﮯ۔ ﻣﺠﮭﮯ اﻣﯿﺪ ﮨﮯ ﮐﮧ‬
‫وہ ﺑﮭﯽ ﺻﺤﯿﺢ ﺑﻨﺎﺋﯿﮟ ﮔﮯ۔‬
‫ﮐ ﻨ ﭩ ﺮ و ل ا ﻓ ﺮ ا ﺗ ﻔ ﺮ ی؟ ﻧ ﮩ ﯿ ﮟ ﺳ ﻮ ﭼ ﻨ ﺎ‬
‫ﻋﺒﺎس ﻧﺎﺻﺮ‬
‫ﻣﺼﻨﻒ ڈان ﮐﮯ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ اﯾﮉﯾﭩﺮ ﮨﯿﮟ۔‬
‫ ﻓﺮوری ﮐﮯ اﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎت ﮐﮯ ﺑﻌﺪ واﺿﺢ ﮨﻮﻧﮯ ﮐﯽ اﻣﯿﺪﯾﮟ ﻣﻌﺪوم ﮨﻮ‬8
‫ اب‬،‫ ﺟﻮ ﺑﺎرﮨﺎ ﺑﺤﺮان ﮐﯽ ﻟﭙﯿﭧ ﻣﯿﮟ ﮨﮯ‬،‫ﮔﺌﯽ ﮨﯿﮟ اور اﯾﮏ ﻣﻠﮏ‬
 Monday
18 February
tailspin, with the wildest of speculation suddenly
acquiring an eminently plausible status. That is
where we are.
From the usually informed journalists and analysts
to the wildly swinging vloggers, everyone is
clueless. Truly so. Even more, columnists such as
this one. Would you stop reading if I own up to not
having any inside information? Perhaps you might,
and that’s a risk I have to take in being honest.
What I do know, and you too, is that Pakistan has
had endless experiments with military rule or, more
accurately, has had endless experiments conducted
by military rulers: from Ayub Khan’s martial law to
Basic Democracies to Ziaul Haq’s outright military
rule and then an attempted civilianisation of that via
a partyless election which produced a party-run
parliament.
And, more recently, the general-chief executive
whose martial law was cloaked in civvies but he
wielded absolute power from the centre of his
empire in Rawalpindi. At some point or the other,
each of these military rulers has suffered from a
crisis of legitimacy and tried to hide behind a
civilian façade. But, as a number of elections in
different eras have demonstrated, the people have
always had other ideas.
Endless political engineering experiments will
always result in some undesirable mutations.
On the other hand, rather than strengthen whatever
little democracy we have had, the democrats, who
are supposed to be its guardians, have turned for
help to forces inimical to democracy. Inimical
because it challenges and undermines their
primacy in decision-making and, more importantly,
in resource allocation exercises.
Such endless political engineering experiments will
always result in some undesirable mutations too.
What makes one feel awful is that in a country of
some 240 million people, an unacceptably large
chunk of which lives below the poverty line, it is the
shirtless who will end up bearing the brunt of the
fallout.
For those who truly believe in liberal, democratic
values and norms, it may me be difficult to digest
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‫اﻓﺮاﺗﻔﺮی ﮐﯽ ﻟﭙﯿﭧ ﻣﯿﮟ ﻧﻈﺮ آﺗﺎ ﮨﮯ اور ﻗﯿﺎس آراﺋﯿﻮں ﮐﯽ وﺟﮧ ﺳﮯ‬
‫اﭼﺎﻧﮏ اﯾﮏ ﻧﻤﺎﯾﺎں ﺣﯿﺜﯿﺖ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﮐﺮ ﻟﯿﺘﺎ ﮨﮯ۔ وﮨﯿﮟ ﮨﻢ ﮨﯿﮟ۔‬
‫ﻋﺎم ﻃﻮر ﭘﺮ ﺑﺎﺧﺒﺮ ﺻﺤﺎﻓﯿﻮں اور ﺗﺠﺰﯾﮧ ﮐﺎروں ﺳﮯ ﻟﮯ ﮐﺮ ﺟﻨﮕﻠﯽ‬
‫ ﮨﺮ ﮐﻮﺋﯽ ﺑﮯ ﺧﺒﺮ ﮨﮯ۔ واﻗﻌﯽ اﯾﺴﺎ۔‬،‫ﻃﻮر ﭘﺮ ﺟﮭﻮﻣﺘﮯ ﮨﻮﺋﮯ ﺑﻼﮔﺮز ﺗﮏ‬
‫ ﮐﺎﻟﻢ ﻧﮕﺎر اس ﻃﺮح ﮐﮯ۔ ﮐﯿﺎ آپ ﭘﮍﮬﻨﺎ ﭼﮭﻮڑ‬،‫اس ﺳﮯ ﺑﮭﯽ ﺑﮍھ ﮐﺮ‬
‫دﯾﮟ ﮔﮯ اﮔﺮ ﻣﯿﺮے ﭘﺎس ﮐﻮﺋﯽ اﻧﺪروﻧﯽ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎت ﻧﮩﯿﮟ ﮨﮯ؟ ﺷﺎﯾﺪ‬
‫ اور ﯾﮧ اﯾﮏ ﺧﻄﺮہ ﮨﮯ ﺟﻮ ﻣﺠﮭﮯ اﯾﻤﺎﻧﺪار ﮨﻮﻧﮯ ﻣﯿﮟ ﻟﯿﻨﺎ ﭘﮍے ﮔﺎ۔‬،‫آپ‬
‫ ﯾﮧ ﮨﮯ ﮐﮧ ﭘﺎﮐﺴﺘﺎن ﻧﮯ ﻓﻮﺟﯽ‬،‫ اور آپ ﮐﻮ ﺑﮭﯽ‬،‫ﻣﯿﮟ ﮐﯿﺎ ﺟﺎﻧﺘﺎ ﮨﻮں‬
‫ﺣﮑﻤﺮاﻧﯽ ﮐﮯ ﻻﻣﺘﻨﺎﮨﯽ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﺎت ﮐﯿﮯ ﮨﯿﮟ ﯾﺎ زﯾﺎدہ درﺳﺖ ﺑﺎت ﯾﮧ ﮨﮯ‬
‫ اﯾﻮب ﺧﺎن ﮐﮯ‬:‫ﮐﮧ ﻓﻮﺟﯽ ﺣﮑﻤﺮاﻧﻮں ﮐﮯ ﻻﻣﺘﻨﺎﮨﯽ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﺎت ﮨﻮﺋﮯ ﮨﯿﮟ‬
‫ ﺿﯿﺎءاﻟﺤﻖ ﮐﯽ ﻣﮑﻤﻞ‬،‫ﻣﺎرﺷﻞ ﻻء ﺳﮯ ﻟﮯ ﮐﺮ ﺑﻨﯿﺎدی ﺟﻤﮩﻮرﯾﺘﻮں ﺗﮏ‬
‫ﻓﻮﺟﯽ ﺣﮑﻤﺮاﻧﯽ ﺗﮏ اﯾﮏ ﭘﺎرﭨﯽ ﮐﮯ ﺑﻐﯿﺮ اﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎت ﮐﮯ ذرﯾﻌﮯ اس‬
‫ﮐﻮ ﺷﮩﺮی ﺑﻨﺎﻧﮯ ﮐﯽ ﮐﻮﺷﺶ ﮐﯽ ﺟﺲ ﻧﮯ ﭘﺎرﭨﯽ ﮐﮯ زﯾﺮ اﻧﺘﻈﺎم‬
