‫ﻣﺘﺮﺟﻢ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻔﺮﻧﺴﻴﺔ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ ‪www.onlinedoctranslator.

com -‬‬

‫ﺍﻟﺒﺮﻟﻤﺎﻥﺍﻟﻤﻐﺮﺑﻲ ﻭﻃﺒﻴﻌﺔ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻋﺸﺮ ﺳﻨﻮﺍﺕ ﻣﻦ‬

‫ﺍﻹﺻﻼﺡﺍﻟﺪﺳﺘﻮﺭﻱ ‪2011‬‬

‫ﺍﻟﺒﺮﻟﻤﺎﻥﺍﻟﺒﻨﻲ ﻭﻃﺒﻴﻌﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺴﻨﻮﺍﺕ ﺍﻷﺧﻴﺮﺓ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﻹﺻﻼﺡ ﺍﻟﺪﺳﺘﻮﺭﻱ‬

‫ﻟﻌﺎﻡ‪2011‬‬

‫ﻋﻤﺮﺑﺮﻭﻛﺴﻲ‬
‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﺔﺍﻟﺤﺴﻦ ﺍﻷﻭﻝ‪ ،‬ﺳﻄﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﻤﻐﺮﺏ‪.‬‬
‫‪omarbrouksy@gmail.com‬‬
‫‪https://orcid.org/0000-0002-2577-3662‬‬

‫ﺭﻳﺴﻴﺒﻴﺪﻭ‪ .03/12/2021‬ﺗﻢ ﻗﺒﻮﻟﻪ ﻓﻲ ‪19/05/2022‬‬

‫ﻋﻠﻰﺣﺪ ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﻤﻘﺎﻝ‪:‬ﻋﻤﺮ ﺑﺮﻭﻛﺴﻲ )‪" :(2022‬ﺍﻟﺒﺮﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﻐﺮﺑﻲ ﻭﻃﺒﻴﻌﺔ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻋﺸﺮ ﺳﻨﻮﺍﺕ ﻣﻦ‬
‫ﺍﻹﺻﻼﺡﺍﻟﺪﺳﺘﻮﺭﻱ ‪ "2011‬ﻓﻲﻣﺠﻠﺔ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﺘﻮﺳﻄﻴﺔ‪ ،32 ،‬ﺹ‪.75-63 .‬‬

‫ﻟﻠﻮﺻﻮﻝﺇﻟﻰ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻤﻘﺎﻟﺔ‪https://doi.org/10.15366/reim2022.32.005:‬‬

‫ﻣﻠﺨﺺ‪:‬‬

‫ﻳﻌﻜﺲﻋﺪﻡ ﺍﻻﺳﺘﻘﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﻟﺪﺳﺘﻮﺭﻱ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﻐﺮﺏ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﺔ ﺍﻟﺤﻘﻴﻘﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﻓﻲ ﻗﻠﺐ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﺪﻳﻨﺎﻣﻴﻜﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﺪ ﺍﻟﺒﺮﻟﻤﺎﻥ‬
‫ﺇﺣﺪﻯﺍﻟﻤﺆﺳﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺷﻬﺪﺕ ﺃﻛﺒﺮ ﻗﺪﺭ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺘﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺳﻮﺍء ﻣﻦ ﺣﻴﺚ ﻫﻴﻜﻠﻬﺎ ﺃﻭ ﻣﺴﺆﻭﻟﻴﺎﺗﻬﺎ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻢ ﻳﻜﻦ ﺍﻹﺻﻼﺡ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺪﺳﺘﻮﺭﻱﺍﻷﺧﻴﺮ ﻟﻌﺎﻡ ‪ 2011‬ﺍﺳﺘﺜﻨﺎء ًﻟﻠﻘﺎﻋﺪﺓ‪ .‬ﻓﻲ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻤﻘﺎﻟﺔ‪ ،‬ﺳﻨﻌﺮﺽ ﺍﻟﺘﻘﺪﻡ ﻭﺍﻟﻘﻴﻮﺩ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﻛﺸﻔﺖ ﻋﻨﻬﺎ‬
‫ﻣﻤﺎﺭﺳﺔﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﻠﻜﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺤﻜﻮﻣﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺒﺮﻟﻤﺎﻧﻴﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﺪﻯ ﺍﻟﺴﻨﻮﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻌﺸﺮ ﺍﻟﻤﺎﺿﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﺳﻴﻜﻮﻥ ﺍﻟﻬﺪﻑ ﻫﻮ ﺍﻟﺘﺤﻘﻖ‬
‫ﻣﻤﺎﺇﺫﺍ ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﺔ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﺗﻤﻴﻞ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺍﻟﺤﺪ ﻣﻦ ﻣﺪﻯ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﺪﻳﻨﺎﻣﻴﻜﻴﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﻨﻈﺮ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺗﻔﻮﻕ ﺍﻟﻤﻠﻚ ﻭﺳﻠﻄﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺤﻜﻮﻣﺔ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻲﻫﻲ ﺑﺎﻟﺘﺄﻛﻴﺪ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﺓ ﻭﻟﻜﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﺘﻐﻴﺮﺓ‪.‬‬

‫ﺍﻟﻜﻠﻤﺎﺕﺍﻟﺪﺍﻟﺔ‪:‬ﺍﻟﻤﻐﺮﺏ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺪﺳﺘﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺒﺮﻟﻤﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﻤﻠﻜﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﺔ‪.‬‬

‫ﺭﻗﻢ‪) 32‬ﻧﺎﺷﺌﻴﻦ ‪REIM (2022‬‬

‫‪ISSN: 1887-4460‬‬
 ‫ﻣﻠﺨﺺ‬

‫ﺇﻥﻋﺪﻡ ﺍﻻﺳﺘﻘﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﻟﺪﺳﺘﻮﺭﻱ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻫﻮ ﺍﻧﻌﻜﺎﺱ ﻟﻠﻤﺸﺎﻛﻞ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﺆﺛﺮ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﻭﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﻓﻲ ﻫﺬﺍ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻤﺮﻛﺰﺍﻟﺪﻳﻨﺎﻣﻴﻜﻲ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﺪ ﺍﻟﺒﺮﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻤﺆﺳﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﺸﻬﺪ ﺃﻛﺒﺮ ﻗﺪﺭ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺘﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻓﻲ ﺑﻨﻴﺘﻪ ﻭﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺻﺎﺗﻪ‪ .‬ﻭﻻ‬
‫ﻳﺸﻜﻞﺍﻹﺻﻼﺡ ﺍﻟﺪﺳﺘﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﻟﻨﻬﺎﺋﻲ ﻟﻌﺎﻡ ‪ 2011‬ﺍﺳﺘﺜﻨﺎء ًﻟﻬﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻋﺪﺓ‪ .‬ﻭﻧﻌﺮﺽ ﻓﻲ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﻤﻘﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺘﻄﻮﺭﺍﺕ ﻭﺍﻟﻘﻴﻮﺩ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺘﻲﻛﺸﻔﺖ ﻋﻦ ﻣﻤﺎﺭﺳﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﻠﻜﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺤﻜﻮﻣﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺒﺮﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺴﻨﻮﺍﺕ ﺍﻷﺧﻴﺮﺓ‪ .‬ﺇﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﺴﺄﻟﺔ ﺗﺴﻮﻳﺔ ﻣﺎ ﺇﺫﺍ ﻛﺎﻧﺖ‬
‫ﻃﺒﻴﻌﺔﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﺗﻤﻴﻞ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺍﻟﺤﺪ ﻣﻦ ﻗﻮﺓ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﺪﻳﻨﺎﻣﻴﻜﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺘﻨﺎﺩﺍ ًﺇﻟﻰ ﺗﻔﻮﻕ ﺍﻟﻤﻠﻚ ﻭﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻤﺤﺪﻭﺩﺓ ﻟﻠﺤﻜﻮﻣﺔ‪.‬‬

‫ﺍﻟﻜﻠﻤﺎﺕﺍﻟﺪﺍﻟﺔ‪Marruecos، Constitución، Parlamento، Monarchía، Poder.:‬‬

‫ﺧﻼﺻﺔ‪:‬‬
‫ﻳﻌﻜﺲﻋﺪﻡ ﺍﻻﺳﺘﻘﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﻟﺪﺳﺘﻮﺭﻱ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﻐﺮﺏ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﺔ ﺍﻟﺤﻘﻴﻘﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﻓﻲ ﻗﻠﺐ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﺪﻳﻨﺎﻣﻴﻜﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﺪ ﺍﻟﺒﺮﻟﻤﺎﻥ‬
‫ﺃﺣﺪﺍﻟﻤﺆﺳﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺷﻬﺪﺕ ﺃﻛﺒﺮ ﺍﻟﺘﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﻣﻦ ﺣﻴﺚ ﺑﻨﻴﺘﻪ ﻭﺳﻠﻄﺎﺗﻪ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻢ ﻳﻜﻦ ﺍﻹﺻﻼﺡ ﺍﻟﺪﺳﺘﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﻷﺧﻴﺮ ﻟﻌﺎﻡ‬
‫‪2011‬ﺍﺳﺘﺜﻨﺎء ًﻟﻠﻘﺎﻋﺪﺓ‪ .‬ﻓﻲ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻤﻘﺎﻟﺔ‪ ،‬ﺳﻨﻌﺮﺽ ﺍﻟﺘﺤﺴﻴﻨﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﻟﻘﻴﻮﺩ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﻛﺸﻔﺖ ﻋﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﻤﺎﺭﺳﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻤﻠﻜﻴﺔﻭﺍﻟﺤﻜﻮﻣﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺒﺮﻟﻤﺎﻧﻴﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﺪﻯ ﺍﻟﺴﻨﻮﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻌﺸﺮ ﺍﻟﻤﺎﺿﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﺍﻟﻬﺪﻑ ﻫﻮ ﺍﻟﺘﺤﻘﻖ ﻣﻤﺎ ﺇﺫﺍ ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡﺗﻤﻴﻞ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺍﻟﺤﺪ ﻣﻦ ﻣﺪﻯ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﺪﻳﻨﺎﻣﻴﻜﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺿﻮء ﺗﻔﻮﻕ ﺍﻟﻤﻠﻚ ﻭﺻﻼﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺤﻜﻮﻣﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﺤﺪﻭﺩﺓ ﻭﻟﻜﻦ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻤﺘﻐﻴﺮﺓ‪.‬‬

‫ﺍﻟﻜﻠﻤﺎﺕﺍﻟﺪﺍﻟﺔ‪:‬ﺍﻟﻤﻐﺮﺏ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺪﺳﺘﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺒﺮﻟﻤﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﻤﻠﻜﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﺔ‬

‫ﻣﻘﺪﻣﺔ‬

‫ﺑﻴﻦﻋﺎﻣﻲ ‪ 1962‬ﻭ‪ ،2011‬ﺗﻢ ﺗﻌﺪﻳﻞ ﺍﻟﺪﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﺍﻟﻤﻐﺮﺑﻲ ﺧﻤﺲ ﻣﺮﺍﺕ‪ ،‬ﺍﺗﺨﺬ ﺇﻣﺎ ﺷﻜﻞ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻌﺔ ﻟﻠﻤﻴﺜﺎﻕ ﺍﻷﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﺃﻭ‬
‫ﺣﺘﻰﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﻛﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﺤﺎﻝ ﻓﻲ ﻋﺎﻡ ‪) 2011‬ﺑﻨﺪﻭﺭﻭ‪ .(2015 ،‬ﻭﻳﻌﺘﺒﺮﻩ ﺑﻌﺾ ﻋﻠﻤﺎء ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﺔ ﺃﺣﺪ ﻣﻜﻮﻧﺎﺕ‬
‫ﺛﻘﺎﻓﺔﺍﻟﺒﻼﺩ ﻭﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ )ﻣﺪﻧﻲ ‪“ :(2006‬ﺍﻟﺪﺳﺘﻮﺭﻳﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﻐﺮﺏ ﻟﻬﺎ ﺟﺬﻭﺭﻫﺎ ﺍﻟﺨﺎﺻﺔ ﺑﻘﺪﺭ ﻣﺎ ﺣﻤﻠﺘﻬﺎ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺤﺮﻛﺔﺍﻟﻮﻃﻨﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻟﻘﺪ ﺃﺭﺍﺩﺕ ﺍﻟﻨﺨﺐ ﺍﻟﻘﻮﻣﻴﺔ ﺑﺎﺳﺘﻤﺮﺍﺭ ﺃﻥ ﺗﻜﻮﻥ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭﻳﺔ ﻭﺃﻥ ﺗﺘﻘﺎﺭﺏ ﻣﻊ ﺍﻟﺮﻭﺡ ﺍﻟﻠﻴﺒﺮﺍﻟﻴﺔ‪« .‬‬

‫ﻋﻨﺪﺍﻻﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ‪ ،‬ﺗﻄﻮﺭ ﺍﻟﺼﺮﺍﻉ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﺔ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺃﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﺍﻟﺤﺮﻛﺔ ﺍﻟﻮﻃﻨﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﻤﻠﻜﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﺬ ﻋﺎﻡ ‪ ،1962‬ﺣﻮﻝ‬
‫ﺩﻳﻨﺎﻣﻴﻜﻴﺔﺗﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺃﺳﺎﺳﺎً ﺑﺎﻟﺘﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺪﺳﺘﻮﺭﻳﺔ )ﺑﺮﻭﻛﺴﻲ‪.(2003 ،‬‬