‫ﭘﺎرﻟﯿﻤﻨﭧ ﺗﯿﺎر ﮐﯽ۔‬
‫ وہ ﺟﻨﺮل ﭼﯿﻒ اﯾﮕﺰﯾﮑﭩﻮ ﺟﺲ ﮐﮯ ﻣﺎرﺷﻞ ﻻء‬،‫ ﺣﺎل ﮨﯽ ﻣﯿﮟ‬،‫اور‬
‫ﮐﻮ ﺳﻮﻟﯿﻮں ﮐﺎ ﻟﺒﺎدہ اوڑھ ﻟﯿﺎ ﮔﯿﺎ ﺗﮭﺎ ﻟﯿﮑﻦ اس ﻧﮯ راوﻟﭙﻨﮉی ﻣﯿﮟ‬
‫اﭘﻨﯽ ﺳﻠﻄﻨﺖ ﮐﮯ ﻣﺮﮐﺰ ﺳﮯ ﻣﻄﻠﻖ اﻗﺘﺪار ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﮐﯿﺎ۔ ﮐﺴﯽ ﻧﮧ ﮐﺴﯽ‬
‫ ان ﻓﻮﺟﯽ ﺣﮑﻤﺮاﻧﻮں ﻣﯿﮟ ﺳﮯ ﮨﺮ اﯾﮏ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﯽ ﺣﯿﺜﯿﺖ ﮐﮯ‬،‫ﻣﻮﻗﻊ ﭘﺮ‬
‫ﺑﺤﺮان ﺳﮯ دوﭼﺎر ﮨﻮا ﮨﮯ اور اس ﻧﮯ ﺳﻮﯾﻠﯿﻦ ﭼﮩﺮے ﮐﮯ ﭘﯿﭽﮭﮯ‬
‫ ﺟﯿﺴﺎ ﮐﮧ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ادوار ﻣﯿﮟ ﮨﻮﻧﮯ و‬،‫ﭼﮭﭙﻨﮯ ﮐﯽ ﮐﻮﺷﺶ ﮐﯽ۔ ﻟﯿﮑﻦ‬
‫ ﻟﻮﮔﻮں ﮐﮯ ذﮨﻦ ﻣﯿﮟ ﮨﻤﯿﺸﮧ‬،‫اﻟﮯ ﻣﺘﻌﺪد اﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎت ﻧﮯ ﻇﺎﮨﺮ ﮐﯿﺎ ﮨﮯ‬
‫دوﺳﺮے ﺧﯿﺎﻻت ﺗﮭﮯ۔‬
‫ﻻﻣﺘﻨﺎﮨﯽ ﺳﯿﺎﺳﯽ اﻧﺠﯿﻨﺌﺮﻧﮓ ﮐﮯ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﺎت ﮐﮯ ﻧﺘﯿﺠﮯ ﻣﯿﮟ ﮨﻤﯿﺸﮧ‬
‫ﮐﭽﮫ ﻧﺎﭘﺴﻨﺪﯾﺪہ ﺗﻐﯿﺮات ﭘﯿﺪا ﮨﻮﺗﮯ ﮨﯿﮟ۔‬
،‫ ﮨﻤﺎرے ﭘﺎس ﺟﻮ ﺑﮭﯽ ﭼﮭﻮﭨﯽ ﺳﯽ ﺟﻤﮩﻮرﯾﺖ ﮨﮯ‬،‫دوﺳﺮی ﻃﺮف‬
‫ ﺟﻨﮩﯿﮟ اس ﮐﮯ‬،‫ ﺟﻤﮩﻮرﯾﺖ ﭘﺴﻨﺪ‬،‫اﺳﮯ ﻣﻀﺒﻮط ﮐﺮﻧﮯ ﮐﮯ ﺑﺠﺎﺋﮯ‬
‫ ﺟﻤﮩﻮرﯾﺖ ﮐﮯ ﺧﻼف دﺷﻤﻦ ﻗﻮﺗﻮں ﮐﯽ‬،‫ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻆ ﺳﻤﺠﮭﺎ ﺟﺎﺗﺎ ﮨﮯ‬
‫ﻣﺪد ﮐﮯ ﻟﯿﮯ رﺟﻮع ﮐﺮ ﻟﯿﺎ ﮨﮯ۔ دﺷﻤﻨﯽ اس ﻟﯿﮯ ﮐﮧ ﯾﮧ ﻓﯿﺼﻠﮧ ﺳﺎزی‬
‫اور زﯾﺎدہ اﮨﻢ ﺑﺎت ﯾﮧ ﮨﮯ ﮐﮧ وﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﻣﺨﺘﺺ ﮐﺮﻧﮯ ﮐﯽ ﻣﺸﻘﻮں ﻣﯿﮟ‬
‫ان ﮐﯽ ﺑﺮﺗﺮی ﮐﻮ ﭼﯿﻠﻨﺞ اور ﮐﻤﺰور ﮐﺮﺗﺎ ﮨﮯ۔‬
‫اس ﻃﺮح ﮐﮯ ﻻﻣﺘﻨﺎﮨﯽ ﺳﯿﺎﺳﯽ اﻧﺠﯿﻨﺌﺮﻧﮓ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﺎت ﮐﮯ ﻧﺘﯿﺠﮯ ﻣﯿﮟ‬
‫ﮨﻤﯿﺸﮧ ﮐﭽﮫ ﻧﺎﭘﺴﻨﺪﯾﺪہ ﺗﻐﯿﺮات ﺑﮭﯽ ﮨﻮں ﮔﮯ۔ ﺟﻮ ﭼﯿﺰ ﮐﺴﯽ ﮐﻮ‬
‫ ﻣﻠﯿﻦ آﺑﺎدی و‬240 ‫ﺧﻮﻓﻨﺎک ﻣﺤﺴﻮس ﮐﺮﺗﯽ ﮨﮯ وہ ﯾﮧ ﮨﮯ ﮐﮧ ﺗﻘﺮﯾﺒًﺎ‬
‫ ﺟﺲ ﮐﺎ اﯾﮏ ﻧﺎﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻗﺒﻮل ﺣﺼﮧ ﻏﺮﺑﺖ ﮐﯽ ﻟﮑﯿﺮ ﺳﮯ‬،‫اﻟﮯ ﻣﻠﮏ ﻣﯿﮟ‬
‫ ﯾﮧ ﺑﻐﯿﺮ ﻗﻤﯿﺾ ﮐﮯ ﻟﻮگ ﮨﯽ ﮨﯿﮟ ﺟﻮ اس‬،‫ﻧﯿﭽﮯ زﻧﺪﮔﯽ ﺑﺴﺮ ﮐﺮﺗﺎ ﮨﮯ‬
‫ﮐﮯ ﻧﺘﺎﺋﺞ ﮐﺎ ﺧﻤﯿﺎزہ ﺑﮭﮕﺘﯿﮟ ﮔﮯ۔‬
‫ ﺟﻤﮩﻮری اﻗﺪار اور‬،‫ان ﻟﻮﮔﻮں ﮐﮯ ﻟﯿﮯ ﺟﻮ ﺣﻘﯿﻘﯽ ﻣﻌﻨﻮں ﻣﯿﮟ ﻟﺒﺮل‬
‫ ﻣﯿﺮے ﻟﯿﮯ ﯾﮧ ﺑﺎت ﮨﻀﻢ ﮐﺮﻧﺎ ﻣﺸﮑﻞ ﮨﻮ‬،‫اﺻﻮﻟﻮں ﭘﺮ ﯾﻘﯿﻦ رﮐﮭﺘﮯ ﮨﯿﮟ‬
 Monday
18 February
but, after the failure of both outright and brazen
military rule and politically-engineered hybrid set-
ups, the inevitability of civilian-led authoritarianism
or our version of fascism stares us in the face.
I’d be happy to say, for once, what we have is
controlled chaos aimed at crisis management, but it
does not appear that way, does it? The control over
the ‘narrative’ has been lost. Daily revelations from
those long acknowledged as democrats with ties to
non-democrats, to civil servants whose ‘conscience’
has suddenly awakened (but not sufficiently to
point to the elephant in the room) is also
symptomatic of friction within, if not a breakdown.
This is where we are. So, what is the way forward, if
there is one, at all? Well, given the utter chaos in
which we find ourselves, the path ahead looks
neither mapped nor clear. It is equally true that the
country and the people are being pulled in different
directions.
Indeed, the media is to blame for some of the
hysteria we are witnessing today, but it is not guilty
of triggering or generating it. Admittedly, with
demands of the 24x7 rolling news formats, the
media may be contributing to the madness by
highlighting the chaos on a loop, but it isn’t creating
it.
If a commentator like me suggests the only way
forward that is viable, sustainable and workable
with the capacity to deliver stability, I can be certain
many friends and foes alike will accuse of me being
utopian, divorced from the real world around us.
You know what? It is rather late in life for me to
change. So here it is. The only sane way forward,
like my good friend Umar Aftab suggested on social
media, is to have a genuine and credible truth and
reconciliation process, modelled after the Bishop
Desmond Tutu-led South African exercise.
There is no other way. All parties, civilian or
otherwise, who consider themselves players or
contenders in the power game being played in the
country today can either move towards such a
process, or stay adamant in remaining where they
are.
The only thing I can say with certainty is that the
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‫ ﺻﺮﯾﺢ اور ڈﮬﭩﺎﺋﯽ ﺳﮯ ﻓﻮﺟﯽ ﺣﮑﻤﺮاﻧﯽ اور ﺳﯿﺎﺳﯽ‬،‫ﺳﮑﺘﺎ ﮨﮯ ﻟﯿﮑﻦ‬
،‫ﻃﻮر ﭘﺮ ﺗﯿﺎر ﮐﯿﮯ ﮔﺌﮯ ﮨﺎﺋﺒﺮڈ ﺳﯿﭧ اپ دوﻧﻮں ﮐﯽ ﻧﺎﮐﺎﻣﯽ ﮐﮯ ﺑﻌﺪ‬
‫ﺳﻮﯾﻠﯿﻦ ﮐﯽ ﻗﯿﺎدت ﻣﯿﮟ آﻣﺮﯾﺖ ﮐﯽ ﻧﺎﮔﺰﯾﺮﯾﺖ ﯾﺎ ﮨﻤﺎری ﻓﺎﺷﺰم ﮐﺎ‬
‫ورژن ﮨﻤﯿﮟ ﭼﮩﺮے ﭘﺮ ﮔﮭﻮرﺗﺎ ﮨﮯ۔‬
‫ ﮨﻤﺎرے ﭘﺎس‬،‫ اﯾﮏ ﺑﺎر ﮐﮯ ﻟﯿﮯ‬،‫ﻣﺠﮭﮯ ﯾﮧ ﮐﮩﺘﮯ ﮨﻮﺋﮯ ﺧﻮﺷﯽ ﮨﻮﮔﯽ‬
‫ ﻟﯿﮑﻦ‬،‫ﺟﻮ اﻧﺘﺸﺎر ﭘﺮ ﻗﺎﺑﻮ ﭘﺎﻧﺎ ﮨﮯ ﺟﺲ ﮐﺎ ﻣﻘﺼﺪ ﺑﺤﺮاﻧﯽ اﻧﺘﻈﺎم ﮨﮯ‬
‫ ﮐﯿﺎ اﯾﺴﺎ ﮨﮯ؟ ’ﺑﯿﺎﻧﯿﮧ‘ ﭘﺮ ﮐﻨﭩﺮول ﺧﺘﻢ ﮨﻮ‬،‫ﯾﮧ اس ﻃﺮح ﻧﻈﺮ ﻧﮩﯿﮟ آﺗﺎ‬
‫ﭼﮑﺎ ﮨﮯ۔ ﻏﯿﺮ ﺟﻤﮩﻮرﯾﺖ ﭘﺴﻨﺪوں ﺳﮯ ﺗﻌﻠﻘﺎت رﮐﮭﻨﮯ واﻟﮯ‬
،‫ڈﯾﻤﻮﮐﺮﯾﭩﺲ ﮐﮯ ﻃﻮر ﭘﺮ ﻃﻮﯾﻞ ﻋﺮﺻﮯ ﺳﮯ ﺗﺴﻠﯿﻢ ﮐﯿﮯ ﺟﺎﻧﮯ واﻟﮯ‬
‫ان ﺳﺮﮐﺎری ﻣﻼزﻣﯿﻦ ﮐﮯ ﻟﯿﮯ ﺟﻦ ﮐﺎ 'ﺿﻤﯿﺮ' اﭼﺎﻧﮏ ﺑﯿﺪار ﮨﻮ ﮔﯿﺎ ﮨﮯ‬
(‫)ﻟﯿﮑﻦ ﮐﻤﺮے ﻣﯿﮟ ﮨﺎﺗﮭﯽ ﮐﯽ ﻃﺮف اﺷﺎرہ ﮐﺮﻧﮯ ﮐﮯ ﻟﯿﮯ ﮐﺎﻓﯽ ﻧﮩﯿﮟ‬
‫ اﮔﺮ ﺧﺮاﺑﯽ‬،‫ﮐﮯ روزاﻧﮧ اﻧﮑﺸﺎﻓﺎت ﺑﮭﯽ اﻧﺪر ﮐﯽ رﮔﮍ ﮐﯽ ﻋﻼﻣﺖ ﮨﯿﮟ‬
‫ﻧﮩﯿﮟ ﺗﻮ۔‬
‫ اﮔﺮ ﮐﻮﺋﯽ ﮨﮯ‬،‫ آﮔﮯ ﮐﺎ راﺳﺘﮧ ﮐﯿﺎ ﮨﮯ‬،‫ﯾﮧ وہ ﺟﮕﮧ ﮨﮯ ﺟﮩﺎں ﮨﻢ ﮨﯿﮟ۔ ﺗﻮ‬
‫ اس ﺳﺮاﺳﺮ اﻓﺮاﺗﻔﺮی ﮐﻮ دﯾﮑﮭﺘﮯ ﮨﻮﺋﮯ ﺟﺲ‬،‫ ﺑﺎﻟﮑﻞ؟ ﭨﮭﯿﮏ ﮨﮯ‬،‫ﺗﻮ‬
‫ آﮔﮯ ﮐﺎ راﺳﺘﮧ ﻧﮧ ﻧﻘﺸﮧ ﺑﻨﺎ ﮨﻮا ﮨﮯ اور ﻧﮧ‬،‫ﻣﯿﮟ ﮨﻢ ﺧﻮد ﮐﻮ ﭘﺎﺗﮯ ﮨﯿﮟ‬
‫ﮨﯽ ﺻﺎف دﮐﮭﺎﺋﯽ دﯾﺘﺎ ﮨﮯ۔ ﯾﮧ ﺑﮭﯽ اﺗﻨﺎ ﮨﯽ ﺳﭻ ﮨﮯ ﮐﮧ ﻣﻠﮏ اور‬
‫ﻋﻮام ﮐﻮ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺳﻤﺘﻮں ﻣﯿﮟ ﮐﮭﯿﻨﭽﺎ ﺟﺎ رﮨﺎ ﮨﮯ۔‬
‫ آج ﮨﻢ ﺟﺲ ﮨﺴﭩﯿﺮﯾﺎ ﮐﺎ ﻣﺸﺎﮨﺪہ ﮐﺮ رﮨﮯ ﮨﯿﮟ ان ﻣﯿﮟ ﺳﮯ‬،‫درﺣﻘﯿﻘﺖ‬
‫ ﻟﯿﮑﻦ اﺳﮯ ﻣﺘﺤﺮک ﮐﺮﻧﮯ ﯾﺎ ﭘﯿﺪا‬،‫ﮐﭽﮫ ﮐﮯ ﻟﯿﮯ ﻣﯿﮉﯾﺎ ذﻣﮧ دار ﮨﮯ‬
‫ روﻟﻨﮓ ﻧﯿﻮز‬24x7 ،‫ﮐﺮﻧﮯ ﻣﯿﮟ وہ ﻗﺼﻮر وار ﻧﮩﯿﮟ ﮨﮯ۔ ﺑﻼﺷﺒﮧ‬
‫ ﻣﯿﮉﯾﺎ اﯾﮏ ﻟﻮپ ﭘﺮ اﻓﺮاﺗﻔﺮی ﮐﻮ‬،‫ﻓﺎرﻣﯿﭩﺲ ﮐﮯ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﺎت ﮐﮯ ﺳﺎﺗﮫ‬
‫ ﻟﯿﮑﻦ ﯾﮧ اﺳﮯ ﭘﯿﺪا ﻧﮩﯿﮟ‬،‫اﺟﺎﮔﺮ ﮐﺮﮐﮯ ﭘﺎﮔﻞ ﭘﻦ ﻣﯿﮟ ﺣﺼﮧ ڈال رﮨﺎ ﮨﮯ‬
‫ﮐﺮ رﮨﺎ ﮨﮯ۔‬
‫اﮔﺮ ﻣﺠﮫ ﺟﯿﺴﺎ ﮐﻮﺋﯽ ﺗﺒﺼﺮہ ﻧﮕﺎر آﮔﮯ ﺑﮍﮬﻨﮯ ﮐﺎ واﺣﺪ راﺳﺘﮧ ﺑﺘﺎﺗﺎ‬
،‫ﮨﮯ ﺟﻮ ﮐﮧ اﺳﺘﺤﮑﺎم ﻓﺮاﮨﻢ ﮐﺮﻧﮯ ﮐﯽ ﺻﻼﺣﯿﺖ ﮐﮯ ﺳﺎﺗﮫ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻋﻤﻞ‬
‫ ﺗﻮ ﻣﯿﮟ ﯾﻘﯿﻦ ﺳﮯ ﮐﮩﮧ ﺳﮑﺘﺎ ﮨﻮں ﮐﮧ ﺑﮩﺖ‬،‫ﭘﺎﺋﯿﺪار اور ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻋﻤﻞ ﮨﻮ‬
‫ﺳﮯ دوﺳﺖ اور دﺷﻤﻦ ﯾﮑﺴﺎں ﻃﻮر ﭘﺮ ﻣﺠﮫ ﭘﺮ ﯾﻮﭨﻮﭘﯿﺎﺋﯽ ﮨﻮﻧﮯ ﮐﺎ‬
‫ ﮨﻤﺎرے ارد ﮔﺮد ﮐﯽ ﺣﻘﯿﻘﯽ دﻧﯿﺎ ﺳﮯ اﻟﮓ ﮨﻮ ﭼﮑﮯ‬،‫اﻟﺰام ﻟﮕﺎﺋﯿﮟ ﮔﮯ‬
‫ﮨﯿﮟ۔‬
‫ﺗﻢ ﺟﺎﻧﺘﮯ ﮨﻮ ﮐﯿﺎ ﻣﺠﮭﮯ ﺗﺒﺪﯾﻞ ﮐﺮﻧﮯ ﻣﯿﮟ زﻧﺪﮔﯽ ﮐﯽ دﯾﺮ ﮨﻮﭼﮑﯽ ﮨﮯ۔‬
‫ﺗﻮ ﯾﮧ ﮨﮯ۔ ﺑﺸﭗ ڈﯾﺴﻤﻮﻧﮉ ﺗﻮﺗﻮ ﮐﯽ زﯾﺮﻗﯿﺎدت ﺟﻨﻮﺑﯽ اﻓﺮﯾﻘﮧ ﮐﯽ‬
‫ ﻣﯿﺮے اﭼﮭﮯ دوﺳﺖ ﻋﻤﺮ‬، ‫ﻣﺸﻖ ﮐﮯ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻣﺎڈل ﺑﻨﺎﺋﮯ ﺟﺎﻧﮯ واﻟﮯ‬
‫ ﺳﻮﺷﻞ ﻣﯿﮉﯾﺎ ﭘﺮ ﺗﺠﻮﯾﺰ ﮐﺮدہ ﺻﺮف اﯾﮏ ﮨﯽ‬، ‫آﻓﺘﺎب ﮐﯽ ﻃﺮح‬
‫ﺳﻤﺠﮭﺪار راﺳﺘﮧ ﮨﮯ۔‬
‫ ﺳﻮﯾﻠﯿﻦ ﯾﺎ‬،‫اس ﮐﮯ ﻋﻼوہ ﮐﻮﺋﯽ راﺳﺘﮧ ﻧﮩﯿﮟ ﮨﮯ۔ ﺗﻤﺎم ﺟﻤﺎﻋﺘﯿﮟ‬
‫ ﺟﻮ آج ﻣﻠﮏ ﻣﯿﮟ ﮐﮭﯿﻠﮯ ﺟﺎﻧﮯ واﻟﮯ ﭘﺎور ﮔﯿﻢ ﻣﯿﮟ‬،‫ﺑﺼﻮرت دﯾﮕﺮ‬
‫ ﯾﺎ ﺗﻮ اﯾﺴﮯ ﻋﻤﻞ ﮐﯽ‬،‫ﺧﻮد ﮐﻮ ﮐﮭﻼڑی ﯾﺎ دﻋﻮﯾﺪار ﺳﻤﺠﮭﺘﮯ ﮨﯿﮟ‬
‫ ﯾﺎ ﺟﮩﺎں ﮨﯿﮟ وﮨﯿﮟ رﮨﻨﮯ ﭘﺮ اﭨﻞ رﮨﯿﮟ ﮔﮯ۔‬،‫ﻃﺮف ﺑﮍھ ﺳﮑﺘﮯ ﮨﯿﮟ‬
‫ﻣﯿﮟ ﯾﻘﯿﻦ ﮐﮯ ﺳﺎﺗﮫ ﺻﺮف اﺗﻨﺎ ﮐﮩﮧ ﺳﮑﺘﺎ ﮨﻮں ﮐﮧ ﺟﻤﻮد ﺑﺎﮨﻤﯽ ﻃﻮر‬
 Monday
18 February
status quo guarantees mutually assured
destruction. Not of the Cold War type, of course, but
with broadly similar consequences for the power
aspirants. There will be no spoils after this war is
over; only losers.
And among the various power players in this
blighted land of ours, the biggest burden will again
fall on those who claim the mantle of democrats for
themselves. The process needs to be initiated and
initiated now in earnest, and needs to be steered by
those in the country who remain credible,
trustworthy and non-controversial.