‫ﻭﻓﻲﺳﻴﺎﻕ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺐ ﺩﻳﻤﻘﺮﺍﻃﻴﺔ ﺑﺎﺭﺯﺓ‪ ،‬ﺫﺍﺕ ﺃﺑﻌﺎﺩ ﺇﻗﻠﻴﻤﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺗﺒﻠﻮﺭﺕ ﺩﻳﻨﺎﻣﻴﻜﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺍﻟﺪﺳﺘﻮﺭﻱ ﻭﺗﻜﺸﻔﺖ‬
‫ﻣﺆﺧﺮﺍ‪ً.‬ﻷﻭﻝ ﻣﺮﺓ ﻣﻨﺬ ﺗﻘﺎﺭﻳﺮ ‪ )Desrues, 2012; Bendourou, 2012(.‬ﺃﻋﻮﺍﻡ‪ .‬ﻭﻣﻦ ﻣﺠﻠﺴﻴﻦ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻋﺎﻣﻲ ‪1962‬‬
‫ﻭ‪،1970‬ﺃﺻﺒﺢ ﺃﺣﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﻟﻤﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻋﺎﻣﻲ ‪ 1970‬ﻭ‪ 1996‬ﻟﻴﺼﺒﺢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﺍً ﻣﻦ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﺘﺎﺭﻳﺦ‪ ،‬ﺛﻨﺎﺋﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﺠﻠﺲ ﻣﺮﺓ‬
‫ﺃﺧﺮﻯ‪.‬ﻟﻘﺪ ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﺻﻼﺣﻴﺎﺗﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﺒﻞ ﻛﻞ ﺷﻲء‪ ،‬ﻣﺠﺎﻝ ﻋﻤﻠﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﻛﺬﻟﻚ ﻋﻼﻗﺎﺗﻬﺎ ﻣﻊ ﺍﻟﻤﻠﻜﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺤﻜﻮﻣﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻭﺟﻪ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺨﺼﻮﺹ‪،‬ﻋﺮﺿﺔ ﻷﻛﺜﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ‪ ،‬ﺗﺮﺍﻭﺡ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻟﻀﻌﻒ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﺗﻌﺮﺿﺖ ﻟﻪ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﺸﺮﻳﻌﻴﺔ ﺑﺴﺒﺐ ﻟﺪﺳﺘﻮﺭ‬
‫‪،1970‬ﺍﻟﺘﻮﺳﻊ ﺍﻟﻜﺒﻴﺮ ﻓﻲ ﻣﺠﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﺣﻘﻘﻪ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ‪ 2011‬ﺍﻟﺤﺎﻟﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺃﻋﻘﺎﺏ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺐ ﺣﺮﻛﺔ ‪ 20‬ﻓﺒﺮﺍﻳﺮ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻤﺮﺗﺒﻄﺔﺑﺎﻟﺮﺑﻴﻊ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻲ ‪des degrés et à des intervalles variables, depuis près de soixante‬‬
‫‪et constitutionnel, le parlement se trouve projeté dans cette dynamique qui se déploie, à‬‬
‫‪monarchique des modifications susceptibles d'affecter son leadership politique‬‬
‫‪A chaque fois, sans doute pour éviter à l'institution‬‬

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 ‫ﺃ‪.‬ﺑﺮﻭﻛﺴﻲ‪،‬ﺍﻟﺒﺮﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﻐﺮﺑﻲ ﻭﻃﺒﻴﻌﺔ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬

‫ﺣﺘﻰﺫﻟﻚ ﺍﻟﺤﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﻄﺮﻓﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﺮﺋﻴﺴﻴﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﺎ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﻤﻠﻜﻲ ﻣﻦ ﺟﻬﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻣﺎ ﻳﺴﻤﻰ ﺑﺄﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﺭﺿﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺟﻬﺔ‬
‫ﺃﺧﺮﻯ‪.‬ﻓﻲ ﻋﺎﻡ ‪ ،2011‬ﻳﺒﺪﻭ ﺃﻥ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺍﻟﻘﻮﻯ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﺃﺩﻯ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺍﻹﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺪﺳﺘﻮﺭﻳﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻡ ﻧﻔﺴﻪ ﻗﺪ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﻣﻦ‬
‫ﺍﻷﺣﺰﺍﺏﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺟﺰء ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻤﺠﺘﻤﻊ ﻳﻜﺎﻓﺢ ﻣﻦ ﺃﺟﻞ ﺇﺑﺮﺍﺯ ﻧﻔﺴﻪ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﺴﺘﻘﺒﻞ‪ ،‬ﻭﻳﺘﺄﻟﻒ ﺟﺰﺋﻴﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺸﺒﺎﺏ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻤﻐﺎﺭﺑﺔﺍﻟﻤﻄﻠﻌﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺬﻳﻦ ﻳﺘﻤﺘﻌﻮﻥ ﺑﻀﻤﻴﺮ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﻲ‪ .‬ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻤﺜﻴﻞ ﻓﻲ ﺷﻮﺍﺭﻉ ﺍﻟﻤﺪﻥ ﺍﻟﻜﺒﺮﻯ ﻭﻋﺒﺮﺍﻟﺸﺒﻜﺎﺕ‬
‫ﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻋﻠﻰﻣﺴﺘﻮﻯ ﺃﻛﺜﺮ ﺭﻣﺰﻳﺔ‪ ،‬ﺗﻢ ﺍﻻﻋﺘﺮﺍﻑ ﺑﺎﻟﺒﺮﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﻷﻭﻝ ﻣﺮﺓ ﺑﺎﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﻩ "ﺳﻠﻄﺔ" ﺑﻤﻮﺟﺐ ﺍﻟﻤﻴﺜﺎﻕ ﺍﻷﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﻟﻌﺎﻡ‬
‫‪.2011‬ﻭﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺒﺎﺏ ﺍﻟﺮﺍﺑﻊ‪ ،‬ﺗﻢ ﺫﻛﺮ ﺍﻟﻤﺆﺳﺴﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﺸﺮﻳﻌﻴﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﻧﻬﺎ "ﺳﻠﻄﺔ ﺗﺸﺮﻳﻌﻴﺔ" ﻭﻟﻴﺲ ﺑﺒﺴﺎﻃﺔ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﻛﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﺤﺎﻝ‬
‫ﻓﻲﺍﻟﺴﺎﺑﻖ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺤﺎﻟﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﺎﺑﻘﺔ‪ ،‬ﺑﻬﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻜﻠﻤﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻤﺤﺎﻳﺪﺓ ﻟﻠﻐﺎﻳﺔ‪" :‬ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺒﺮﻟﻤﺎﻥ"‪ .‬ﻗﺪ ﻳﺒﺪﻭ ﻟﻠﺒﻌﺾ "ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍً" ﺑﺴﻴﻄﺎً ﻓﻲ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻤﺼﻄﻠﺤﺎﺕﺫﺍﺕ ﻣﻼﻣﺢ ﺭﻣﺰﻳﺔ ﺷﺎﻣﻠﺔ‪ ،‬ﺇﻻ ﺃﻥ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﺪﻳﻞ ﻳﻌﻜﺲ ﻣﻊ ﺫﻟﻚ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍً ﻣﺆﺳﺴﻴﺎً ﻳﻤﻨﺢ ﺍﻟﺒﺮﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻜﺎﻧﺔ "‬
‫ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﺔ"‪ ،‬ﻭﻳﻤﻨﺤﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻟﻴﺔ ﺃﻛﺜﺮ ﺍﺗﺴﺎﻗﺎً ﻭﺃﻛﺜﺮ ﺗﺄﻛﻴﺪﺍً ﻓﻴﻤﺎ ﻳﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﺎﻟﺒﺮﻟﻤﺎﻥ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺤﻜﻮﻣﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﺒﻞ ﻛﻞ ﺷﻲء‪ ،‬ﻓﻲ‬
‫ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻬﺔﻗﻴﺎﺩﺓ ﺍﻟﻤﻠﻮﻙ‪.‬‬

‫ﻭﻗﺪﺃﺗﺎﺡ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﺘﻄﻮﺭ ﻟﻠﻤﺪﺍﻓﻌﻴﻦ ﻋﻦ ﺍﻹﺻﻼﺡ ﺍﻟﺪﺳﺘﻮﺭﻱ ﻟﻌﺎﻡ ‪ 2011‬ﺍﻟﺘﺄﻛﻴﺪ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﻧﻪ ﻳﻤﺜﻞ‪ ،‬ﺣﺴﺐ ﺍﻵﺭﺍء‪ ،‬ﺗﺘﻮﻳﺠﺎ‬
‫ﻟﻌﻤﻠﻴﺔﺑﺪﺃﺕ ﺑﺎﻟﻔﻌﻞ ﻓﻲ ﻋﻬﺪ ﺍﻟﺤﺴﻦ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻮ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﻲ ﻧﺤﻮ ﺑﺮﻟﻤﺎﻧﻨﺔ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﻤﻠﻜﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﻐﺮﺏ‪ ،‬ﺃﻭ ﻣﻦ‬
‫ﺑﻴﻦﺃﻛﺜﺮ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﺎﺕ ﺣﺬﺭﺍ‪ .‬ﻭﺣﺪﺩ ﺷﺮﻭﻁ ﺍﻟﺒﺮﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﺬﻛﻮﺭ‪ .1‬ﺇﺫﺍ ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﺩﻳﻨﺎﻣﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺍﻟﺪﺳﺘﻮﺭﻱ ﺗﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﺎﻟﺘﺄﻛﻴﺪ‬
‫ﺳﻨﺔ‪ ،2011‬ﺇﻟﻰ ﺣﺪ ﻛﺒﻴﺮ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻟﺒﺮﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﻐﺮﺑﻲ ﻭﻋﻼﻗﺎﺗﻪ ﻣﻊ ﻛﻞ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﻤﻠﻜﻲ ﻭﺍﻟﺤﻜﻮﻣﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﺈﻧﻨﺎ ﺳﻨﻌﺮﺽ ﻓﻲ ﻫﺬﺍ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻤﻘﺎﻝﺍﻟﺘﻘﺪﻡ ﻭﺍﻟﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﻛﺸﻔﺘﻬﺎ ﻟﻨﺎ ﻣﻤﺎﺭﺳﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﻠﻜﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﺔ ﺍﻟﺤﻜﻮﻣﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺒﺮﻟﻤﺎﻧﻴﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﺪﻯ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺴﻨﻮﺍﺕﺍﻟﻌﺸﺮ ﺍﻟﻤﺎﺿﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﺑﻤﻌﻨﻰ ﺁﺧﺮ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﻜﻮﻥ ﺍﻷﻣﺮ ﻳﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﺎﻟﺘﺤﻘﻖ ﻣﻤﺎ ﺇﺫﺍ ﻛﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﺘﻘﺪﻡ ﻧﺤﻮ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﺭ ﺍﻷﻛﺒﺮ ﺍﻟﻤﻤﻨﻮﺡ‬
‫ﻟﻠﺒﺮﻟﻤﺎﻥﻣﻠﻤﻮﺳﺎً ﺃﻡ ﻳﺘﻢ ﺗﺤﻴﻴﺪﻩ ﻣﻦ ﺧﻼﻝ ﺗﻮﺍﺯﻥ ﺍﻟﻘﻮﻯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻟﻔﺎﻋﻠﻴﻦ ﺍﻟﺮﺋﻴﺴﻴﻴﻦ )ﺍﻟﻤﻠﻚ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺤﻜﻮﻣﺔ‪ ،‬ﺍﻷﺣﺰﺍﺏ(‪،‬‬
‫ﺍﻟﻤﺘﺄﺻﻞﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﻄﻖ ﺍﻟﻤﻮﺭﻭﺙ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻻﺳﺘﺒﺪﺍﺩﻱ‪.‬‬

‫‪1‬ﺭﺍﺟﻊ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺳﺒﻴﻞ ﺍﻟﻤﺜﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺗﻌﻠﻴﻘﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺤﻘﻮﻗﻴﻴﻦ ﻭﻋﻠﻤﺎء ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﻐﺎﺭﺑﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﻔﺮﻧﺴﻴﻴﻦ ﻭﺍﻹﺳﺒﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻧﻼﺣﻆ ﺗﺪﺭﺟﺎ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺃﻭﻟﺌﻚ ﺍﻟﺬﻳﻦ‬
‫ﻳﺆﻛﺪﻭﻥﻗﺪﻭﻡ ﺍﻟﻤﻠﻜﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺒﺮﻟﻤﺎﻧﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﻭﻟﺌﻚ ﺍﻟﺬﻳﻦ ﻳﺘﺤﺪﺛﻮﻥ ﻋﻦ ﺍﻻﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ ﻧﺤﻮ ﺍﻟﺒﺮﻟﻤﺎﻧﻴﺔ ﻭﺃﻭﻟﺌﻚ ﺍﻟﺬﻳﻦ ﻳﺮﻭﺟﻮﻥ ﻟﻠﺨﺮﻭﺝ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻻﺳﺘﺒﺪﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻻﺗﺠﺎﻩ‬
‫ﺍﻷﻭﻝﻻﺣﻈﺘﻪ ﺃﻣﻴﻨﺔ ﻣﺴﻌﻮﺩﻱ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺷﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻠﺠﻨﺔ ﺍﻻﺳﺘﺸﺎﺭﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﻜﻠﻔﺔ ﺑﺼﻴﺎﻏﺔ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ‪ ،2011‬ﺣﻴﺚ ﺗﺮﻯ ﺃﻥ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ‪ 2011‬ﻫﻮ ﺗﺘﻮﻳﺞ‬
‫ﻟﻌﻤﻠﻴﺔﺗﺄﺳﻴﺲ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﻟﻤﺎﻧﻲ )ﻣﺴﻌﻮﺩﻱ ﻭﺗﻴﺮﻭﻝ ﺑﻴﺴﻴﺮﺍ‪ ،(2012:11 ،‬ﻣﻨﺬ ﻭﻓﻲ ﻋﺎﻡ ‪ ،1992‬ﺍﻧﺘﻘﻞ ﺍﻟﻤﻐﺮﺏ ﻣﻦ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺳﻜﻨﻲ ﻣﻠﻜﻲ ﻏﻴﺮ‬
‫ﻣﺘﻮﺍﺯﻥﺇﻟﻰ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻣﻠﻜﻲ ﺑﺮﻟﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﻧﺎﺷﺊ )ﻣﺴﻌﻮﺩﻱ‪ .(133 :2012 ،‬ﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﺁﺧﺮ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻻﺗﺠﺎﻩ ﺍﻟﺘﻔﺴﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﻔﻴﺪ ﻣﻴﻠﻮﻧﻲ )‪ (2013‬ﻫﻮ ﺭﺟﻞ‬
‫ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥﻭﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻓﺮﻧﺴﻲ ﻳﻌﺘﻘﺪ‪“ :‬ﻣﻦ ﺧﻼﻝ ﻣﻨﺢ ﺍﻟﺤﻜﻮﻣﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺒﺮﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﻭﺿﻌﺎ ﻳﺘﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﻣﻊ ﻭﻇﺎﺋﻔﻬﻤﺎ‪ ،‬ﻳﺴﺎﻫﻢ ﺍﻟﺪﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﺍﻟﻤﻐﺮﺑﻲ ﺍﻟﺠﺪﻳﺪ‬
‫ﺑﺎﻟﺘﺄﻛﻴﺪﻓﻲ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﻐﺮﺑﻴﺔ”‪ .‬ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﻧﺤﻮ ﺑﺮﻟﻤﺎﻧﻴﺔ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﻴﺔ"‪ ،‬ﻭﻳﻀﻴﻒ ﺃﻥ "ﺍﻟﺪﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﻳﻜﺮﺱ ﺍﻵﻥ ﻧﻮﻋﺎً ﺧﺎﺻﺎً ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺒﺮﻟﻤﺎﻧﻴﺔ‪ « .‬ﻭﻳﺮﻯ‬
‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺍﻟﻄﻮﺯﻱ‪ ،‬ﺃﺳﺘﺎﺫ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﻐﺮﺑﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﻋﻀﻮ ﻟﺠﻨﺔ ﺍﻟﺸﻮﺭﻯ ﺃﻳﻀﺎ‪ ،‬ﺷﺄﻧﻪ ﺷﺄﻥ ﻋﻀﻮ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻲ ﺁﺧﺮ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻠﺠﻨﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﺬﻛﻮﺭﺓ‪ ،‬ﻋﺒﺪ ﺍﻟﻠﻪ‬
‫ﺳﻌﻒ‪،‬ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﺪﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﻳﺄﺗﻲ ﺑﺎﻟﺨﺮﻭﺝ ﻋﻦ ﺍﻻﺳﺘﺒﺪﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺝ‪ .‬ﻛﺎﻧﻮﻥ‪“ ،‬ﺍﻟﻤﻐﺮﺏ‪ :‬ﺍﻟﺜﻮﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﻬﺎﺩﺋﺔ؟ ﻟﻘﺎء ﻣﻊ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺍﻟﻄﻮﺯﻱ"‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﻗﻊ ‪، 24‬‬
‫‪ Sciences humainees.com‬ﺃﻛﺘﻮﺑﺮ ‪-la-revolutiontranquille-rencontre-avec-mohamed-tozy_fr_27622.html.2011‬‬
‫‪ .http://www.sciences humaine.com/maroc‬ﺃ‪ .‬ﺳﻌﻒ‪“ ،‬ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﻐﺮﺏ‪ :‬ﺍﻟﺨﺮﻭﺝ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻤﻠﻜﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻨﻔﻴﺬﻳﺔ”‪ .‬ﻟﻮﺏ ﻟﻮ‬
‫ﺑﻠﺲ‪/contribution/166564-nouvelleconstitution-marocaine-suffisante-pour-sortir-de-la-crise.html,2011-07-06,‬‬
‫‪https://leplus.nouvelobs.com‬‬

‫ﺭﻗﻢ‪) 32‬ﻧﺎﺷﺌﻴﻦ ‪REIM (2022‬‬

‫‪ISSN: 1887-4460‬‬
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 ‫ﻭﻳﻮﺍﺟﻪﺍﻟﺒﺮﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺩﺓ ﺷﺒﻪ ﺩﺍﺋﻤﺔ ﻟﻠﻤﻠﻜﻴﺔ‬
‫ﻓﻲﺧﻄﺎﺏ ﻳﻌﻮﺩ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻪ ﺇﻟﻰ ‪ 13‬ﺃﻛﺘﻮﺑﺮ ‪ ،1978‬ﻟﺨﺺ ﺍﻟﻤﻠﻚ ﺍﻟﺮﺍﺣﻞ ﺍﻟﺤﺴﻦ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﻧﻲ )‪ (1999-1929‬ﻓﻲ ﺑﻀﻊ ﻛﻠﻤﺎﺕ‬
‫ﻃﺒﻴﻌﺔﺍﻟﻌﻼﻗﺔ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻟﻤﻠﻚ ﻭﺍﻟﻤﺆﺳﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﺍﻷﺳﺎﺳﻴﺘﻴﻦ ﺍﻷﺧﺮﻳﻴﻦ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﻐﺮﺑﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺒﺮﻟﻤﺎﻥ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻟﺤﻜﻮﻣﺔ‪": .‬ﺇﻥ ﺳﻴﻄﺮﺓ ﻣﻦ ﻭﻛﻠﻪ ﺍﻟﻠﻪ ﺑﺎﻟﻤﻬﻤﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﺎﻣﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﺘﻤﺜﻠﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺧﻠﻴﻔﺔ ﺍﻟﻨﺒﻲ‪ ،‬ﻫﻲ ﺃﻣﺮ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﻱ ﻟﻴﺲ ﻓﻘﻂ‬
‫ﻋﻠﻰﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻨﻔﻴﺬﻳﺔ‪ ،‬ﺑﻞ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﺸﺮﻳﻌﻴﺔ ﺃﻳﻀﺎً‪2«.‬‬

‫ﻟﻘﺪﺃﻟﻘﻴﺖ ﻛﻠﻤﺔ "ﺍﻟﺴﻴﻄﺮﺓ" ﻓﻲ ﺑﺪﺍﻳﺔ ﺟﻤﻠﺔ ﺍﻟﺤﺴﻦ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﻟﻜﻦ ﻻ ﻳﻤﻜﻨﻨﺎ ﻓﺼﻠﻬﺎ ﻋﻦ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﺭﺋﻴﺴﻲ ﺁﺧﺮ ﻟﻮﻇﻴﻔﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻤﻠﻚﻭﺗﺸﻌﺒﺎﺗﻪ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ‪ :‬ﺍﻟﺘﺤﻜﻴﻢ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﺑﺘﺠﺎﻭﺯﺍﻻﻧﻘﺴﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻟﻴﻤﻴﻦ ﻭﺍﻟﻴﺴﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﻗﺪﻣﺖ ﺍﻟﻤﻠﻜﻴﺔ ﻧﻔﺴﻬﺎ ﺩﺍﺋﻤﺎً ﻛﻤﺆﺳﺴﺔ ﺗﺘﻤﺘﻊ ﺑﺴﻠﻄﺎﺕ‬
‫ﻓﻌﺎﻟﺔ‪،‬ﻭﺃﺧﺮﻯ ﺃﻗﻞ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻤﺎً ﻭﻟﻜﻨﻬﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻧﻔﺲ ﺍﻟﻘﺪﺭ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻷﻫﻤﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻛﻨﻮﻉ ﻣﻦ ""ﻗﻮﺓ ﺍﻟﺘﺤﻜﻴﻢ ﺍﻟﻨﺸﻄﺔﻭﻓﻘﺎ ًﻟﺼﻴﻐﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺒﺮﻭﻓﻴﺴﻮﺭﻣﻴﻨﻮﻧﻲ )‪1993‬ﻡ(‪ ،‬ﻫﺪﻓﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﻨﻬﺎﺋﻲ ﻫﻮ ﺗﺤﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻌﺎﻟﻢ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﺍﻓﻖ‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ ﺧﻼﻝ ﺗﻨﻮﻳﺮ ﺍﻟﻌﻘﻮﻝ‪ ،‬ﻭﺣﻞ ﺍﻟﺨﻼﻓﺎﺕ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﺍﻟﺤﻔﺎﻅﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺘﻀﺎﻣﻦ‪ ،‬ﻭﺗﻌﺰﻳﺰ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﺎﻳﺶ‪«.‬‬

‫ﻫﺬﻩﺍﻟﻮﻇﻴﻔﺔ "ﺍﻟﺘﺤﻜﻴﻤﻴﺔ" ﻟﻠﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﻤﻠﻜﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﻳﺼﻌﺐ ﺗﺤﺪﻳﺪ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻔﻬﺎ ﻭﺣﺪﻭﺩﻫﺎ )ﻣﻴﻨﻮﻧﻲ‪ ،(1993 ،‬ﻣﻨﺼﻮﺹ‬
‫ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎﺻﺮﺍﺣﺔ ﻷﻭﻝ ﻣﺮﺓ ﻓﻲ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ‪ 2011‬ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﺎﺩﺓ ‪" :42‬ﺍﻟﻤﻠﻚ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﺔ‪ ،‬ﻣﻤﺜﻠﻪ ﺍﻷﻋﻠﻰ‪ ،‬ﺭﻣﺰ ﻭﺣﺪﺓ ﺍﻷﻣﺔ‪،‬‬
‫ﺍﻟﻀﺎﻣﻦﻟﺪﻳﻤﻮﻣﺔ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﺔ ﻭﺍﺳﺘﻤﺮﺍﺭﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻟﻤﺤﻜﻢ ﺍﻷﻋﻠﻰ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻣﺆﺳﺴﺎﺗﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻳﺴﻬﺮ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ ﺍﻟﺪﺳﺘﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﻭﺣﺴﻦ ﺳﻴﺮ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻤﺆﺳﺴﺎﺕﺍﻟﺪﺳﺘﻮﺭﻳﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺣﻤﺎﻳﺘﻬﺎ‪ .‬ﺍﻻﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺍﻟﺪﻳﻤﻘﺮﺍﻃﻲ ﻭﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﻭﺣﺮﻳﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻤﻮﺍﻃﻨﻴﻦ ﻭﺍﻟﻤﺠﺘﻤﻌﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻻﻣﺘﺜﺎﻝ‬
‫ﻻﻟﺘﺰﺍﻣﺎﺕﺍﻟﻤﻤﻠﻜﺔ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻴﺔ‪ « .‬ﺗﻌﺮﺿﺖ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻤﺎﺩﺓ ﻻﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﺷﺪﻳﺪﺓ ﻣﻦ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﻟﺤﺮﻛﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻤﺎﻧﻴﺔ ﻭﺑﻌﺾ ﻧﺸﻄﺎء‬
‫‪20‬ﻓﺒﺮﺍﻳﺮ‪ ،‬ﺣﻴﺚ ﺣﻠﺖ ﻣﺤﻞ ﺍﻟﻤﺎﺩﺓ ‪ 19‬ﺍﻟﺸﻬﻴﺮﺓ ﻭﻟﻜﻦ ﺩﻭﻥ ﺇﺟﺮﺍء ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﻛﺒﻴﺮﺓ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺠﻮﻫﺮ‪.3.‬‬

‫ﻭﻏﻨﻲﻋﻦ ﺍﻟﻘﻮﻝ ﺃﻧﻪ ﻓﻲ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻳﻜﻮﻥ ﻓﻴﻪ ﺍﻟﻤﻠﻚ ﻫﻮ ﺍﻟﺮﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﻟﻔﻌﺎﻝ ﻟﻠﺴﻠﻄﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻨﻔﻴﺬﻳﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻮ ﻗﺎﺋﺪ ﻋﺴﻜﺮﻱ‬
‫ﻟﻪﺗﺪﺍﻋﻴﺎﺕ ﻣﻬﻤﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﺔ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﺋﻴﺔ )ﻳﻌﻴﻦ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﺓ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻮ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﻟﻤﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﻷﻋﻠﻰ ﻟﻠﺴﻠﻄﺔ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﺋﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻷﺣﻜﺎﻡ(‪) .‬‬
‫ﺗﻠﻔﻆﺑﺎﺳﻤﻬﺎ(‪ ،‬ﻻ ﺗﺒﺪﻭ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﺤﻜﻴﻢ ﺍﻟﻤﻠﻜﻲ ﻣﺘﻮﺍﻓﻘﺔ ﻣﻊ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﺔ ﺍﻟﻔﺼﻞ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﻧﺺ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ ﻷﻭﻝ‬
‫ﻣﺮﺓﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ‪.2011‬‬

‫ﻭﻣﻊﺫﻟﻚ‪ ،‬ﻓﺈﻥ ﻣﻬﻨﺔ "ﺍﻟﻤﺤﻜﻢ" ﺍﻟﻤﺆﺳﺴﻲ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺗﻤﻨﺢ ﺍﻟﻤﻠﻚ "ﻣﻬﻤﺘﻴﻦ" ﺗﺘﻨﺎﻓﺴﺎﻥ ﺑﻼ ﺷﻚ ﻣﻊ ﻣﻜﺎﻧﺔ ﺍﻟﺒﺮﻟﻤﺎﻥ‬
‫ﻭﻣﺴﺆﻭﻟﻴﺎﺗﻪ‪،‬ﺭﻏﻢ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﻬﻤﺎ ﻗﻠﻴﻼ‪ً.‬‬

‫ﺃ( ﻣﻬﻤﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻤﺜﻴﻞ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻌﺒﻴﺮ ﻋﻦ ﺳﻠﻄﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﻠﻚ ﺍﻟﺸﺎﻣﻠﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺒﺮﻟﻤﺎﻥ‬

‫ﻭﻣﻬﻤﺔﺍﻟﺘﻤﺜﻴﻞ ﻭﺭﺩﺕ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﺎﺩﺓ ‪ 42‬ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻨﺺ ﺍﻟﺪﺳﺘﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﻟﺤﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﺫﻛﺮﻧﺎﻩ ﻟﻠﺘﻮ‪.‬‬

‫ﻓﻲﺍﻷﻭﻗﺎﺕ ﺍﻻﺳﺘﺜﻨﺎﺋﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻳﺘﻢ ﻧﺸﺮ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﺸﻜﻞ ﻣﻦ "ﺍﻟﺘﻤﺜﻴﻞ"‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﻳﻘﻮﻝ ﺍﻟﻜﺜﻴﺮ ﻭﻟﻜﻦ ﻟﻴﺲ ﺑﻤﺎ ﻓﻴﻪ ﺍﻟﻜﻔﺎﻳﺔ )ﻭﻓﻖ‬
‫ﺻﻴﻐﺔﺇﻧﺠﻠﻴﺰﻳﺔ ﻣﺸﻬﻮﺭﺓ(‪ ،‬ﻓﻲ ﻗﻠﺐ ﺍﻵﻟﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺒﺮﻟﻤﺎﻧﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺳﻮﺍء ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﺴﺘﻮﻯ ﺻﻴﺎﻏﺔ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻉ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺃﻭ ﻋﻠﻰ‬
‫ﻣﺴﺘﻮﻯﺧﺎﺗﻤﺘﻪ‪ ، .‬ﻧﺸﺮ‪.‬‬
‫ﻓﻲﺑﺪﺍﻳﺔ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺗﺸﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﻷﻭﻝ‪/‬ﺃﻛﺘﻮﺑﺮ ﻣﻦ ﻛﻞ ﻋﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﻳﻔﺘﺘﺢ ﺍﻟﻤﻠﻚ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﺘﺸﺮﻳﻌﻴﺔ ﻭﻳﺮﺳﻞ ﺭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺇﻟﻰ ﻣﺠﻠﺴﻲ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺒﺮﻟﻤﺎﻥ“ﻻ ﻳﻤﻜﻦ ﺃﻥ ﺗﻜﻮﻥ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺃﻱ ﻧﻘﺎﺵ‪ « .‬ﺇﻥ ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻪ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﺮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﻓﻲ ﻧﻔﺲ ﺍﻟﻮﻗﺖ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺍﻟﻤﻤﺜﻠﻴﻦ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻟﻤﺴﺘﺸﺎﺭﻳﻦﻳﺒﻠﻮﺭ ﺃﺣﺪ ﺃﺑﻌﺎﺩ ﺍﻟﻤﺴﺎﻭﺍﺓ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺜﻨﺎﺋﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﻐﺮﺑﻲ‪ .‬ﻭﻓﻲ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ‪ 1962‬ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﻛﺎﻥ‪،‬‬