Edhi may not be among us anymore, but there are
others. If you ask me, I can count a dozen people, at
least, if not more. I am sure, so can you. In fact,
each one of us can draw up our own list. I know
suggesting a truth and reconciliation exercise in
such a wounded, fragmented society isn’t utopia.
I also know that expecting both our power-hungry or
perpetually power-drunk, often ego-driven
narcissistic players to sit around a table while
keeping in sharp focus the faces, the aspirations, of
the millions of those struggling to feed their
children and send them to school, will indeed be
utopianism.
At this stage, the best likely outcome one can
visualise is this rot lasting for another 12, possibly
18 months. What then? The power players don’t
care. You and I don’t count.
The writer is a former editor of Dawn.
abbas.nasir@hotmail.com
Published in Dawn, February 18th, 2024
Blackout to backlash
Muhammad Amir Rana
The writer is a security analyst.
IT all started with the nationwide suspension of
mobile phone services on election day. Poll
managers might not have realised that this
suspension would aggravate political chaos, which
could lead towards a demand for fresh elections.
Though the caretaker government claimed it had
suspended mobile phone services due to security
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،‫ﭘﺮ ﯾﻘﯿﻨﯽ ﺗﺒﺎﮨﯽ ﮐﯽ ﺿﻤﺎﻧﺖ دﯾﺘﺎ ﮨﮯ۔ ﺳﺮد ﺟﻨﮓ ﮐﯽ ﻗﺴﻢ ﮐﺎ ﻧﮩﯿﮟ‬
‫ ﻟﯿﮑﻦ اﻗﺘﺪار ﮐﮯ ﺧﻮاﮨﺸﻤﻨﺪوں ﮐﮯ ﻟﯿﮯ وﺳﯿﻊ ﭘﯿﻤﺎﻧﮯ ﭘﺮ اﺳﯽ‬،‫ﯾﻘﯿﻨًﺎ‬
‫ﻃﺮح ﮐﮯ ﻧﺘﺎﺋﺞ ﮐﮯ ﺳﺎﺗﮫ۔ اس ﺟﻨﮓ ﮐﮯ ﺧﺘﻢ ﮨﻮﻧﮯ ﮐﮯ ﺑﻌﺪ ﮐﻮﺋﯽ‬
.‫ﻏﻨﯿﻤﺖ ﻧﮩﯿﮟ ﮨﻮﮔﺎ۔ ﺻﺮف ﮨﺎرﻧﮯ واﻟﮯ‬
‫اور ﮨﻤﺎری اس دﮬﻨﺪﻟﯽ ﺳﺮزﻣﯿﻦ ﻣﯿﮟ ﻃﺎﻗﺖ ﮐﮯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﮐﮭﻼڑﯾﻮں‬
‫ ﺳﺐ ﺳﮯ ﺑﮍا ﺑﻮﺟﮫ ﭘﮭﺮ ان ﻟﻮﮔﻮں ﭘﺮ ﭘﮍے ﮔﺎ ﺟﻮ اﭘﻨﮯ ﻟﯿﮯ‬،‫ﻣﯿﮟ ﺳﮯ‬
‫ی ﮐﺮﺗﮯ ﮨﯿﮟ۔ اس ﻋﻤﻞ ﮐﻮ اب ﺳﻨﺠﯿﺪﮔﯽ ﺳﮯ‬ ٰ ‫ﺟﻤﮩﻮرﯾﺖ ﮐﺎ دﻋﻮ‬
‫ اور ﻣﻠﮏ ﻣﯿﮟ ان‬،‫ﺷﺮوع ﮐﺮﻧﮯ اور ﺷﺮوع ﮐﺮﻧﮯ ﮐﯽ ﺿﺮورت ﮨﮯ‬
‫ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ اﻋﺘﻤﺎد اور‬،‫ﻟﻮﮔﻮں ﮐﻮ ﭼﻼﻧﮯ ﮐﯽ ﺿﺮورت ﮨﮯ ﺟﻮ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ اﻋﺘﻤﺎد‬
‫ﻏﯿﺮ ﻣﺘﻨﺎزﻋﮧ رﮨﯿﮟ۔‬
‫اﯾﺪﮬﯽ ﺷﺎﯾﺪ اب ﮨﻢ ﻣﯿﮟ ﻧﮩﯿﮟ رﮨﮯ ﻟﯿﮑﻦ اور ﺑﮭﯽ ﮨﯿﮟ۔ اﮔﺮ آپ‬
‫ ﮐﻢ‬،‫ ﻣﯿﮟ اﯾﮏ درﺟﻦ ﻟﻮﮔﻮں ﮐﻮ ﮔﻦ ﺳﮑﺘﺎ ﮨﻮں‬،‫ﻣﺠﮫ ﺳﮯ ﭘﻮﭼﮭﯿﮟ ﺗﻮ‬
‫ آپ ﺑﮭﯽ ﮐﺮ ﺳﮑﺘﮯ ﮨﯿﮟ۔‬،‫ اﮔﺮ زﯾﺎدہ ﻧﮩﯿﮟ۔ ﻣﺠﮭﮯ ﯾﻘﯿﻦ ﮨﮯ‬،‫از ﮐﻢ‬
‫ ﮨﻢ ﻣﯿﮟ ﺳﮯ ﮨﺮ اﯾﮏ اﭘﻨﯽ اﭘﻨﯽ ﻓﮩﺮﺳﺖ ﺑﻨﺎ ﺳﮑﺘﺎ ﮨﮯ۔‬،‫درﺣﻘﯿﻘﺖ‬
‫ ﺑﮑﮭﺮے ﮨﻮﺋﮯ ﻣﻌﺎﺷﺮے ﻣﯿﮟ ﺳﭽﺎﺋﯽ‬،‫ﻣﯿﮟ ﺟﺎﻧﺘﺎ ﮨﻮں ﮐﮧ اﯾﺴﮯ زﺧﻤﯽ‬
‫اور ﻣﻔﺎﮨﻤﺖ ﮐﯽ ﻣﺸﻖ ﮐﺎ ﻣﺸﻮرہ دﯾﻨﺎ ﯾﻮﭨﻮﭘﯿﺎ ﻧﮩﯿﮟ ﮨﮯ۔‬
‫ﻣﯿﮟ ﯾﮧ ﺑﮭﯽ ﺟﺎﻧﺘﺎ ﮨﻮں ﮐﮧ ﮨﻤﺎرے ﻃﺎﻗﺖ ﮐﮯ ﺑﮭﻮﮐﮯ ﯾﺎ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞ ﻃﻮر‬
‫ اﮐﺜﺮ اﻧﺎ ﺳﮯ ﭼﻠﻨﮯ واﻟﮯ ﻧﺸﮧ آور ﮐﮭﻼڑﯾﻮں‬،‫ﭘﺮ ﻃﺎﻗﺖ ﮐﮯ ﻧﺸﮯ ﻣﯿﮟ‬
‫ﺳﮯ ﯾﮧ ﺗﻮﻗﻊ ﮐﺮﻧﺎ ﮐﮧ وہ اﭘﻨﮯ ﺑﭽﻮں ﮐﻮ ﮐﮭﺎﻧﺎ ﮐﮭﻼﻧﮯ اور ﺑﮭﯿﺠﻨﮯ ﮐﮯ‬
‫ اﻣﻨﮕﻮں ﭘﺮ‬،‫ﻟﯿﮯ ﺟﺪوﺟﮩﺪ ﮐﺮﻧﮯ واﻟﮯ ﻻﮐﮭﻮں ﻟﻮﮔﻮں ﮐﮯ ﭼﮩﺮوں‬
‫ﮔﮩﺮی ﺗﻮﺟﮧ ﻣﺮﮐﻮز ﮐﺮﺗﮯ ﮨﻮﺋﮯ اﯾﮏ ﻣﯿﺰ ﮐﮯ ﮔﺮد ﺑﯿﭩﮭﯿﮟ ﮔﮯ۔ ان ﮐﺎ‬
‫ واﻗﻌﯽ ﯾﻮﭨﻮﭘﯿﺎﻧﺰم ﮨﻮﮔﺎ۔‬،‫اﺳﮑﻮل ﺟﺎﻧﺎ‬
‫ ﺑﮩﺘﺮﯾﻦ ﻣﻤﮑﻨﮧ ﻧﺘﯿﺠﮧ ﺟﻮ ﮐﻮﺋﯽ ﺗﺼﻮر ﮐﺮ ﺳﮑﺘﺎ ﮨﮯ‬،‫اس ﻣﺮﺣﻠﮯ ﭘﺮ‬
‫ ﻣﺎہ ﺗﮏ ﺟﺎری رﮨﮯ‬18 ‫ ﻣﻤﮑﻨﮧ ﻃﻮر ﭘﺮ‬،12 ‫وہ ﯾﮧ ﮨﮯ ﮐﮧ ﯾﮧ ﺳﮍ ﻣﺰﯾﺪ‬
‫ﮔﺎ۔ ﭘﮭﺮ ﮐﯿﺎ؟ ﭘﺎور ﭘﻠﯿﺌﺮز ﮐﻮ ﭘﺮواہ ﻧﮩﯿﮟ ﮨﮯ۔ آپ اور ﻣﯿﮟ ﺷﻤﺎر‬
‫ﻧﮩﯿﮟ ﮐﺮﺗﮯ۔‬
‫ردﻋ ﻤ ﻞ ﮐ ﮯ ﻟ ﯿ ﮯ ﺑﻠ ﯿ ﮏ آ ؤ ٹ‬
‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻋﺎﻣﺮ راﻧﺎ‬
‫ﻣﺼﻨﻒ ﺳﯿﮑﻮرﭨﯽ ﺗﺠﺰﯾﮧ ﮐﺎر ﮨﯿﮟ۔‬
‫ﯾﮧ ﺳﺐ اﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎت ﮐﮯ دن ﻣﻠﮏ ﺑﮭﺮ ﻣﯿﮟ ﻣﻮﺑﺎﺋﻞ ﻓﻮن ﺳﺮوﺳﺰ ﮐﯽ‬
‫ﻣﻌﻄﻠﯽ ﮐﮯ ﺳﺎﺗﮫ ﺷﺮوع ﮨﻮا۔ ﭘﻮل ﻣﯿﻨﯿﺠﺮز ﮐﻮ ﺷﺎﯾﺪ ﯾﮧ اﺣﺴﺎس‬
‫ ﺟﻮ ﻧﺌﮯ‬،‫ﻧﮩﯿﮟ ﮨﻮﮔﺎ ﮐﮧ اس ﻣﻌﻄﻠﯽ ﺳﮯ ﺳﯿﺎﺳﯽ اﻧﺘﺸﺎر ﺑﮍﮬﮯ ﮔﺎ‬
‫اﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎت ﮐﮯ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﮯ ﮐﯽ ﻃﺮف ﻟﮯ ﺟﺎ ﺳﮑﺘﺎ ﮨﮯ۔‬
‫ی ﮐﯿﺎ ﺗﮭﺎ ﮐﮧ اس ﻧﮯ ﺳﯿﮑﯿﻮرﭨﯽ‬
ٰ ‫اﮔﺮﭼﮧ ﻧﮕﺮاں ﺣﮑﻮﻣﺖ ﻧﮯ دﻋﻮ‬
‫ ﺗﺎﮨﻢ‬،‫ﺧﺪﺷﺎت ﮐﯽ وﺟﮧ ﺳﮯ ﻣﻮﺑﺎﺋﻞ ﻓﻮن ﺳﺮوس ﻣﻌﻄﻞ ﮐﺮدی ﮨﮯ‬
 Monday
18 February
concerns, the Election Commission and other
concerned departments and ministries were
reportedly unaware a day before the election
whether a suspension would be necessary. This
confusion fuelled debate that the election results
could have been manipulated under the cover of the
communication blackout.