‫‪"2‬ﺧﻄﺎﺏ ﺍﻟﺤﺴﻦ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﻧﻲ ﻓﻲ ‪ 13‬ﺃﻛﺘﻮﺑﺮ ‪ ،"1978‬ﺹﺧﻄﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻭﻣﻘﺎﺑﻼﺕ ﻣﻊ ﺟﻼﻟﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﻠﻚ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﺸﻮﺭﺍﺕ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺓ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﻤﺠﻠﺪ ﺍﻟﺴﺎﺩﺱ‪ ،‬ﺹ‪.‬‬
‫‪.98‬‬
‫‪3‬ﻭﻓﻴﻤﺎ ﻳﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﺎﻟﻤﺎﺩﺓ ‪ 19‬ﻭﺗﻔﺴﻴﺮﺍﺗﻬﺎ ﻧﺸﻴﺮ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﻮﻧﻲ )‪ (1984‬ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻮﺯﻱ )‪.(1999‬‬
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 ‫ﺃ‪.‬ﺑﺮﻭﻛﺴﻲ‪،‬ﺍﻟﺒﺮﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﻐﺮﺑﻲ ﻭﻃﺒﻴﻌﺔ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬

‫ﻭﻟﻨﺘﺬﻛﺮ‪،‬ﻋﻨﺪﻣﺎ ﺧﻄﻂ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺧﺐ ﻟﺒﺮﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻦ ﻣﺠﻠﺴﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺧﺐ ﻳﻜﺘﻔﻲ ﺑﺼﻴﻐﺔ "ﺍﻟﺮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﻣﻮﺟﻬﺔ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺍﻟﺒﺮﻟﻤﺎﻥ"‪.‬‬
‫«ﻣﻦ ﺧﻼﻝ ﺫﻛﺮ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﻟﺸﻮﺭﻯ ﺑﺎﻻﺳﻢ‪ ،‬ﻣﻊ ﺍﻹﺻﺮﺍﺭ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﻓﺈﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﻴﺜﺎﻕ ﺍﻷﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﻟﺤﺎﻟﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺜﻞ ﻣﻴﺜﺎﻕ ﻋﺎﻡ ‪،1996‬‬
‫ﻳﻬﺪﻑﺇﻟﻰ ﺟﻌﻠﻪ ﻣﻜﻮﻧﺎً ﻭﻓﺎﻋﻼً ﻣﻬﻤﺎً ﻭﺃﺳﺎﺳﻴﺎً ﻟﻠﺴﻠﻄﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﺸﺮﻳﻌﻴﺔ‪.‬‬

‫ﺃﻣﺎﺍﻟﻤﻈﻬﺮ ﺍﻵﺧﺮ ﻟﻤﻬﻤﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﻠﻚ ﺍﻟﺘﻤﺜﻴﻠﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﻴﻤﺎ ﻳﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﺎﻟﺒﺮﻟﻤﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻓﻬﻮ ﺣﻠﻪ‪ .‬ﻭﻫﺬﻩ ﺳﻠﻄﺔ "ﺗﻘﺪﻳﺮﻳﺔ" ﻟﻠﻤﻠﻚ‪ ،‬ﺣﺘﻰ ﻟﻮ‬
‫ﻛﺎﻥﻋﻠﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﻟﻘﻴﺎﻡ ﺑﻤﺜﻞ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﻔﻌﻞ‪ ،‬ﺇﺭﺳﺎﻝ ﺭﺳﺎﻟﺔ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺍﻷﻣﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﺳﺘﺸﺎﺭﺓ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﻟﻤﺤﻜﻤﺔ ﺍﻟﺪﺳﺘﻮﺭﻳﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺇﺑﻼﻍ‬
‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺍﻟﺤﻜﻮﻣﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﻟﻨﻮﺍﺏ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﻨﻮﺍﺏ ﻭﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﻟﻤﺴﺘﺸﺎﺭﻳﻦ )ﺍﻟﻤﺎﺩﺓ ‪ .(51‬ﻭﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻼﻓﺖ ﻟﻠﻨﻈﺮ ﺃﻥ‬
‫ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭﻋﺎﻡ ‪ 1962‬ﻟﻢ ﻳﻨﺺ ﺇﻻ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺣﻞ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﻟﻨﻮﺍﺏ "ﺑﻤﺮﺳﻮﻡ ﻣﻠﻜﻲ"‪ ،« .‬ﺍﻷﻣﺮ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﺃﺛﺎﺭ ﺍﻟﺘﺴﺎﺅﻝ ﺣﻮﻝ ﻣﺎ ﺇﺫﺍ‬
‫ﻛﺎﻥﺣﻞ ﺍﻟﻤﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﻷﻭﻝ ﺳﻴﺆﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﺑﺤﻜﻢ ﺍﻷﻣﺮ ﺍﻟﻮﺍﻗﻊ‪ ،‬ﺇﻟﻰ ﺣﻞ ﺍﻟﻤﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﻧﻲ؟ ﻭﻟﻢ ﺗﺴﻔﺮ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻤﻤﺎﺭﺳﺔ ﻋﻦ ﺃﻱ ﺭﺩ‬
‫ﻓﻌﻞﻷﻥ ﺃﻭﻝ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﺔ ﺫﺍﺕ ﻣﺠﻠﺴﻴﻦ ﻟﻠﻤﻐﺮﺏ ﺍﻟﻤﺴﺘﻘﻞ ﻟﻢ ﺗﺪﻡ ﺳﻮﻯ ﻋﺎﻣﻴﻦ )ﻣﻦ ‪ 1963‬ﺇﻟﻰ ‪ ،(1965‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺃﻥ ﺃﻋﻠﻦ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻤﻠﻚﺍﻟﺤﺴﻦ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﻓﻲ ﻳﻮﻧﻴﻮ‪/‬ﺣﺰﻳﺮﺍﻥ ‪ ،1965‬ﺣﺎﻟﺔ ﺍﻻﺳﺘﺜﻨﺎء‪.‬‬

‫ﻭﻣﻦﺍﻟﻤﺆﻛﺪ ﺃﻧﻪ ﻟﺘﺠﻨﺐ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﻐﻤﻮﺽ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺧﺒﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﻓﻲ ﻋﺎﻣﻲ ‪ 1996‬ﻭ‪ ،2011‬ﺃﻛﺜﺮ ﺩﻗﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻹﺷﺎﺭﺓ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺃﻥ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺤﻞﻳﺨﺺ "ﻛﻼ ﺍﻟﻤﺠﻠﺴﻴﻦ ﺃﻭ ﺃﺣﺪﻫﻤﺎ ﻓﻘﻂ"‪ .‬ﻭﻫﻨﺎ ﺃﻳﻀﺎ‪ ،‬ﻳﺆﻛﺪ ﺍﻟﻤﻴﺜﺎﻗﺎﻥ ﺍﻷﺳﺎﺳﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﻄﺎﺑﻊ ﺍﻟﻤﺴﺎﻭﺍﺗﻲ ﻟﻠﻨﻈﺎﻡ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺜﻨﺎﺋﻲﺍﻟﻤﻐﺮﺑﻲ‪.‬‬

‫ﻟﻜﻦﺇﺫﺍ ﻛﺎﻥ ﻟﻬﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﻨﺺ ﻣﻴﺰﺓ ﺍﻟﻮﺿﻮﺡ‪ ،‬ﻓﺈﻧﻪ ﺳﻴﻄﺮﺡ ﻧﻔﺴﻪ ﻛﻔﻀﻮﻝ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﻭﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭﻱ ﺇﺫﺍ ﻗﺮﺭ ﺍﻟﻤﻠﻚ ﺫﺍﺕ ﻳﻮﻡ ﺣﻞ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻤﺠﻠﺲﺍﻷﻭﻝ ﻓﻘﻂ‪ .‬ﻭﺑﻤﺎ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﻤﻌﺮﻭﻑ ﺑﺎﺳﻢ ﺍﻟﻤﺴﺘﺸﺎﺭﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﻳﻔﺘﻘﺮ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺍﻟﺸﺮﻋﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺸﻌﺒﻴﺔ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻟﺪﻳﻤﻘﺮﺍﻃﻴﺔﺍﻟﺤﻘﻴﻘﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻷﻧﻪ ﻳﺘﻜﻮﻥ ﺃﺳﺎﺳﺎ ًﻣﻦ ﻭﺟﻬﺎء ﻣﻨﺘﺨﺒﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﻓﺈﻧﻪ ﺳﻴﻜﻮﻥ ﺍﻟﻮﺣﻴﺪ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﻳﺼﻮﺕ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻘﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﺑﺎﻟﺘﺎﻟﻲﻳﺤﺘﻜﺮ ﺍﻟﻌﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﺸﺮﻳﻌﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﻻ ﺷﻚ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺧﺐ ﻗﺪ ﺫﻛﺮ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﺒﻨﺪ ﻟﻴﺠﻌﻞ ﻣﻨﻪ ﺻﻤﺎﻡ ﺃﻣﺎﻥ ﻭﻳﻤﻨﺢ ﺍﻟﻤﻠﻚ‬
‫ﻫﺎﻣﺸﺎ ًﻣﺮﻳﺤﺎ ًﻟﻠﻤﻨﺎﻭﺭﺓ ﻓﻲ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺼﻮﻝ ﺃﻏﻠﺒﻴﺔ ﻫﺸﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﻟﻨﻮﺍﺏ‪...‬‬

‫ﻭﺃﺧﻴﺮﺍ‪،‬ﻳﻮﻗﻊ ﺍﻟﻤﻠﻚ ﻭﻳﺼﺎﺩﻕ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﻫﺪﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﺼﻮﺹ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﺎﺩﺓ ‪ 55‬ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻨﺺ ﺍﻟﺪﺳﺘﻮﺭﻱ‪ .‬ﺇﻧﻪ ﺑﻼ ﺷﻚ‬
‫ﻳﻔﻌﻞﺫﻟﻚ ﺑﺎﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﻩ "ﺍﻟﻤﻤﺜﻞ ﺍﻷﻋﻠﻰ ﻟﻸﻣﺔ"‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺮﻏﻢ ﻣﻦ ﺃﻥ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﺼﻴﻐﺔ ﻏﻴﺮ ﻣﺬﻛﻮﺭﺓ ﺻﺮﺍﺣﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﺎﺩﺓ ‪ 55‬ﻣﻦ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺪﺳﺘﻮﺭﺍﻟﺤﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﻀﻴﻒ ﻣﻊ ﺫﻟﻚ ﺑﻨﺪﺍً ﻟﺼﺎﻟﺢ ﺍﻟﺒﺮﻟﻤﺎﻥ‪" :‬ﻭﻣﻊ ﺫﻟﻚ‪ ،‬ﻓﺈﻥ ﻣﻌﺎﻫﺪﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺼﻠﺢ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻻﺗﺤﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﺃﻭ ﺗﻠﻚ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻤﺘﻌﻠﻘﺔﻻ ﻳﺠﻮﺯ ﺍﻟﺘﺼﺪﻳﻖ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﻫﺪﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻤﺘﻌﻠﻘﺔ ﺑﺘﺮﺳﻴﻢ ﺍﻟﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﻫﺪﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﺠﺎﺭﻳﺔ ﺃﻭ ﺗﻠﻚ ﺍﻟﻤﺘﻌﻠﻘﺔ‬
‫ﺑﺄﻣﻮﺍﻝﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﺔ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﻳﺘﻄﻠﺐ ﺗﻄﺒﻴﻘﻬﺎ ﺗﺪﺍﺑﻴﺮ ﺗﺸﺮﻳﻌﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻛﺬﻟﻚ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﻫﺪﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻤﺘﻌﻠﻘﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﺤﻘﻮﻕ ﻭﺍﻟﺤﺮﻳﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻔﺮﺩﻳﺔ‬
‫ﺃﻭﺍﻟﺠﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﻤﻮﺍﻃﻨﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﺇﻻ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﻟﻤﻮﺍﻓﻘﺔ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ ﻣﺴﺒﻘﺎً ﺑﻤﻮﺟﺐ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻧﻮﻥ‪« .‬‬

‫ﻭﻟﻜﻦﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺮﻏﻢ ﻣﻦ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﺘﻪ ﺍﻻﺑﺘﻜﺎﺭﻳﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﺈﻥ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﺸﺮﻁ ﻻ ﻳﺤﻈﻰ ﺩﺍﺋﻤﺎً ﺑﺎﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ ﺍﻟﻤﺆﺳﺴﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﻠﻜﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻣﻊ ﺍﻟﺼﻤﺖ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻤﺘﻮﺍﻃﺊﻣﻦ ﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﺍﻟﺤﻜﻮﻣﺔ‪ .‬ﺗﻜﺸﻒ ﺍﻟﻌﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺤﺎﻻﺕ ﺍﻷﺧﻴﺮﺓ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﻌﺘﻤﺪ ﺑﺪﻭﺭﻫﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺒﺮﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺃﻭ ﻋﻠﻰ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻌﻜﺲﻣﻦ ﺫﻟﻚ ﺗﺘﺠﺎﻫﻞ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ‪ ،‬ﻋﻦ ﺗﻔﺴﻴﺮ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻟﻠﻐﺎﻳﺔ ﻟﻬﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻤﺎﺩﺓ ‪ 55‬ﻣﻦ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﻤﻠﻜﻲ‪ .‬ﻭﻳﻘﻮﻡ ﻫﺬﺍ‬
‫ﺑﺘﻘﻴﻴﻢﺍﻟﻤﺨﺎﻃﺮ ﺍﻟﻤﺘﻜﺒﺪﺓ ﻭﺍﺳﺘﺪﻋﺎء ﺃﻭ ﺗﺠﺎﻭﺯ ﺭﺃﻱ ﺍﻟﺒﺮﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻨﺎء ًﻋﻠﻰ ﺗﻘﻴﻴﻤﻪ ﻟﻠﺘﻜﻠﻔﺔ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﻔﻌﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ‬
‫ﻳﻤﻜﻦﺃﻥ ﻳﺠﻨﻴﻬﺎ‪.‬‬

‫ﺃﻣﺎﺑﺎﻟﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﻟﻠﻤﺄﺯﻕ ﺑﺸﺄﻥ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﻟﺒﺮﻟﻤﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻓﺈﻥ ﺍﻟﺤﺎﻟﺔ ﺍﻷﺣﺪﺙ ﻭﺍﻷﻛﺜﺮ ﺭﻣﺰﻳﺔ ﻫﻲ ﺑﻼ ﺷﻚ "ﺗﻄﺒﻴﻊ" ﺍﻟﻌﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﺑﻴﻦ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻤﻤﻠﻜﺔﻭﺩﻭﻟﺔ ﺇﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ‪.‬‬
‫ﺗﻢﺍﻟﺘﻮﻗﻴﻊ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻻﺗﻔﺎﻗﻴﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﺮﺑﺎﻁ ﻓﻲ ‪ 22‬ﺩﻳﺴﻤﺒﺮ ‪ 2020‬ﻣﻦ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﻟﺤﻜﻮﻣﺔ ﺁﻧﺬﺍﻙ ﺍﻹﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺳﻌﺪ ﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻌﺜﻤﺎﻧﻴﻨﻲ‪،‬ﻭﻟﻢ ﺗﺨﻀﻊ ﻷﻱ ﺩﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﺃﻭ ﻣﺼﺎﺩﻗﺔ ﻣﻦ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﻟﺒﺮﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﻐﺮﺑﻲ )ﺑﺮﻭﻛﺴﻲ‪ .(2021 ،‬ﻭﻛﺎﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺇﻗﺎﻣﺔ‬
‫ﻋﻼﻗﺎﺕﺩﺑﻠﻮﻣﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﻭﺗﺠﺎﺭﻳﺔ ﻣﻊ ﺇﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ‬
‫ﺭﻗﻢ‪) 32‬ﻧﺎﺷﺌﻴﻦ ‪REIM (2022‬‬
‫‪ISSN: 1887-4460‬‬
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 ‫ﺃﻋﻠﻦﺫﻟﻚ ﻓﻲ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺻﺤﻔﻲ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﻋﻦ ﺍﻟﻘﺼﺮ ﺍﻟﻤﻠﻜﻲ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺳﺎﻋﺎﺕ ﻗﻠﻴﻠﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺃﺳﻘﺴﻘﺔﻭﺃﻋﻠﻦ ﺍﻟﺮﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﻷﻣﺮﻳﻜﻲ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺴﺎﺑﻖﺩﻭﻧﺎﻟﺪ ﺗﺮﺍﻣﺐ‪ ،‬ﻳﻮﻡ ‪ 10‬ﺩﻳﺴﻤﺒﺮ ﺍﻟﺠﺎﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﻑ ﺍﻷﺧﻴﺮ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺩﺓ ﺍﻟﻤﻐﺮﺏ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﺮﺍء ﺍﻟﻐﺮﺑﻴﺔ‪ .4‬ﻭﻟﻢ ﺗﻠﻖ‬
‫ﻫﺬﻩﺍﻻﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﺇﺟﻤﺎﻋﺎ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﺍﻟﻤﺠﺘﻤﻊ ﺍﻟﻤﻐﺮﺑﻲ‪ .‬ﻭﺑﺎﻟﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﻟﻤﺆﻳﺪﻱ “ﺍﻟﺘﻄﺒﻴﻊ”‪ ،‬ﻓﺈﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﺨﺎﻃﺮ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻳﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﺠﺎﺭﻳﺔ‬
‫ﻟﻬﺬﺍﺍﻻﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺳﺘﻜﻮﻥ ﻣﻬﻤﺔ ﻷﻧﻪ ﻳﻨﺺ ﻋﻠﻰ “ﺇﻋﺎﺩﺓ ﻓﺘﺢ ﺍﻟﻤﻜﺎﺗﺐ ﺍﻟﺪﺑﻠﻮﻣﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺗﻞ ﺃﺑﻴﺐ ﻭﻛﺬﻟﻚ ﺗﻄﻮﻳﺮ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﺎﻭﻥ‬
‫ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱﺍﻟﺜﻨﺎﺋﻲ” ﻣﻊ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﺔ ﺍﻟﻴﻬﻮﺩﻳﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻢ ﻳﻨﺪﺩ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺣﺰﺑﻴﻦ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻴﻴﻦ ﻳﺴﺎﺭﻳﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺤﺰﺏ ﺍﻻﺷﺘﺮﺍﻛﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﻮﺣﺪ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻟﻄﺮﻳﻖﺍﻟﺪﻳﻤﻘﺮﺍﻃﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻟﻘﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﻻﻧﻔﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﻟﻠﻤﻠﻚ ﻭﺗﻬﻤﻴﺶ ﺍﻟﻤﺆﺳﺴﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﺸﺮﻳﻌﻴﺔ‪.‬‬

‫ﻭﺍﻟﻤﺜﺎﻝﺍﻵﺧﺮ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﻻ ﻳﻘﻞ ﺃﻫﻤﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻜﻨﻪ ﻳﻌﺘﻤﺪ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺒﺮﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﻟﺘﺄﻳﻴﺪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﻠﻚ‪ ،‬ﻫﻮ ﻋﻮﺩﺓ ﺍﻟﻤﻐﺮﺏ ﻓﻲ ﻋﺎﻡ‬
‫‪2017‬ﺇﻟﻰ ﺍﻻﺗﺤﺎﺩ ﺍﻷﻓﺮﻳﻘﻲ )‪ .(Hernando de Larramendi, 2019‬ﻋﻨﺪﻣﺎ ﻏﺎﺩﺭ ﺍﻟﻤﻐﺮﺏ ﺍﻻﺗﺤﺎﺩ ﺍﻹﻓﺮﻳﻘﻲ ﻋﺎﻡ‬
‫‪1984‬ﺍﺣﺘﺠﺎﺟﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻧﻀﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺠﻤﻬﻮﺭﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﺮﺍﻭﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﺪﻳﻤﻘﺮﺍﻃﻴﺔ ﺇﻟﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺮ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﺤﺪﺙ ﻧﻘﻄﺔ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ‬
‫ﻭﻗﻄﻴﻌﺔﺩﺑﻠﻮﻣﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﻣﻬﻤﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻌﻼﻗﺔ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻟﻤﻤﻠﻜﺔ ﻭ"ﺇﺧﻮﺍﻧﻪ ﺍﻷﻓﺎﺭﻗﺔ"‪ .‬ﻭﺭﻏﻢ ﺃﻥ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻘﺎﺭﺏ‪ ،‬ﺧﺎﺻﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻣﺠﺎﻝ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺘﻌﺎﻭﻥﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﺑﺪﺃﺕ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺳﻨﻮﺍﺕ‪ ،‬ﻓﺈﻥ ﺭﻏﺒﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﻐﺮﺏ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻌﻮﺩﺓ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺍﻻﺗﺤﺎﺩ ﺍﻹﻓﺮﻳﻘﻲ ﻟﻢ ﻳﻌﻠﻦ ﻋﻨﻬﺎ ﺭﺳﻤﻴﺎ‬
‫ﺇﻻﻓﻲ ﻋﺎﻡ ‪ .2016‬ﻭﺑﺎﻟﻔﻌﻞ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﺬ ﺍﻟﺴﻨﻮﺍﺕ ﺍﻷﻭﻟﻰ ﻟﺤﻜﻤﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺪﺃﺕ ﺍﻟﻤﻔﺎﻭﺿﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺗﻢ ﺇﺟﺮﺍﺅﻫﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ﻣﻦ‬
‫ﻗﺒﻞﺍﻟﻤﻠﻚ ﻭﺣﺎﺷﻴﺘﻪ ﺍﻟﻤﻘﺮﺑﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻢ "ﻳﻨﺎﻗﺶ" ﺍﻟﺒﺮﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﻓﻲ ﺃﻱ ﻭﻗﺖ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻷﻭﻗﺎﺕ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻤﺴﺄﻟﺔ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﻌﺘﺒﺮ ﻣﻊ ﺫﻟﻚ‬
‫ﺫﺍﺕﺃﻫﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﻴﺠﻴﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﻟﻠﺪﺑﻠﻮﻣﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﻐﺮﺑﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﺆﺛﺮ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ ﻗﻀﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﺮﺍء ﺍﻟﻐﺮﺑﻴﺔ ﺑﺸﻜﻞ ﻻ ﻳﻤﻜﻦ‬
‫ﺇﻧﻜﺎﺭﻩ‪":‬ﺣﺘﻰ ﻟﻮ ﻇﻠﺖ ﻣﺴﺄﻟﺔ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﺮﺍء ﺍﻟﻐﺮﺑﻴﺔ ﺳﺆﺍﻻ ﻣﻄﺮﻭﺣﺎ‪ (...) ،‬ﻛﻌﺎﺋﻠﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﺈﻧﻨﺎ ﺃﻋﻠﻦ ﺍﻟﺮﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﻟﺴﻨﻐﺎﻟﻲ ﻣﺎﻛﻲ‬
‫ﺳﺎﻝ‪،‬ﻏﺪﺍﺓ ﻋﻮﺩﺓ ﺍﻟﻤﻐﺮﺏ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺍﻻﺗﺤﺎﺩ ﺍﻹﻓﺮﻳﻘﻲ‪ ،‬ﺃﻥ ﺑﺈﻣﻜﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻻﺳﺘﻤﺮﺍﺭ ﻓﻲ ﺇﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺍﻟﺤﻠﻮﻝ‪ .‬ﻟﻘﺪ ﺗﻢ ﺍﻟﻘﺒﻮﻝ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﺬﺍ ﻫﻮ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺸﻲءﺍﻷﻛﺜﺮ ﺃﻫﻤﻴﺔ‪ :‬ﺍﻟﻤﻐﺮﺏ ﺍﻟﻴﻮﻡ ﻋﻀﻮ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺍﻟﻌﻀﻮﻳﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻻﺗﺤﺎﺩ ﺍﻷﻓﺮﻳﻘﻲ‪« .‬‬

‫ﻫﺬﻩﺍﻟﻌﻮﺩﺓ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺃﻗﺮﻫﺎ ‪ 39‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﻭﻟﺔ ﺇﻓﺮﻳﻘﻴﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺃﺻﻞ ‪ ،54‬ﺍﺗﺴﻤﺖ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻤﺴﺘﻮﻳﻴﻦ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭﺍﻟﻘﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ‪،‬‬
‫ﺑﻐﻴﺎﺏﻓﻌﻠﻲ ﻟﻠﻤﺆﺳﺴﺔ ﺍﻟﺒﺮﻟﻤﺎﻧﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺳﻮﺍء ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﺴﺘﻮﻯ ﺍﻟﺘﺸﺎﻭﺭ ﺃﻭ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﺴﺘﻮﻯ ﺍﻹﻗﺮﺍﺭ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺍﻟﻤﺎﺩﺓ ‪ 55‬ﻣﻦ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺪﺳﺘﻮﺭﺍﻟﺤﺎﻟﻲ ﻳﺴﻤﺢ ﻟﻠﻤﻠﻚ "ﺃﻥ ﻳﻌﺮﺽ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺒﺮﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺃﻱ ﻣﻌﺎﻫﺪﺓ ﺃﻭ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻴﺔ ﺃﺧﺮﻯ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﻟﺘﺼﺪﻳﻖ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ"‪...‬‬

‫ﻭﻛﻤﺎﺣﺪﺙ ﻣﻊ "ﺍﻟﺘﻄﺒﻴﻊ" ﻣﻊ ﺇﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ‪ ،‬ﻓﺈﻥ ﻋﻮﺩﺓ ﺍﻟﻤﻐﺮﺏ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺍﻻﺗﺤﺎﺩ ﺍﻷﻓﺮﻳﻘﻲ ﺗﻤﺖ ﻓﻲ ﻇﻞ ﻏﻴﺎﺏ ﻓﻌﻠﻲ‬
‫ﻟﻠﺒﺮﻟﻤﺎﻥ‪،‬ﻭﺫﻟﻚ ﻟﺼﺎﻟﺢ ﺍﻟﻤﺆﺳﺴﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﻠﻜﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺤﺎﺷﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﻠﻜﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﻓﻲ ﻛﻠﺘﺎ ﺍﻟﺤﺎﻟﺘﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﻣﺴﺄﻟﺔ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﺮﺍء ﺍﻟﻐﺮﺑﻴﺔ‬
‫ﻓﻲﻗﻠﺐ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻔﺎﻭﺽ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺃﺟﺮﺍﻫﺎ ﺍﻟﻤﻠﻚ ﻭﺣﺎﺷﻴﺘﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﻭﺍﺣﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺒﺪﺍﻳﺔ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺍﻟﻨﻬﺎﻳﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﻫﻜﺬﺍ ﻳﺘﻢ ﺇﻟﻐﺎء‬
‫ﻧﺺﺍﻟﺪﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﻟﺼﺎﻟﺢ ﻣﻤﺎﺭﺳﺔ ﻏﻴﺮ ﻣﻘﻨﻨﺔ‪ ،‬ﺗﺴﻤﺢ ﻟﻠﻤﻠﻜﻴﺔ ﺑﻨﺸﺮ ﻛﻞ ﺗﻔﻮﻗﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻣﻦ ﺧﻼﻝ ﺍﻟﺘﻔﻮﻕ ﻋﻠﻰ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻔﺎﻋﻠﻴﻦﺍﻟﺪﺳﺘﻮﺭﻳﻴﻦ ﺍﻟﺮﺋﻴﺴﻴﻴﻦ‪ :‬ﺍﻟﺒﺮﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﻭﺍﻟﺤﻜﻮﻣﺔ‪.‬‬