While rigging charges and election day irregularities
are not new in Pakistan, the dust usually settles
after a few weeks, with political parties and losing
candidates making compromises. Only a few
continue their legal battles. In 2013, the PTI
launched a massive anti-rigging campaign,
maintaining pressure on the government through
protests. With the poll managers on their side, they
were confident of eventually coming to power.
Meanwhile, the PML-N continued to rule in a
compromised manner.
The managers seemed to believe that the political
fervour would subside after the formation of the
new government. While we may see temporary
appeasement, tampering with election results
weakens the country’s power structures and erodes
public faith in the system. As scholar Adil Najam
rightly points out, it is not the economy but the loss
of faith in the state by its citizens that is the biggest
challenge emerging from this election.
At this juncture in history, Pakistan needed the
most transparent elections ever held.
The security concerns were genuine as general
elections loomed; Islamist militants and Baloch
insurgents had intensified their attacks to disrupt
and discredit the democratic process. From Feb 1
to Feb 9, 36 out of 63 reported terrorist attacks
were directly linked to election violence.
Most of these attacks occurred in Balochistan’s
central and Makran regions and Pakhtun-dominated
districts. While threats persisted in Dera Ismail
Khan and North Waziristan in KP, these largely
mirrored previous trends.
The pattern of threats was clear, with identified
territories and known locations of heightened risk.
Law-enforcement agencies knew the intensity of
attacks and could have devised security plans
accordingly. However, shutting down mobile
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‫اﻟﯿﮑﺸﻦ ﮐﻤﯿﺸﻦ اور دﯾﮕﺮ ﻣﺘﻌﻠﻘﮧ ﻣﺤﮑﻤﮯ اور وزارﺗﯿﮟ اﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎت ﺳﮯ‬
‫اﯾﮏ دن ﻗﺒﻞ ﻣﺒﯿﻨﮧ ﻃﻮر ﭘﺮ ﻻﻋﻠﻢ ﺗﮭﯿﮟ ﮐﮧ آﯾﺎ ﻣﻌﻄﻠﯽ ﺿﺮوری ﮨﻮﮔﯽ‬
‫۔ اس اﻟﺠﮭﻦ ﻧﮯ اس ﺑﺤﺚ ﮐﻮ ﮨﻮا دی ﮐﮧ اﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﯽ ﻧﺘﺎﺋﺞ ﻣﯿﮟ‬
‫ﮐﻤﯿﻮﻧﯿﮑﯿﺸﻦ ﺑﻠﯿﮏ آؤٹ ﮐﯽ آڑ ﻣﯿﮟ ﮨﯿﺮا ﭘﮭﯿﺮی ﮐﯽ ﺟﺎ ﺳﮑﺘﯽ ﺗﮭﯽ۔‬
‫اﮔﺮﭼﮧ دﮬﺎﻧﺪﻟﯽ ﮐﮯ اﻟﺰاﻣﺎت اور اﻟﯿﮑﺸﻦ ﮐﮯ دن ﺑﮯ ﺿﺎﺑﻄﮕﯿﺎں‬
‫ ﻟﯿﮑﻦ ﻋﺎم ﻃﻮر ﭘﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ ﮨﻔﺘﻮں‬،‫ﭘﺎﮐﺴﺘﺎن ﻣﯿﮟ ﮐﻮﺋﯽ ﻧﺌﯽ ﺑﺎت ﻧﮩﯿﮟ ﮨﮯ‬
‫ ﺳﯿﺎﺳﯽ ﺟﻤﺎﻋﺘﯿﮟ اور ﮨﺎرے ﮨﻮﺋﮯ اﻣﯿﺪوار‬،‫ﮐﮯ ﺑﻌﺪ دﮬﻮل ُاڑ ﺟﺎﺗﯽ ﮨﮯ‬
‫ﺳﻤﺠﮭﻮﺗﮧ ﮐﺮﺗﮯ ﮨﯿﮟ۔ ﺻﺮف ﭼﻨﺪ ﮨﯽ اﭘﻨﯽ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﯽ ﻟﮍاﺋﯽ ﺟﺎری‬
‫ ﭘﯽ ﭨﯽ آﺋﯽ ﻧﮯ دﮬﺎﻧﺪﻟﯽ ﮐﮯ ﺧﻼف‬،‫ ﻣﯿﮟ‬2013 ‫رﮐﮭﮯ ﮨﻮﺋﮯ ﮨﯿﮟ۔‬
‫ اﺣﺘﺠﺎج ﮐﮯ ذرﯾﻌﮯ ﺣﮑﻮﻣﺖ ﭘﺮ دﺑﺎؤ‬،‫اﯾﮏ زﺑﺮدﺳﺖ ﻣﮩﻢ ﺷﺮوع ﮐﯽ‬
‫ وہ ﺑﺎﻵﺧﺮ اﻗﺘﺪار ﻣﯿﮟ‬،‫ﺑﺮﻗﺮار رﮐﮭﺎ۔ ﭘﻮل ﻣﯿﻨﯿﺠﺮ ان ﮐﮯ ﺳﺎﺗﮫ ﺗﮭﮯ‬
‫آﻧﮯ ﮐﺎ ﭘﺮاﻋﺘﻤﺎد ﺗﮭﮯ۔ اس دوران ﻣﺴﻠﻢ ﻟﯿﮓ )ن( ﺳﻤﺠﮭﻮﺗﮧ ﮐﺮﺗﮯ‬
‫ﮨﻮﺋﮯ ﺣﮑﻮﻣﺖ ﮐﺮﺗﯽ رﮨﯽ۔‬
‫ﻣﻨﺘﻈﻤﯿﻦ ﮐﻮ ﻟﮕﺘﺎ ﮨﮯ ﮐﮧ ﻧﺌﯽ ﺣﮑﻮﻣﺖ ﮐﮯ ﻗﯿﺎم ﮐﮯ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺳﯿﺎﺳﯽ‬
،‫ﺟﻮش ﮐﻢ ﮨﻮ ﺟﺎﺋﮯ ﮔﺎ۔ اﮔﺮﭼﮧ ﮨﻢ ﻋﺎرﺿﯽ اﻃﻤﯿﻨﺎن دﯾﮑﮫ ﺳﮑﺘﮯ ﮨﯿﮟ‬
‫اﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﯽ ﻧﺘﺎﺋﺞ ﮐﮯ ﺳﺎﺗﮫ ﭼﮭﯿﮍ ﭼﮭﺎڑ ﻣﻠﮏ ﮐﮯ ﻃﺎﻗﺖ ﮐﮯ ڈﮬﺎﻧﭽﮯ ﮐﻮ‬
‫ﮐﻤﺰور ﮐﺮﺗﯽ ﮨﮯ اور ﻧﻈﺎم ﭘﺮ ﻋﻮام ﮐﮯ اﻋﺘﻤﺎد ﮐﻮ ﺧﺘﻢ ﮐﺮﺗﯽ ﮨﮯ۔‬
‫ ﯾﮧ ﻣﻌﯿﺸﺖ ﻧﮩﯿﮟ‬،‫ﺟﯿﺴﺎ ﮐﮧ اﺳﮑﺎﻟﺮ ﻋﺎدل ﻧﺠﻢ ﺑﺠﺎ ﻃﻮر ﭘﺮ ﺑﺘﺎﺗﮯ ﮨﯿﮟ‬
‫ﺑﻠﮑﮧ رﯾﺎﺳﺖ ﭘﺮ اس ﮐﮯ ﺷﮩﺮﯾﻮں ﮐﮯ اﻋﺘﻤﺎد ﮐﺎ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﮧ ﮨﮯ ﺟﻮ اس‬
‫اﻟﯿﮑﺸﻦ ﺳﮯ اﺑﮭﺮﻧﮯ واﻻ ﺳﺐ ﺳﮯ ﺑﮍا ﭼﯿﻠﻨﺞ ﮨﮯ۔‬
‫ﺗﺎرﯾﺦ ﮐﮯ اس ﻣﻮڑ ﭘﺮ ﭘﺎﮐﺴﺘﺎن ﮐﻮ اب ﺗﮏ ﮐﮯ ﺷﻔﺎف ﺗﺮﯾﻦ اﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎت‬
‫ﮐﯽ ﺿﺮورت ﺗﮭﯽ۔‬
‫ﻋﺎم اﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎت ﮐﮯ ﻗﺮﯾﺐ آﻧﮯ ﭘﺮ ﺳﯿﮑﻮرﭨﯽ ﺧﺪﺷﺎت ﺣﻘﯿﻘﯽ ﺗﮭﮯ۔‬
‫اﺳﻼﻣﯽ ﻋﺴﮑﺮﯾﺖ ﭘﺴﻨﺪوں اور ﺑﻠﻮچ ﺑﺎﻏﯿﻮں ﻧﮯ ﺟﻤﮩﻮری ﻋﻤﻞ ﮐﻮ‬
1 ‫ﻣﺘﺎﺛﺮ ﮐﺮﻧﮯ اور ﺑﺪﻧﺎم ﮐﺮﻧﮯ ﮐﮯ ﻟﯿﮯ اﭘﻨﮯ ﺣﻤﻠﮯ ﺗﯿﺰ ﮐﺮ دﯾﮯ ﺗﮭﮯ۔‬
‫ دﮨﺸﺖ‬36 ‫ ﻣﯿﮟ ﺳﮯ‬63 ‫ رﭘﻮرٹ ﮐﺮدہ‬،‫ ﻓﺮوری ﺗﮏ‬9 ‫ﻓﺮوری ﺳﮯ‬
‫ﮔﺮداﻧﮧ ﺣﻤﻠﻮں ﮐﺎ ﺑﺮاہ راﺳﺖ ﺗﻌﻠﻖ اﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﯽ ﺗﺸﺪد ﺳﮯ ﺗﮭﺎ۔‬
‫ان ﻣﯿﮟ ﺳﮯ زﯾﺎدہ ﺗﺮ ﺣﻤﻠﮯ ﺑﻠﻮﭼﺴﺘﺎن ﮐﮯ وﺳﻄﯽ اور ﻣﮑﺮان ﮐﮯ‬
‫ﻋﻼﻗﻮں اور ﭘﺨﺘﻮن اﮐﺜﺮﯾﺘﯽ اﺿﻼع ﻣﯿﮟ ﮨﻮﺋﮯ۔ اﮔﺮﭼﮧ ﮐﮯ ﭘﯽ ﮐﮯ‬
،‫ڈﯾﺮہ اﺳﻤﺎﻋﯿﻞ ﺧﺎن اور ﺷﻤﺎﻟﯽ وزﯾﺮﺳﺘﺎن ﻣﯿﮟ ﺧﻄﺮات ﺑﺮﻗﺮار ﮨﯿﮟ‬
‫ﻟﯿﮑﻦ ﯾﮧ ﺑﮍے ﭘﯿﻤﺎﻧﮯ ﭘﺮ ﭘﭽﮭﻠﮯ رﺟﺤﺎﻧﺎت ﮐﯽ ﻋﮑﺎﺳﯽ ﮐﺮﺗﮯ ﮨﯿﮟ۔‬
‫ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖ ﺷﺪہ ﻋﻼﻗﻮں اور زﯾﺎدہ‬،‫ﺧﻄﺮات ﮐﺎ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﮧ واﺿﺢ ﺗﮭﺎ‬
‫ﺧﻄﺮے ﮐﮯ ﻣﻌﻠﻮم ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎت ﮐﮯ ﺳﺎﺗﮫ۔ ﻗﺎﻧﻮن ﻧﺎﻓﺬ ﮐﺮﻧﮯ واﻟﮯ اداروں‬
‫ﮐﻮ ﺣﻤﻠﻮں ﮐﯽ ﺷﺪت ﮐﺎ ﻋﻠﻢ ﺗﮭﺎ اور وہ اﺳﯽ ﮐﮯ ﻣﻄﺎﺑﻖ ﺣﻔﺎﻇﺘﯽ‬
‫ ﻣﻠﮏ ﺑﮭﺮ ﻣﯿﮟ ﻣﻮﺑﺎﺋﻞ ﺳﺮوﺳﺰ ﮐﻮ ﺑﻨﺪ‬،‫ﻣﻨﺼﻮﺑﮯ ﺑﻨﺎ ﺳﮑﺘﮯ ﺗﮭﮯ۔ ﺗﺎﮨﻢ‬
‫ﮐﺮﻧﺎ ﻏﯿﺮ ﺿﺮوری اور ﺟﻤﮩﻮری ﻣﺸﻖ ﮐﮯ ﻟﯿﮯ ﻣﻤﮑﻨﮧ ﻃﻮر ﭘﺮ ﻧﻘﺼﺎن‬
 Monday
18 February
services nationwide appeared unnecessary and
potentially detrimental to the democratic exercise.
Despite the suspension of the mobile phone
services, the terrorists managed 11 attacks in the
high-risk areas mentioned.
The state has invested heavily in developing
counterterrorism infrastructure, including dedicated
departments, such as the National Counter
Terrorism Authority, specialised security cells, and
forces. If these institutions cannot formulate a
comprehensive security plan for elections, the state
and incoming parliament must critically analyse
their performance and resource allocation.
It was alarming that just after the polls, the TTP
issued a statement addressing the JUI-F and
Jamaat-i-Islami to say that the manipulated
democratic system would not allow religious
parties to come to power. The right path, according
to them, was to join their ranks to topple the system
and bring a Taliban-style system to the country.
While the TTP’s stance is not new and does not
likely inspire the religious parties’ leadership, their
statement fuels the ongoing discourse on the
country’s power elites. Baloch insurgents share
similar views, asserting that the manipulated
electoral process will not heal the Baloch people’s
wounds.
At this juncture in history, Pakistan needed the
most transparent elections ever held to restore the
people’s faith in the system. Some speculate that
the poll managers were following a different
template, where parties and individuals showing
resistance to the status quo were deemed
unacceptable.
Establishments often focus on imposing order,
frequently at the expense of political and social
order. They may believe that order brings discipline
and stability to society and governance, but they
always neglect to consider how their policies erode
their legitimacy to impose order.
At least the perception is deepening in Balochistan,
where nationalist parties have become alienated,
targeted by insurgents, and victims of the poll
managers’ manipulations. Malik Siraj, a US-based
journalist, has analysed the state’s approach in
Balochistan well. He describes how the
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‫دہ ﻣﻌﻠﻮم ﮨﻮا۔ ﻣﻮﺑﺎﺋﻞ ﻓﻮن ﺳﺮوس ﮐﯽ ﻣﻌﻄﻠﯽ ﮐﮯ ﺑﺎوﺟﻮد دﮨﺸﺖ‬
‫ ﺣﻤﻠﮯ ﮐﺌﮯ۔‬11 ‫ﮔﺮدوں ﻧﮯ ﻣﺬﮐﻮرہ ﮨﺎﺋﯽ رﺳﮏ ﻋﻼﻗﻮں ﻣﯿﮟ‬
‫رﯾﺎﺳﺖ ﻧﮯ اﻧﺴﺪاِد دﮨﺸﺖ ﮔﺮدی ﮐﮯ ﺑﻨﯿﺎدی ڈﮬﺎﻧﭽﮯ ﮐﻮ ﺗﯿﺎر ﮐﺮﻧﮯ‬
،‫ ﺟﺲ ﻣﯿﮟ ﺳﺮﺷﺎر ﻣﺤﮑﻤﮯ‬،‫ﻣﯿﮟ ﺑﮩﺖ زﯾﺎدہ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﯾﮧ ﮐﺎری ﮐﯽ ﮨﮯ‬
،‫ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﯽ ﺳﯿﮑﯿﻮرﭨﯽ ﺳﯿﻞ‬،‫ﺟﯿﺴﮯ ﻧﯿﺸﻨﻞ ﮐﺎؤﻧﭩﺮ ﭨﯿﺮرازم اﺗﮭﺎرﭨﯽ‬
‫اور ﻓﻮرﺳﺰ ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﮨﯿﮟ۔ اﮔﺮ ﯾﮧ ادارے اﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎت ﮐﮯ ﻟﯿﮯ اﯾﮏ ﺟﺎﻣﻊ‬
‫ﺳﯿﮑﯿﻮرﭨﯽ ﭘﻼن ﺗﺸﮑﯿﻞ ﻧﮩﯿﮟ دے ﺳﮑﺘﮯ ﺗﻮ رﯾﺎﺳﺖ اور آﻧﮯ واﻟﯽ‬
‫ﭘﺎرﻟﯿﻤﻨﭧ ﮐﻮ ان ﮐﯽ ﮐﺎرﮐﺮدﮔﯽ اور وﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﮐﯽ ﺗﻘﺴﯿﻢ ﮐﺎ ﺗﻨﻘﯿﺪی‬
‫ﺗﺠﺰﯾﮧ ﮐﺮﻧﺎ ﭼﺎﮨﯿﮯ۔‬
‫ ﭨﯽ ﭨﯽ ﭘﯽ ﻧﮯ‬،‫ﯾﮧ ﺗﺸﻮﯾﺸﻨﺎک ﺑﺎت ﺗﮭﯽ ﮐﮧ اﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎت ﮐﮯ ﻓﻮرًا ﺑﻌﺪ‬
‫اﯾﻒ اور ﺟﻤﺎﻋﺖ اﺳﻼﻣﯽ ﮐﻮ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ ﮐﺮﺗﮯ ﮨﻮﺋﮯ اﯾﮏ‬-‫ﺟﮯ ﯾﻮ آﺋﯽ‬