‫ﻭﻓﻲﺳﺠﻞ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﺎ‪ ً،‬ﺗﻢ ﺍﺑﺘﻜﺎﺭ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ‪ 2011‬ﻣﻦ ﺧﻼﻝ ﺍﺷﺘﺮﺍﻁ ﺍﻟﻤﻮﺍﻓﻘﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﺴﺒﻘﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ "ﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﻫﺪﺍﺕ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻤﺘﻌﻠﻘﺔﺑﺎﻟﺤﻘﻮﻕ ﻭﺍﻟﺤﺮﻳﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻔﺮﺩﻳﺔ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻟﺠﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ" ﺑﻤﻮﺟﺐ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻧﻮﻥ‪.‬‬
‫ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺔﺃﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ‪ 2011‬ﺃﺩﺭﺟﺖ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﺒﻨﺪ ﺍﻟﻤﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﺎﻟﺤﺮﻳﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻔﺮﺩﻳﺔ )ﻭﻫﻮ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻻ ﻳﺜﻴﺮ ﺍﻹﺟﻤﺎﻉ ﻓﻲ ﺑﻠﺪ‬
‫ﺣﻴﺚﺍﻹﺳﻼﻡ ﻫﻮ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺣﻴﺚ ﺟﺰء ﻛﺒﻴﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻤﺠﺘﻤﻊ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻆ(‪ ،‬ﻳﺴﺘﺠﻴﺐ ﺑﻼ ﺷﻚ ﻟﺪﻳﻨﺎﻣﻴﻜﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ‬
‫ﺗﻢﻏﺮﺳﻬﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺃﻋﻘﺎﺏ ﺍﻟﺮﺑﻴﻊ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﺷﻬﺪ ﻣﺴﻴﺮﺓ ﺁﻻﻑ ﺍﻟﺸﺒﺎﺏ ﻋﺒﺮ ﺍﻟﻤﺪﻥ ﺍﻟﻜﺒﺮﻯ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺒﻼﺩ ﻟﻠﻤﻄﺎﻟﺒﺔ ﺑﻤﺰﻳﺪ‬
‫ﻣﻦﺍﻟﺪﻳﻤﻘﺮﺍﻃﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺤﺮﻳﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﻷﻭﻝ ﻣﺮﺓ ﻓﻲ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺍﻟﺒﻼﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﻈﺎﻫﺮ ﺁﻻﻑ ﺍﻟﻤﻐﺎﺭﺑﺔ ﺿﺪ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﻘﺮﺍﺭ‬

‫‪-4‬ﺍﻟﺒﻼﻍ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻔﻲ ﺍﻟﺼﺎﺩﺭ ﻋﻦ ﺍﻟﻘﺼﺮ ﺍﻟﻤﻠﻜﻲ ﺑﺘﺎﺭﻳﺦ ‪ 10‬ﺩﻳﺴﻤﺒﺮ ﻭﺍﺿﺢ‪" :‬ﺃﺑﻠﻎ ﺟﻼﻟﺘﻪ ﺍﻟﺮﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﻷﻣﺮﻳﻜﻲ ﻋﺰﻡ ﺍﻟﻤﻐﺮﺏ‪ * :‬ﺗﺴﻬﻴﻞ ﺍﻟﺮﺣﻼﺕ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺠﻮﻳﺔﺍﻟﻤﺒﺎﺷﺮﺓ ﻟﻨﻘﻞ ﺍﻟﻴﻬﻮﺩ ﻣﻦ ﺃﺻﻞ ﻣﻐﺮﺑﻲ ﻭﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺡ‬
‫ﺇﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥﻣﻦ ﻭﺇﻟﻰ ﺍﻟﻤﻐﺮﺏ؛ * ﺍﺳﺘﺌﻨﺎﻑ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻻﺕ ﺍﻟﺮﺳﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺜﻨﺎﺋﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﻌﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺪﺑﻠﻮﻣﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺃﻗﺮﺏ ﻭﻗﺖ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ‪ « .‬ﻻ ﻳﻮﺟﺪ ﺫﻛﺮ‬
‫ﻟﺬﻟﻚ‪،‬ﺿﻤﻨﺎ ﺃﻭ ﺻﺮﺍﺣﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺒﺮﻟﻤﺎﻥ‪.‬‬
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 ‫ﺃ‪.‬ﺑﺮﻭﻛﺴﻲ‪،‬ﺍﻟﺒﺮﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﻐﺮﺑﻲ ﻭﻃﺒﻴﻌﺔ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬

‫ﺍﻟﻤﻄﺎﻟﺐﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ )ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﻐﺮﺏ ﻧﺴﺘﺨﺪﻡ ﻣﺼﻄﻠﺢ ﺍﻟﺨﺒﺰ‪ ،‬ﺃﻱ ﺍﻟﻤﺮﺗﺒﻄﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﻟﺨﺒﺰ(‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻜﻦ ﻟﻠﻤﻄﺎﻟﺒﺔ ﺑﺎﻹﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔﻭﺍﻟﺤﻘﻮﻕ ﻭﺍﻟﺤﺮﻳﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻣﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﻔﺮﺩﻳﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻤﺆﻛﺪ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﻐﺮﺏ ﺃﻛﺪ ﻣﻨﺬ ﺳﻨﺔ ‪ ،1992‬ﻓﻲ ﺗﻨﻘﻴﺤﻪ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺪﺳﺘﻮﺭﻱﻟﻨﻔﺲ ﺍﻟﺴﻨﺔ‪ ،‬ﺗﻤﺴﻜﻪ ﺑﺤﻘﻮﻕ ﺍﻹﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﻛﻤﺎ ﻫﻲ ﻣﻌﺘﺮﻑ ﺑﻬﺎ ﻋﺎﻟﻤﻴﺎ‪ ،‬ﻟﻜﻦ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺔ ﺃﻥ ﺗﻄﺒﻴﻖ ﺍﻟﻤﺒﺎﺩﺉ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻤﺬﻛﻮﺭﺓﻳﺘﻢ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﻫﺪﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﻠﺰﻡ ﺍﻟﻤﻐﺮﺏ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﺴﺘﻮﻯ ﻳﺒﻠﻮﺭ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻲ ﺩﻳﻨﺎﻣﻴﻜﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﻨﻘﻠﻬﺎ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻤﺎﺩﺓ‪ 55‬ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺪﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﺍﻟﺤﺎﻟﻲ‪.‬‬

‫ﻭﺗﺒﻘﻰﺍﻟﺤﻘﻴﻘﺔ ﺃﻧﻪ ﻟﻢ ﻳﺴﻔﺮ ﺍﻹﺻﻼﺡ ﺍﻟﺪﺳﺘﻮﺭﻱ ﻟﻌﺎﻡ ‪ 1992‬ﻭﻻ ﺍﻹﺻﻼﺡ ﺍﻟﺪﺳﺘﻮﺭﻱ ﻟﻌﺎﻡ ‪) 2011‬ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻤﺴﺘﻮﻯ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺘﺸﺮﻳﻌﻲ( ﻋﻦ ﺩﻳﻨﺎﻣﻴﺎﺕ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻴﺔ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﺓ ﺗﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﻤﺴﺄﻟﺔ ﺍﻟﺤﺮﻳﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻔﺮﺩﻳﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﺑﻌﺪ ﻣﺮﻭﺭ ﻣﺎ ﻳﻘﺮﺏ ﻣﻦ ﺛﻼﺛﻴﻦ ﻋﺎﻣﺎ‪ ً،‬ﻟﻢ‬
‫ﻳﻈﻬﺮﺃﻱ ﻧﺺ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﺃﻭ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻤﻲ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺍﻟﻨﻮﺭ ﻣﻦ ﺃﺟﻞ "ﺗﻜﻴﻴﻒ" ﺍﻟﺪﻳﻨﺎﻣﻴﻜﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺪﺳﺘﻮﺭﻳﺔ )ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﻈﻞ ﺣﺒﺮﺍ ًﻋﻠﻰ ﻭﺭﻕ(‬
‫ﻣﻊﺩﻳﻨﺎﻣﻴﻜﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﺠﺘﻤﻊ‪ .‬ﻭﻫﻜﺬﺍ ﻓﺈﻥ ﺍﻟﻌﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺠﻨﺴﻴﺔ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺇﻃﺎﺭ ﺍﻟﺰﻭﺍﺝ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻟﺤﻖ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻹﺟﻬﺎﺽ‪ ،‬ﻭﺗﺠﺮﻳﻢ ﺍﻟﻤﺜﻠﻴﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺠﻨﺴﻴﺔ‪،‬ﻭﺍﻹﻓﻄﺎﺭ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻨﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺭﻣﻀﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﻏﻴﺮﻫﺎ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻢ ﺗﺨﻀﻊ ﻷﻱ ﺗﻌﺪﻳﻞ ﻻﺣﻖ ﻹﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻤﻴﺜﺎﻕ ﺍﻷﺳﺎﺳﻲ‬
‫ﻟﻌﺎﻡ‪ 1992‬ﻭﻋﺎﻡ ‪.2011‬‬

‫ﻭﺇﻟﻰﺟﺎﻧﺐ "ﺍﻟﺘﻤﺜﻴﻞ"‪ ،‬ﻳﻤﺎﺭﺱ ﺍﻟﻤﻠﻚ ﺃﻳﻀﺎ‪ ،‬ﻓﻴﻤﺎ ﻳﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﺎﻟﺒﺮﻟﻤﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﻬﻤﺔ ﺿﻤﻨﻴﺔ ﺃﺧﺮﻯ ﺗﻘﻊ ﻓﻲ ﻗﻠﺐ ﺍﻟﻌﻤﻠﻴﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺘﺸﺮﻳﻌﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﺏ( ﻣﻬﻤﺔ “ﺍﻟﺮﻗﺎﺑﺔ” ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﺍﻟﺘﺸﺮﻳﻌﻲ ﻣﻦ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﻠﻜﻴﺔ‬
‫ﺇﻥﻣﻬﻤﺔ "ﺍﻟﺴﻴﻄﺮﺓ" ﻣﻦ ﺟﺎﻧﺒﻬﺎ ﺗﺴﻤﺢ ﻟﻠﻤﻠﻚ ﺑﺄﻥ ﻳﻜﻮﻥ ﻟﻪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ – ﻣﺘﻐﻴﺮ ﻭﻟﻜﻨﻪ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﻲ – ﻓﻲ ﺟﻤﻴﻊ ﺁﻟﻴﺎﺕ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺘﺸﺮﻳﻊ‪.‬ﺑﺪءﺍ ًﺑﺎﻟﻨﺼﻮﺹ ﺍﻟﺘﺸﺮﻳﻌﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﻳﺠﺐ ﺩﺭﺍﺳﺘﻬﺎ ﻓﻲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﻟﻮﺯﺭﺍء ﺑﺮﺋﺎﺳﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﻠﻚ‪ ،‬ﻗﺒﻞ ﺭﻓﻌﻬﺎ ﺇﻟﻰ ﻣﻜﺘﺐ‬
‫ﺃﺣﺪﺍﻟﻤﺠﻠﺴﻴﻦ )ﺍﻟﻤﺎﺩﺓ ‪ .(49‬ﻭﻋﻠﻰ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﻤﺴﺘﻮﻯ‪ ،‬ﺃﺟﺮﻯ ﺍﻟﺪﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﺍﻟﺤﺎﻟﻲ ﺗﻌﺪﻳﻼﺕ ﻣﻬﻤﺔ ﻟﺼﺎﻟﺢ ﺍﻟﺒﺮﻟﻤﺎﻥ‪ .‬ﻭﻓﻲ‬
‫ﺣﻴﻦﻛﺎﻥ ﻳﺘﻌﻴﻦ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺴﺎﺑﻖ ﺩﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻳﻊ ﺍﻟﻘﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﻟﻮﺯﺭﺍء‪ ،‬ﻓﺈﻥ ﺍﻵﻥ ﻓﻘﻂ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻳﻊ ﺍﻟﻘﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ‬
‫ﺍﻷﺳﺎﺳﻴﺔﻫﻲ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﺘﺄﺛﺮ ﺑﻬﺬﺍ ﺍﻹﺟﺮﺍء‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﻭﺻﻔﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﻌﺾ ﺑﺄﻧﻪ "ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ" ﻷﻧﻪ ﻗﺪ ﻳﺆﺧﺮﺍﻟﺤﻴﺎﺓ ﺍﻷﺑﺪﻳﺔﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻉ‬
‫ﺃﻭﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻣﻘﺘﺮﺡ‪ ،‬ﻣﻤﺎ ﻳﺤﺪ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻻﺳﺘﻘﻼﻟﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻮﻇﻴﻔﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﺪﺭﺍﺟﺔ ﺍﻟﻬﻮﺍﺋﻴﺔ‪.‬‬

‫ﻟﻜﻦﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻮﻗﺖ ﻧﻔﺴﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺗﺴﻌﺖ ﻣﺠﺎﻻﺕ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﻟﻮﺯﺭﺍء ﻋﻠﻰ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﺍﻻﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ ﺍﻟﺘﺸﺮﻳﻌﻲ‪ :‬ﻭﺑﺬﻟﻚ ﻓﻘﺪ‬
‫ﺍﺳﺘﺤﻮﺫﺕﺍﻷﺧﻴﺮﺓ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻹﺿﺎﻓﺔ ﺇﻟﻰ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻳﻊ ﺍﻟﻘﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﺍﻷﺳﺎﺳﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﺟﻬﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻣﺔ ﻟﻤﺸﺮﻭﻉ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﺎﻟﻴﺔ؛‬
‫ﺑﻤﺸﺮﻭﻉﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﻟﻌﻔﻮ ﻭﻣﺸﺎﺭﻳﻊ ﺍﻟﻨﺼﻮﺹ ﺍﻟﻤﺘﻌﻠﻘﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﻤﺠﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﻌﺴﻜﺮﻱ‪.‬‬