‫ﺑﯿﺎن ﺟﺎری ﮐﯿﺎ ﺟﺲ ﻣﯿﮟ ﮐﮩﺎ ﮔﯿﺎ ﺗﮭﺎ ﮐﮧ ﺟﻮڑ ﺗﻮڑ ﮐﺎ ﺟﻤﮩﻮری ﻧﻈﺎم‬
‫ﻣﺬﮨﺒﯽ ﺟﻤﺎﻋﺘﻮں ﮐﻮ اﻗﺘﺪار ﻣﯿﮟ ﻧﮩﯿﮟ آﻧﮯ دے ﮔﺎ۔ ان ﮐﮯ ﻣﻄﺎﺑﻖ‬
‫ﺻﺤﯿﺢ راﺳﺘﮧ ﯾﮧ ﺗﮭﺎ ﮐﮧ وہ اﭘﻨﯽ ﺻﻔﻮں ﻣﯿﮟ ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﮨﻮ ﮐﺮ ﻧﻈﺎم ﮐﻮ‬
‫ﮔﺮا دﯾﮟ اور ﻣﻠﮏ ﻣﯿﮟ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎن ﻃﺮز ﮐﺎ ﻧﻈﺎم ﻻﯾﺎ ﺟﺎﺋﮯ۔ اﮔﺮﭼﮧ ﭨﯽ ﭨﯽ‬
‫ﭘﯽ ﮐﺎ ﻣﻮﻗﻒ ﻧﯿﺎ ﻧﮩﯿﮟ ﮨﮯ اور ﻣﺬﮨﺒﯽ ﺟﻤﺎﻋﺘﻮں ﮐﯽ ﻗﯿﺎدت ﮐﻮ ﻣﺘﺎﺛﺮ‬
‫ﯽ ﭘﺮ‬
ٰ ‫ ﻟﯿﮑﻦ ان ﮐﺎ ﺑﯿﺎن ﻣﻠﮏ ﮐﮯ اﻗﺘﺪار اﻋﻠ‬،‫ﮐﺮﻧﮯ ﮐﺎ اﻣﮑﺎن ﻧﮩﯿﮟ ﮨﮯ‬
‫ﺟﺎری ﮔﻔﺘﮕﻮ ﮐﻮ ﮨﻮا دﯾﺘﺎ ﮨﮯ۔ ﺑﻠﻮچ ﺑﺎﻏﯽ ﺑﮭﯽ اﺳﯽ ﻃﺮح ﮐﮯ‬
‫ﺧﯿﺎﻻت ﮐﺎ اﻇﮩﺎر ﮐﺮﺗﮯ ﮨﻮﺋﮯ ﮐﮩﺘﮯ ﮨﯿﮟ ﮐﮧ اﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﯽ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻣﯿﮟ ﮨﯿﺮا‬
‫ﭘﮭﯿﺮی ﺑﻠﻮچ ﻋﻮام ﮐﮯ زﺧﻤﻮں ﭘﺮ ﻣﺮﮨﻢ ﻧﮩﯿﮟ رﮐﮭﮯ ﮔﯽ۔‬
‫ ﭘﺎﮐﺴﺘﺎن ﮐﻮ ﻧﻈﺎم ﭘﺮ ﻋﻮام ﮐﺎ اﻋﺘﻤﺎد ﺑﺤﺎل‬،‫ﺗﺎرﯾﺦ ﮐﮯ اس ﻣﻮڑ ﭘﺮ‬
‫ﮐﺮﻧﮯ ﮐﮯ ﻟﯿﮯ اب ﺗﮏ ﮐﮯ ﺷﻔﺎف ﺗﺮﯾﻦ اﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎت ﮐﯽ ﺿﺮورت ﺗﮭﯽ۔‬
‫ﮐﭽﮫ ﻟﻮگ ﻗﯿﺎس ﮐﺮﺗﮯ ﮨﯿﮟ ﮐﮧ ﭘﻮل ﻣﯿﻨﯿﺠﺮ اﯾﮏ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﭨﯿﻤﭙﻠﯿﭧ‬
‫ ﺟﮩﺎں ﺟﻤﻮد ﮐﮯ ﺧﻼف ﻣﺰاﺣﻤﺖ ﮐﺮﻧﮯ واﻟﯽ‬،‫ﮐﯽ ﭘﯿﺮوی ﮐﺮ رﮨﮯ ﺗﮭﮯ‬
‫ﺟﻤﺎﻋﺘﻮں اور اﻓﺮاد ﮐﻮ ﻧﺎﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻗﺒﻮل ﺳﻤﺠﮭﺎ ﺟﺎﺗﺎ ﺗﮭﺎ۔‬
‫اﺳﭩﯿﺒﻠﺸﻤﻨﭧ اﮐﺜﺮ ﺳﯿﺎﺳﯽ اور ﺳﻤﺎﺟﯽ ﻧﻈﻢ و ﺿﺒﻂ ﮐﯽ ﻗﯿﻤﺖ ﭘﺮ‬
‫آرڈر ﻧﺎﻓﺬ ﮐﺮﻧﮯ ﭘﺮ ﺗﻮﺟﮧ ﻣﺮﮐﻮز ﮐﺮﺗﯽ ﮨﮯ۔ وہ ﯾﮧ ﻣﺎن ﺳﮑﺘﮯ ﮨﯿﮟ ﮐﮧ‬
،‫آرڈر ﻣﻌﺎﺷﺮے اور ﺣﮑﻤﺮاﻧﯽ ﻣﯿﮟ ﻧﻈﻢ و ﺿﺒﻂ اور اﺳﺘﺤﮑﺎم ﻻﺗﺎ ﮨﮯ‬
‫ﻟﯿﮑﻦ وہ اس ﺑﺎت ﭘﺮ ﻏﻮر ﮐﺮﻧﮯ ﻣﯿﮟ ﮨﻤﯿﺸﮧ ﮐﻮﺗﺎﮨﯽ ﺑﺮﺗﺘﮯ ﮨﯿﮟ ﮐﮧ ان‬
‫ﮐﯽ ﭘﺎﻟﯿﺴﯿﺎں ﮐﺲ ﻃﺮح آرڈر ﻧﺎﻓﺬ ﮐﺮﻧﮯ ﮐﮯ ان ﮐﮯ ﺟﻮاز ﮐﻮ ﺧﺘﻢ‬
‫ﮐﺮﺗﯽ ﮨﯿﮟ۔‬
‫ ﺟﮩﺎں ﻗﻮم‬،‫ﺑﻠﻮﭼﺴﺘﺎن ﻣﯿﮟ ﮐﻢ از ﮐﻢ ﯾﮧ ﺗﺎﺛﺮ ﮔﮩﺮا ﮨﻮﺗﺎ ﺟﺎ رﮨﺎ ﮨﮯ‬
،‫ ﺑﺎﻏﯿﻮں ﮐﺎ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﮧ ﺑﻦ رﮨﯽ ﮨﯿﮟ‬،‫ﭘﺮﺳﺖ ﺟﻤﺎﻋﺘﯿﮟ اﻟﮓ ﮨﻮ ﭼﮑﯽ ﮨﯿﮟ‬
‫اور ﭘﻮل ﻣﯿﻨﯿﺠﺮز ﮐﯽ ﮨﯿﺮا ﭘﮭﯿﺮی ﮐﺎ ﺷﮑﺎر ﮨﯿﮟ۔ اﻣﺮﯾﮑﮧ ﻣﯿﮟ ﻣﻘﯿﻢ‬
‫ﺻﺤﺎﻓﯽ ﻣﻠﮏ ﺳﺮاج ﻧﮯ ﺑﻠﻮﭼﺴﺘﺎن ﻣﯿﮟ رﯾﺎﺳﺖ ﮐﮯ ﻃﺮز ﻋﻤﻞ ﮐﺎ‬
‫ﺧﻮب ﺗﺠﺰﯾﮧ ﮐﯿﺎ ﮨﮯ۔ وہ ﺑﺘﺎﺗﮯ ﮨﯿﮟ ﮐﮧ ﮐﺲ ﻃﺮح اﺳﭩﯿﺒﻠﺸﻤﻨﭧ اور‬
 Monday
18 February
establishment and caretaker government brought
the province back to the Musharraf era, when
Baloch alienation peaked. He argues that the
situation will aggravate if someone like Sarfraz
Bugti, who shares that mindset, is brought to power
in the province. This would erode the confidence
the previous government had tried to rebuild.
It is now clear that a politician who sensed the
changing political winds was Maulana Fazlur
Rehman. He realised this was the right time to align
himself with the rapidly growing anti-establishment
sentiment. In a TV interview on a private channel, he
claimed that the no-confidence motion that ousted
former prime minister Imran Khan was tabled on
the directives of former army chief Gen Qamar
Javed Bajwa. He further claimed that he opposed
the no-confidence move. While his claim has been
contested, it paved the way for him to join the PTI-
led anti-establishment camp. Meanwhile, he has
secured 11 provincial seats in Balochistan,
exploiting the rigging narrative. Quetta-based
journalists believe that the maulana’s mandate is
different from the JUI-F’s actual electoral strength
on the ground.
Maulana Fazlur Rehman has skillfully managed to
break the ice with his long-time nemesis, but the
longevity of this relationship remains to be
determined. Should the establishment and
incoming government make a tempting offer, he
might readily join them. Conversely, he continues to
play the anti-establishment card. In that case, any
alliance with the establishment would entail higher
costs than the benefits of shared power at the
centre and in Balochistan.
The political crisis seems entrenched, with no
immediate end in sight. One potential path forward
lies with the new government. By acting judiciously
and independently, it can rebuild public trust.
However, political actors remain paralysed,
unwilling to move without the establishment’s tacit
approval.
This is the biggest crisis Pakistan faces.
The writer is a security analyst.
Published in Dawn, February 18th, 2024
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‫ ﺟﺐ ﺑﻠﻮچ‬،‫ﻧﮕﺮان ﺣﮑﻮﻣﺖ ﻧﮯ ﺻﻮﺑﮯ ﮐﻮ ﻣﺸﺮف دور ﻣﯿﮟ واﭘﺲ ﻻﯾﺎ‬
‫ﺑﯿﮕﺎﻧﮕﯽ ﻋﺮوج ﭘﺮ ﺗﮭﯽ۔ ان ﮐﺎ اﺳﺘﺪﻻل ﮨﮯ ﮐﮧ اﮔﺮ ﺳﺮﻓﺮاز ﺑﮕﭩﯽ‬
‫ﺟﯿﺴﮯ ﮐﺴﯽ ﮐﻮ ﺻﻮﺑﮯ ﻣﯿﮟ اﻗﺘﺪار ﻣﯿﮟ ﻻﯾﺎ ﺟﺎﺗﺎ ﮨﮯ ﺗﻮ ﺻﻮرﺗﺤﺎل‬
‫ﻣﺰﯾﺪ ﺧﺮاب ﮨﻮ ﺟﺎﺋﮯ ﮔﯽ۔ اس ﺳﮯ وہ اﻋﺘﻤﺎد ﺧﺘﻢ ﮨﻮ ﺟﺎﺋﮯ ﮔﺎ ﺟﻮ‬
‫ﭘﭽﮭﻠﯽ ﺣﮑﻮﻣﺖ ﻧﮯ دوﺑﺎرہ ﺑﻨﺎﻧﮯ ﮐﯽ ﮐﻮﺷﺶ ﮐﯽ ﺗﮭﯽ۔‬
‫اب ﯾﮧ واﺿﺢ ﮨﮯ ﮐﮧ ﺑﺪﻟﺘﯽ ﮨﻮﺋﯽ ﺳﯿﺎﺳﯽ ﮨﻮاؤں ﮐﻮ ﻣﺤﺴﻮس ﮐﺮﻧﮯ‬
‫واﻟﮯ ﺳﯿﺎﺳﺘﺪان ﻣﻮﻻﻧﺎ ﻓﻀﻞ اﻟﺮﺣﻤﺎن ﺗﮭﮯ۔ اﻧﮩﻮں ﻧﮯ ﻣﺤﺴﻮس ﮐﯿﺎ‬
‫ﮐﮧ ﺗﯿﺰی ﺳﮯ ﺑﮍﮬﺘﮯ ﮨﻮﺋﮯ اﯾﻨﭩﯽ اﺳﭩﯿﺒﻠﺸﻤﻨﭧ ﺟﺬﺑﺎت ﺳﮯ ﮨﻢ آﮨﻨﮓ‬
‫ﮨﻮﻧﮯ ﮐﺎ ﯾﮩﯽ ﺻﺤﯿﺢ وﻗﺖ ﮨﮯ۔ اﯾﮏ ﻧﺠﯽ ﭼﯿﻨﻞ ﮐﻮ اﻧﭩﺮوﯾﻮ دﯾﺘﮯ‬
‫ی ﮐﯿﺎ ﮐﮧ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ وزﯾﺮاﻋﻈﻢ ﻋﻤﺮان ﺧﺎن ﮐﻮ‬ ٰ ‫ﮨﻮﺋﮯ اﻧﮩﻮں ﻧﮯ دﻋﻮ‬
‫ﻣﻌﺰول ﮐﺮﻧﮯ واﻟﯽ ﺗﺤﺮﯾﮏ ﻋﺪم اﻋﺘﻤﺎد ﺳﺎﺑﻖ آرﻣﯽ ﭼﯿﻒ ﺟﻨﺮل ﻗﻤﺮ‬
ٰ ‫ﺟﺎوﯾﺪ ﺑﺎﺟﻮہ ﮐﯽ ﮨﺪاﯾﺖ ﭘﺮ ﭘﯿﺶ ﮐﯽ ﮔﺌﯽ۔ اﻧﮩﻮں ﻧﮯ ﻣﺰﯾﺪ دﻋﻮ‬
‫ی‬
‫ﮐﯿﺎ ﮐﮧ اﻧﮩﻮں ﻧﮯ ﺗﺤﺮﯾﮏ ﻋﺪم اﻋﺘﻤﺎد ﮐﯽ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﮐﯽ۔ ﺟﺐ ﮐﮧ ان‬
‫ اس ﻧﮯ ان ﮐﮯ ﻟﯿﮯ ﭘﯽ ﭨﯽ آﺋﯽ ﮐﮯ‬،‫ﮐﮯ دﻋﻮے ﮐﺎ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﮧ ﮐﯿﺎ ﮔﯿﺎ ﮨﮯ‬
‫زﯾﺮﻗﯿﺎدت اﯾﻨﭩﯽ اﺳﭩﯿﺒﻠﺸﻤﻨﭧ ﮐﯿﻤﭗ ﻣﯿﮟ ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﮨﻮﻧﮯ ﮐﯽ راہ ﮨﻤﻮار‬
‫ اﻧﮩﻮں ﻧﮯ دﮬﺎﻧﺪﻟﯽ ﮐﮯ ﺑﯿﺎﻧﯿﮯ ﮐﺎ ﻓﺎﺋﺪہ اﭨﮭﺎﺗﮯ ﮨﻮﺋﮯ‬،‫ﮐﯽ۔ درﯾﮟ اﺛﻨﺎ‬
‫ ﺻﻮﺑﺎﺋﯽ ﻧﺸﺴﺘﯿﮟ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﮐﯿﮟ۔ ﮐﻮﺋﭩﮧ ﻣﯿﮟ‬11 ‫ﺑﻠﻮﭼﺴﺘﺎن ﻣﯿﮟ‬
‫ﻣﻘﯿﻢ ﺻﺤﺎﻓﯿﻮں ﮐﺎ ﺧﯿﺎل ﮨﮯ ﮐﮧ ﻣﻮﻻﻧﺎ ﮐﺎ ﻣﯿﻨﮉﯾﭧ زﻣﯿﻦ ﭘﺮ ﺟﮯ ﯾﻮ‬
‫اﯾﻒ ﮐﯽ اﺻﻞ اﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﯽ ﻃﺎﻗﺖ ﺳﮯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﮨﮯ۔‬-‫آﺋﯽ‬
‫ﻣﻮﻻﻧﺎ ﻓﻀﻞ اﻟﺮﺣﻤﺎن ﻧﮯ ﺑﮍی ﻣﮩﺎرت ﺳﮯ اﭘﻨﯽ دﯾﺮﯾﻨﮧ دﺷﻤﻨﯽ ﺳﮯ‬
‫ﺑﺮف ﺗﻮڑﻧﮯ ﻣﯿﮟ ﮐﺎﻣﯿﺎب ﮨﻮ ﮔﺌﮯ ﮨﯿﮟ ﻟﯿﮑﻦ اس رﺷﺘﮯ ﮐﯽ ﻟﻤﺒﯽ ﻋﻤﺮ‬
‫ﮐﺎ ﺗﻌﯿﻦ ﮨﻮﻧﺎ ﺑﺎﻗﯽ ﮨﮯ۔ اﮔﺮ اﺳﭩﯿﺒﻠﺸﻤﻨﭧ اور آﻧﮯ واﻟﯽ ﺣﮑﻮﻣﺖ‬
‫ﮐﻮﺋﯽ دﻟﮑﺶ ﭘﯿﺸﮑﺶ ﮐﺮے ﺗﻮ وہ آﺳﺎﻧﯽ ﺳﮯ ان ﻣﯿﮟ ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﮨﻮ ﺳﮑﺘﺎ‬
‫ﮨﮯ۔ اس ﮐﮯ ﺑﺮﻋﮑﺲ وہ اﯾﻨﭩﯽ اﺳﭩﯿﺒﻠﺸﻤﻨﭧ ﮐﺎرڈ ﮐﮭﯿﻠﺘﺎ رﮨﺘﺎ ﮨﮯ۔‬
‫ اﺳﭩﯿﺒﻠﺸﻤﻨﭧ ﮐﮯ ﺳﺎﺗﮫ ﮐﺴﯽ ﺑﮭﯽ اﺗﺤﺎد ﮐﯽ‬،‫اس ﺻﻮرت ﻣﯿﮟ‬
‫ﻗﯿﻤﺖ ﻣﺮﮐﺰ اور ﺑﻠﻮﭼﺴﺘﺎن ﻣﯿﮟ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﮐﮧ ﻃﺎﻗﺖ ﮐﮯ ﻓﻮاﺋﺪ ﺳﮯ زﯾﺎدہ‬
‫ﮨﻮﮔﯽ۔‬
‫ﺳﯿﺎﺳﯽ ﺑﺤﺮان اﯾﺴﺎ ﻟﮕﺘﺎ ﮨﮯ ﮐﮧ اس ﮐﺎ ﮐﻮﺋﯽ ﻓﻮری ﺧﺎﺗﻤﮧ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻧﮩﯿﮟ‬
‫آﺗﺎ۔ اﯾﮏ ﻣﻤﮑﻨﮧ راﺳﺘﮧ ﻧﺌﯽ ﺣﮑﻮﻣﺖ ﮐﮯ ﭘﺎس ﮨﮯ۔ اﻧﺼﺎف اور‬
‫ ﯾﮧ ﻋﻮاﻣﯽ اﻋﺘﻤﺎد ﮐﻮ دوﺑﺎرہ ﺑﻨﺎ ﺳﮑﺘﺎ‬،‫آزاداﻧﮧ ﻃﻮر ﭘﺮ ﮐﺎم ﮐﺮﻧﮯ ﺳﮯ‬
‫ اﺳﭩﯿﺒﻠﺸﻤﻨﭧ ﮐﯽ ﺧﺎﻣﻮﺷﯽ‬،‫ ﺳﯿﺎﺳﯽ اداﮐﺎر ﻣﻔﻠﻮج ﮨﯿﮟ‬،‫ﮨﮯ۔ ﺗﺎﮨﻢ‬
‫ﺳﮯ ﻣﻨﻈﻮری ﮐﮯ ﺑﻐﯿﺮ آﮔﮯ ﺑﮍﮬﻨﮯ ﮐﻮ ﺗﯿﺎر ﻧﮩﯿﮟ۔‬