‫ﺇﻥﺍﺳﺘﻤﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﺴﺒﻘﺔ ﻟﻤﺸﺎﺭﻳﻊ ﺍﻟﻘﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﺍﻷﺳﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﻣﻦ ﻗﺒﻞ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﻟﻮﺯﺭﺍء ﻳﻌﻜﺲ ﺭﻏﺒﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﻠﻚ ﻓﻲ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺴﻴﻄﺮﺓﻋﻠﻰ ﻛﺎﻓﺔ ﺁﻟﻴﺎﺕ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﻭﺗﺴﻴﻴﺮ ﺍﻟﻤﺆﺳﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻌﻤﻮﻣﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﻤﺆﺳﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺪﺳﺘﻮﺭﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﺼﻮﺹ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ ﻓﻲ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻤﻴﺜﺎﻕﺍﻷﺳﺎﺳﻲ‪ .‬ﻭﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻮﺍﺿﺢ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﻬﺪﻑ ﻫﻮ ﺍﻟﺤﻔﺎﻅ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺗﻔﻮﻕ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﻤﻠﻜﻲ ﻓﻲ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﻴﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﻭﺧﺎﺻﺔ‬
‫ﻓﻴﻤﺎﻳﺴﻤﻰ ﺑﺎﻟﻤﺆﺳﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻻﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﻴﺠﻴﺔ‪.‬‬

‫ﺍﻟﺘﺼﺪﻳﻖﻫﻮ ﻣﻌﻴﺎﺭ ﺁﺧﺮ ﻟﺴﻴﻄﺮﺓ ﺍﻟﻤﻠﻚ ﻓﻴﻤﺎ ﻳﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﺎﻟﺒﺮﻟﻤﺎﻥ‪ .‬ﻭﺧﻼﻓﺎ ًﻟﻄﻠﺐ ﻗﺮﺍءﺓ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﺓ‪ ،‬ﻓﺈﻥ ﺍﻟﺘﺼﺪﻳﻖ ﻳﺘﻢ ﻓﻲ‬
‫ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺔﺍﻟﻌﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﺸﺮﻳﻌﻴﺔ ﻟﻀﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﺍﺯﻥ ﺍﻟﻮﻇﻴﻔﻲ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻨﻔﻴﺬﻳﺔ )ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﻳﺠﺴﺪﻫﺎ ﺍﻟﻤﻠﻚ ﻭﻟﻴﺲ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺤﻜﻮﻣﺔ( ﻭﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﺸﺮﻳﻌﻴﺔ‪.‬‬

‫ﻗﺒﻞﻋﺎﻡ ‪ ،1992‬ﻟﻢ ﻳﺘﻢ ﺗﺤﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻮﻋﺪ ﻹﺻﺪﺍﺭ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻧﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﺣﻴﺚ ﺍﻛﺘﻔﺖ ﺍﻟﻤﺎﺩﺓ ‪ 26‬ﻣﻦ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ‪ 1972‬ﺑﻬﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﺼﻴﻐﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻤﺨﺘﺼﺮﺓﻟﻠﻐﺎﻳﺔ‪“ :‬ﺍﻟﻤﻠﻚ ﻳﺼﺪﺭ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻧﻮﻥ‪« .‬‬
‫ﻭﺑﺎﻟﺘﺎﻟﻲ‪،‬ﺑﻴﻦ ﻋﺎﻣﻲ ‪ 1962‬ﻭ‪ ،1992‬ﻛﺎﻥ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﻤﻄﻠﺐ ﺑﻤﺜﺎﺑﺔ ﻓﻴﺘﻮ ﻣﻠﻜﻲ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﻲ ﺣﺎﻭﻝ ﺍﻟﻤﻠﻚ ﺍﻟﺤﺴﻦ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﻓﻲ‬
‫ﺫﻟﻚﺍﻟﻮﻗﺖ‪ ،‬ﺷﺮﺣﻪ ﻗﺪﺭ ﺍﺳﺘﻄﺎﻋﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻄﺮﻳﻘﺘﻪ ﺍﻟﺨﺎﺻﺔ‪:‬‬
‫ﺭﻗﻢ‪) 32‬ﻧﺎﺷﺌﻴﻦ ‪REIM (2022‬‬
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 ‫"ﻻ ﻳﻤﻜﻦ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﺃﻧﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺛﻼﺛﺔ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺘﺎﺕ ﻣﺘﺘﺎﻟﻴﺔ ﻣﻦ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ﺿﺪ ﺁﺧﺮ‪ ،‬ﺣﺘﻰ ﻟﻮ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﻟﻤﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﻷﻭﻝ‪ ،‬ﻻ ﻳﻤﻜﻦ‬
‫ﺗﺼﻮﺭﺃﻧﻪ ﻟﻢ ﻳﻜﻦ ﻫﻨﺎﻙ ﺃﻱ ﻗﻠﻖ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﻧﻪ ﻻ ﺗﻮﺟﺪ ﺣﺒﺔ ﺭﻣﻞ ﺗﻮﻗﻒ ﺍﻟﺘﺮﺱ‪ .‬ﺇﺫﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺟﻼﻟﺘﻪ ﻫﻮ ﺃﻥ ﻳﻔﻌﻞ ﻣﺎﺫﺍ؟ ﺃﻥ‬
‫ﻳﺠﻤﻊﻗﺎﺩﺓ ﺍﻟﻤﺠﻤﻮﻋﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭﺭﺅﺳﺎء ﺍﻟﻐﺮﻑ‪ ،‬ﻟﻠﻤﻨﺎﻗﺸﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺒﺤﺚ ﻋﻦ ﺍﻟﺤﻞ‪ ،‬ﻭﻋﺪﻡ ﻭﺿﻌﻪ ﻓﻲ »ﺍﻟﺜﻼﺟﺔ« ﺃﻭ ﺍﻟﺘﻼﻋﺐ‬
‫ﺑﺎﻷﻟﻔﺎﻅﺣﺘﻰ ﻻ ﻳﻤﺮﺭ ﻧﺺ‪) « .‬ﺍﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﻟﻤﺆﺗﻤﺮ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻔﻲ ﻟﻠﻤﻠﻚ ﺍﻟﺤﺴﻦ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﻧﻲ‪ 18 ،‬ﻧﻮﻓﻤﺒﺮ ‪) (1962‬ﺑﺮﻭﻛﺴﻲ‪.(2003 ،‬‬

‫ﻭﻛﺎﻥﻻ ﺑﺪ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺍﻟﻤﺮﺍﺟﻌﺔ ﺍﻟﺪﺳﺘﻮﺭﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﻓﺮﺿﺖ ﻋﺎﻡ ‪ 1992‬ﻟﺘﺤﺪﻳﺪ ﺃﺟﻞ ﻧﻬﺎﺋﻲ ﺑﺄﺩﻕ ﺻﻮﺭﺓ ﻣﻤﻜﻨﺔ‪" :‬ﻳﺼﺪﺭ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻤﻠﻚﺍﻟﻘﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺧﻼﻝ ﺛﻼﺛﻴﻦ ﻳﻮﻣﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺇﺣﺎﻟﺔ ﺍﻟﺤﻜﻮﻣﺔ ﻟﻠﻘﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﺘﻤﺪ ﺑﺸﻜﻞ ﻧﻬﺎﺋﻲ" )ﺍﻟﻤﺎﺩﺓ ‪. .(26‬‬

‫ﻟﻘﺪﺣﺎﻓﻆ ﺍﻟﺪﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﺍﻟﺤﺎﻟﻲ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﺤﻜﻢ ﻭﻟﻜﻨﻪ ﺃﺿﺎﻑ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺤﺎً ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﻟﻨﺸﺮ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻄﺎً‪ ،‬ﺑﺸﻜﻞ ﻏﺮﻳﺐ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻟﻤﻮﻋﺪ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻨﻬﺎﺋﻲﻟﻨﺸﺮ ﺍﻟﻨﺺ ﺍﻟﺼﺎﺩﺭ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻨﺸﺮﺓ ﺍﻟﺮﺳﻤﻴﺔ )‪ (BO‬ﻭﻳﺴﺘﻬﺪﻑ ﺿﻤﻨﻴﺎً ﺍﻟﺤﻜﻮﻣﺔ‪" :‬ﻳﺠﺐ ﺃﻥ ﻳﻜﻮﻥ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻧﻮﻥ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺼﺎﺩﺭﻋﻠﻰ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﻨﺤﻮ ﻫﻮ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺍﻟﻨﺸﺮ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺠﺮﻳﺪﺓ ﺍﻟﺮﺳﻤﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﻤﻤﻠﻜﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺃﺟﻞ ﻻ ﻳﺘﺠﺎﻭﺯ ﺷﻬﺮﺍ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍء ﻣﻦ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ‬
‫ﺻﺪﻭﺭﺍﻟﻈﻬﻴﺮ ﺍﻟﺸﺮﻳﻒ‪« .‬‬

‫ﻟﻤﺎﺫﺍﻳﻠﺠﺄ ﺍﻟﻤﺎﻧﺢ ﺇﻟﻰ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﺸﺮﻁ؟ ﻫﻞ ﻫﺬﺍ ﻳﻌﻜﺲ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺍﻟﺜﻘﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺤﻜﻮﻣﺔ؟ ﻓﻴﻤﺎ ﻳﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﺎﻷﻣﺎﻧﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻣﺔ‬
‫ﻟﻠﺤﻜﻮﻣﺔ‪،‬ﻓﻤﻦ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺻﺎﺗﻬﺎ ﻧﺸﺮ ﻛﺎﻓﺔ ﺍﻟﻨﺼﻮﺹ ﺍﻟﺮﺳﻤﻴﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﻤﻜﺘﺐ؟ ﺇﺷﺎﺭﺓ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺍﻟﺒﺮﻟﻤﺎﻧﻴﻴﻦ ﺍﻟﺬﻳﻦ ﻳﺸﻜﻮﻥ ﺃﺣﻴﺎﻧﺎً‬
‫ﻣﻦﺍﻟﺘﺄﺧﻴﺮ "ﺍﻟﻤﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻴﺎً" ﻓﻲ ﻧﺸﺮ ﺍﻟﻘﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﺍﻟﺼﺎﺩﺭﺓ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﻜﺘﺐ؟ ﻭﻻ ﺷﻚ ﺃﻥ ﻫﺬﺍ ﻳﺴﺘﺠﻴﺐ ﻟﻠﻘﻠﻖ ﺑﺸﺄﻥ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻜﻔﺎءﺓﺍﻟﻘﺎﻧﻮﻧﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﻲ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺃﺻﺒﺤﺖ ﻓﻴﻪ ﺍﻟﺴﺮﻋﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﺪﻭﻳﻦ ﻭﺍﻟﺪﻗﺔ ﻣﺮﺍﺩﻓﺎ ﻟﻠﻔﻌﺎﻟﻴﺔ‪.‬‬

‫ﺇﻥﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻻﻫﺘﻤﺎﻡ ﺑﺎﻟﻜﻔﺎءﺓ ﻭﺍﻟﺴﺮﻋﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻭﺟﻪ ﺍﻟﺘﺤﺪﻳﺪ ﻫﻮ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﻳﺠﺐ ﺃﻥ ﻳﻤﻴﺰ ﺑﺸﻜﻞ ﻣﺘﺰﺍﻳﺪ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺍﻟﺤﻜﻮﻣﺔ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﻣﺎ‬
‫ﺯﺍﻝﻣﺠﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﺎﻭﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﺗﺘﻤﺘﻊ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻲ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻬﺔ ﺍﻟﺒﺮﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﻳﺘﻌﺰﺯ‪.‬‬

‫ﻳﻮﺍﺟﻪﺍﻟﺒﺮﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺔ ﻣﺠﺎﻝ ﻣﻨﺎﻭﺭﺗﻬﺎ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﻲ‪ ،‬ﻟﻜﻨﻪ ﻣﺘﻐﻴﺮ‪.‬‬

‫ﺃﻣﺎﺑﺎﻟﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﻟﻠﺤﻜﻮﻣﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﻻ ﺗﺤﻜﻢ‪ ،‬ﻓﺈﻥ ﺍﻟﺒﺮﻟﻤﺎﻥ "ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺃﻥ ﻳﻔﻌﻞ" ﻓﻲ ﻋﻼﻗﺎﺗﻪ ﻣﻊ "ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻨﻔﻴﺬﻳﺔ"‪ .‬ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺔ‬
‫ﻟﻴﺲﻟﻬﺎ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮ ﻛﺒﻴﺮ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻣﺔ ﻟﻠﺪﻭﻟﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻳﺘﻢ "ﺗﺪﺍﻭﻟﻬﺎ" ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﻟﻮﺯﺭﺍء ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﻳﺮﺃﺳﻪ ﺍﻟﻤﻠﻚ )ﺍﻟﻤﺎﺩﺓ‬
‫‪.(49‬‬
‫ﻭﺗﺒﻘﻰﺍﻟﺤﻘﻴﻘﺔ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﺤﻜﻮﻣﺔ ﺗﻨﺒﺜﻖ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺒﺮﻟﻤﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺳﺘﺜﻨﺎء ﻣﺎ ﻳﺴﻤﻰ ﺑﻮﺯﺭﺍء “ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺩﺓ” )ﺍﻟﻌﺪﻝ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺨﺎﺭﺟﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺪﺍﺧﻠﻴﺔ‪،‬‬
‫ﺍﻟﺸﺆﻭﻥﺍﻹﺳﻼﻣﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﻤﻌﻴﻨﻴﻦ ﺣﺴﺐ ﺗﻘﺪﻳﺮ ﺍﻟﻤﻠﻚ(‪“ :‬ﺍﻟﻤﻠﻚ ﻳﻌﻴﻦ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﺔ”‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺤﻜﻮﻣﺔ ﺿﻤﻦ ﺍﻟﺤﺰﺏ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﺟﺎء ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﺮﺗﺒﺔ ﺍﻷﻭﻟﻰ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺃﻋﻀﺎء ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﻟﻨﻮﺍﺏ‪ ،‬ﻭﻓﻲ ﺿﻮء ﻧﺘﺎﺋﺠﻬﺎ )ﺍﻟﻤﺎﺩﺓ ‪ 47‬ﻣﻦ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺪﺳﺘﻮﺭﺍﻟﺤﺎﻟﻲ(‪.‬‬

‫ﻭﻳﻌﺪﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﺸﺮﻁ ﺍﻟﺘﻘﻴﻴﺪﻱ ﻓﻲ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻬﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﻠﻚ ﻣﻦ ﺃﻫﻢ ﻣﺴﺘﺠﺪﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺪﺳﺘﻮﺭﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﻐﺮﺑﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺣﺘﻰ ﻟﻮ ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﻄﺮﺓ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﺣﺘﻰﺍﻟﺘﻼﻋﺐ ﺑﻠﻌﺒﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﺤﺎﻟﻔﺎﺕ ﻣﻦ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﻟﺤﺎﺷﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﻠﻜﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺗﺠﻌﻞ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻤﻤﻜﻦ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ‪ ،‬ﺃﻭ ﻣﻨﻊ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺍﻷﺣﺰﺍﺏ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺤﺰﺑﻴﺔ‪.‬ﺍﻷﻏﻠﺒﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﻟﻨﻮﺍﺏ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﻤﺜﺎﻝ ﺍﻷﺣﺪﺙ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻜﻦ ﺍﻷﻛﺜﺮ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺤﺎً ﺃﻳﻀﺎً‪ ،‬ﻫﻮ ﻣﺎ ﺣﺪﺙ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻻﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺘﺸﺮﻳﻌﻴﺔﺍﻷﺧﻴﺮﺓ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺃﺟﺮﻳﺖ ﻓﻲ ‪ 8‬ﺳﺒﺘﻤﺒﺮ ‪ .2021‬ﺇﺫﺍ ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﻃﺮﻳﻘﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﺼﻮﻳﺖ ﺑﺎﻟﻘﺎﺋﻤﺔ ﺍﻟﻨﺴﺒﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺇﻟﻰ ﺍﻷﻗﻮﻯ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻤﺘﺒﻘﻲ‪،‬ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻝ ﺑﻬﺎ ﻣﻨﺬ ﻋﺎﻡ ‪ 2002‬ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﻐﺮﺏ‪ ،‬ﻓﻲ ﻋﺎﻡ ‪ ،2021‬ﻓﺈﻥ ﺍﻟﺤﺎﺻﻞ ﺗﻢ ﺍﺣﺘﺴﺎﺏ ﺍﻟﺘﺼﻮﻳﺖ ﺍﻻﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﻲ‬
‫ﻋﻠﻰﺃﺳﺎﺱ ﻋﺪﺩ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺧﺒﻴﻦ ﺍﻟﻤﺴﺠﻠﻴﻦ ﻭﻟﻴﺲ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﺳﺎﺱ ﺍﻷﺻﻮﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻴﺤﺔ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﻬﺪﻑ‪ ،‬ﺇﺛﺎﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﺨﺼﻮﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺤﺰﺑﻴﺔ‬
‫ﻭﺯﻳﺎﺩﺓﺗﺠﺰﺋﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﺸﻬﺪ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ .5‬ﺑﻤﻌﻨﻰ ﺁﺧﺮ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﻊ ﺃﻱ ﺩﻳﻨﺎﻣﻴﻜﻴﺔ ﻗﺪ ﺗﺆﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻰ ﺳﺒﻴﻞ ﺍﻟﻤﺜﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺇﻟﻰ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺤﺰﺑﻴﻦ‬
‫ﻋﻠﻰﺍﻟﻨﻤﻂ ﺍﻹﻧﺠﻠﻴﺰﻱ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻹﺳﺒﺎﻧﻲ‪.‬‬

‫‪5‬ﻭﻓﻴﻤﺎ ﻳﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﺘﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺍﻻﻧﻘﺴﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺤﺰﺑﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﻐﺮﺑﻲ‪ ،‬ﻧﺸﻴﺮ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺑﺎﺭﻳﺠﻮ ﻓﺮﻧﺎﻧﺪﻳﺰ )‪ (2018‬ﺃﻭ ﺳﺰﻣﻮﻟﻜﺎ )‪.(2013‬‬

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 ‫ﺃ‪.‬ﺑﺮﻭﻛﺴﻲ‪،‬ﺍﻟﺒﺮﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﻐﺮﺑﻲ ﻭﻃﺒﻴﻌﺔ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬

‫ﻭﺃﻗﻞﻣﻦ ﺫﻟﻚ ﺑﺎﻟﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﻟﻘﻴﺎﺩﺓ ﺍﻟﺤﺰﺏ‪ ،‬ﻓﻲ ﺣﻴﻦ ﺗﻬﻴﻤﻦ ﺑﺎﺳﺘﻤﺮﺍﺭ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻠﻌﺒﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﺃﻛﺘﻮﺑﺮ ‪ 2016‬ﺇﻟﻰ‬
‫ﻣﺎﺭﺱ‪ ،2017‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﻻﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﺸﺮﻳﻌﻴﺔ ‪ ،2016‬ﻟﻢ ﻳﺘﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﻷﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻡ ﻟﺤﺰﺏ ﺍﻟﻌﺪﺍﻟﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻋﺒﺪ ﺍﻹﻟﻪ‬
‫ﺑﻨﻜﻴﺮﺍﻥ‪،‬ﻣﻦ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻬﺔ ﺍﻷﻗﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﺮﻗﻠﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺟﻤﻌﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﺮﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﻟﺠﺪﻳﺪ ﻟﻠﺤﺰﺏ‪ .‬ﺣﺰﺏ ﺍﻟﺘﺠﻤﻊ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻮﻃﻨﻲﻟﻸﺣﺮﺍﺭ ﻋﺰﻳﺰ ﺃﺧﻨﻮﺵ‪6‬ﺑﺪﻋﻢ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻻﺗﺤﺎﺩ ﺍﻻﺷﺘﺮﺍﻛﻲ ﻟﻠﻘﻮﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺸﻌﺒﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻻﺗﺤﺎﺩ ﺍﻟﺪﺳﺘﻮﺭﻱ ﻭﺍﻟﺤﺮﻛﺔ ﺍﻟﺸﻌﺒﻴﺔ )‬
‫ﺩﻳﺴﺮﻭﻳﺲ‪ .(2017،‬ﻭﺑﻌﺪ ﺃﺳﺎﺑﻴﻊ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻤﻔﺎﻭﺿﺎﺕ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺟﺤﺔ‪ ،‬ﺗﻤﺖ ﺇﻗﺎﻟﺘﻪ ﺑﻘﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻠﻜﻲ ﻣﻦ ﻣﻨﺼﺒﻪ ﻛﺮﺋﻴﺲ‬
‫ﻟﻠﺤﻜﻮﻣﺔﻭﺍﺳﺘﺒﺪﺍﻟﻪ ﺑﺎﻷﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﺎﺑﻖ ﻟﻠﺤﺰﺏ ﻧﻔﺴﻪ‪ ،‬ﺳﻌﺪ ﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺍﻟﻌﺜﻤﺎﻧﻲ )‪.(Desrues, 2018‬‬

‫ﻭﻣﻦﺍﻟﻤﺴﺘﺠﺪﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺮﺋﻴﺴﻴﺔ ﺍﻷﺧﺮﻯ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺃﺗﻰ ﺑﻬﺎ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ‪" :2011‬ﺗﻨﻔﺬ ﺍﻟﺤﻜﻮﻣﺔ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺳﻠﻄﺔ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﻟﺤﻜﻮﻣﺔ‬
‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﺠﻬﺎﺍﻟﺤﻜﻮﻣﻲ" )ﺍﻟﻤﺎﺩﺓ ‪ .(89‬ﺩﺳﺎﺗﻴﺮ ﻣﺎ ﻗﺒﻞ ‪ 2011‬ﺃﺳﻨﺪﺕ ﻟﻠﺤﻜﻮﻣﺔ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﺔ ﻭﺍﺣﺪﺓ‪ :‬ﺗﻨﻔﻴﺬ ﺍﻟﻘﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ‪.‬‬

‫ﺇﻥﺍﻟﻄﺮﻳﻘﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ "ﺃﺩﺍﺭ ﺑﻬﺎ" ﺍﻟﻤﻐﺮﺏ ﺟﺎﺋﺤﺔ ﻛﻮﻓﻴﺪ ‪ ،19‬ﺃﻋﻄﺖ ﻟﻠﺤﻜﻮﻣﺔ ﺭﺅﻳﺔ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﻴﺔ ﻭﺗﻤﺎﺳﻜﺎً ﻣﻌﻴﻨﺎً ﻓﻲ ﻋﻼﻗﺎﺗﻬﺎ‬
‫ﻣﻊﺍﻟﺒﺮﻟﻤﺎﻥ‪ .‬ﻭﺑﺎﻟﻔﻌﻞ‪ ،‬ﺣﺘﻰ ﻟﻮ ﺑﺪﺕ ﻛﻞ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺕ ﺗﺸﻴﺮ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﻘﺮﺍﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻻﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﻴﺠﻴﺔ )ﻣﻨﻊ ﺍﻟﺘﺠﻮﻝ‪ ،‬ﺷﺮﻭﻁ‬
‫ﺗﻨﻔﻴﺬﺍﻟﺤﺠﺮ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﺗﻪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻌﻠﻴﻘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺇﻟﺦ( ﺗﺘﺨﺬ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻘﺼﺮ ﺍﻟﻤﻠﻜﻲ ﻭﺗﻨﻔﺬﻫﺎ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﺪﺍﺧﻠﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻟﻜﻦ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻷﻣﻮﺭ ﻛﺎﻥ ﻳﻌﻠﻦ ﻋﻨﻬﺎ‬
‫ﺑﺎﻧﺘﻈﺎﻡﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﻟﺤﻜﻮﻣﺔ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻟﻮﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﻨﻲ )ﺍﻟﺼﺤﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺪﺍﺧﻠﻴﺔ( ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﺍﻟﺒﺮﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻦ ﺧﻼﻝ ﻣﺠﻠﺴﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻳﻨﺎﻗﺸﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﻨﻮﺍﺏ‬
‫ﻓﻲﺍﻟﺠﻠﺴﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻣﺔ ﻭﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻠﺠﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﺪﺍﺋﻤﺔ‪ .‬ﺇﻥ ﻃﺮﻳﻘﺔ ﻋﺮﺿﻬﺎ )ﺍﻟﻘﺮﺍﺭﺍﺕ( ﻣﻦ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﻟﺤﻜﻮﻣﺔ ﺗﻌﻄﻲ ﺍﻻﻧﻄﺒﺎﻉ ﺑﺄﻧﻪ‬
‫ﻫﻮﺍﻟﻤﻬﻨﺪﺱ ﻭﺍﻟﻤﺆﻟﻒ ﺍﻟﻔﻌﺎﻝ‪.‬‬

‫ﻟﻜﻦﺇﺫﺍ ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﺍﻟﺤﻜﻮﻣﺔ ﻗﺎﺩﺭﺓ ﺍﻵﻥ ﻋﻠﻰ »ﺗﻨﻔﻴﺬ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﺠﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﺤﻜﻮﻣﻲ«‪ ،‬ﻓﻴﻨﺒﻐﻲ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ ﺃﻭﻻ ًﺃﻥ ﺗﻜﻮﻥ ﻗﺎﺩﺭﺓ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺗﺤﺪﻳﺪ‬
‫»ﺍﻟﺘﻮﺟﻬﺎﺕﺍﻻﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﻴﺠﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﺪﻭﻟﺔ«‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻮ ﺃﻣﺮ ﻟﻴﺲ ﻛﺬﻟﻚ ﺑﺤﺴﺐ ﺍﻟﻨﺺ ﺍﻟﺪﺳﺘﻮﺭﻱ‪ .‬ﻭﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻷﺧﻴﺮﺓ ﻫﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻮﺍﻗﻊ "‬
‫ﻣﺘﺪﺍﻭﻟﺔ" ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﻟﻮﺯﺭﺍء‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﻳﺮﺃﺳﻪ ﺍﻟﻤﻠﻚ‪ ،‬ﻭﻓﻘﺎ ﻟﻠﻤﺎﺩﺓ ‪ .49‬ﺍﻷﺳﺌﻠﺔ‪ :‬ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﻳﺤﺪﺩ ﻓﻲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﻟﻮﺯﺭﺍء‬
‫ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﺔﺍﻟﻌﺎﻣﺔ ﻟﻠﺪﻭﻟﺔ؟ ﺍﻟﺤﻜﻮﻣﺔ ؟ ﺍﻟﻤﻠﻚ ؟ ﻓﻬﻞ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺫﻟﻚ ﺃﻥ "ﺗﻨﻔﻴﺬ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﺞ ﺍﻟﺤﻜﻮﻣﺔ" ﻳﻔﺘﺮﺽ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﺒﺮﻧﺎﻣﺞ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻤﺬﻛﻮﺭﻳﺠﺐ ﺃﻥ "ﻳﺼﺎﺩﻕ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ" ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﻟﻮﺯﺭﺍء‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﻟﻤﻠﻚ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﻳﺮﺃﺳﻪ؟ ﺍﻟﻐﻤﻮﺽ ﻣﻘﻨﻊ ﻭﻳﻔﻴﺪ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻤﺆﺳﺴﺔﺍﻟﻤﻠﻜﻴﺔ‪.7‬‬

‫ﻓﻬﻞﺗﻤﺘﻠﻚ ﺍﻟﺤﻜﻮﻣﺔ ﺍﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻧﻮﻧﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﻤﻜﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺗﺤﺪﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺃﻭ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻷﻗﻞ ﺍﻟﻤﺸﺎﺭﻛﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺗﺤﺪﻳﺪ‪،‬‬
‫ﺩﺍﺧﻞﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﻟﻮﺯﺭﺍء‪" ،‬ﺍﻟﺘﻮﺟﻬﺎﺕ ﺍﻻﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﻴﺠﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﺪﻭﻟﺔ" ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﻳﻨﺒﻐﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺇﻃﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺗﻨﻔﻴﺬ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﺠﻬﺎ؟؟ ﻭﻟﻴﺲ ﻫﻨﺎﻙ ﻣﺎ‬
‫ﻫﻮﺃﻗﻞ ﻳﻘﻴﻨﺎ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻰ ﺣﺪ ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﻟﺤﻜﻮﻣﺔ ﺍﻷﺳﺒﻖ ﻋﺒﺪ ﺍﻹﻟﻪ ﺑﻨﻜﻴﺮﺍﻥ )‪“ :(2016-2011‬ﻻ ﺃﺭﻳﺪ ﺃﻥ ﺃﻣﺎﺭﺱ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﺔ‬
‫ﺑﻤﻌﻨﻰﺍﻟﻤﻮﺍﺟﻬﺔ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻟﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﻟﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﻤﻠﻚ ﻫﻮ ﺭﻣﺰ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﺔ‪ ،‬ﻫﻮ ﺭﺃﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﻳﺠﺐ ﺃﻥ ﺃﺿﻤﻦ ﺃﻥ ﺗﺘﻘﺪﻡ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﺔ‪ ،‬ﺭﺑﻤﺎ‬
‫ﺑﺒﻂء‪،‬ﻭﻟﻜﻦ‬

‫‪6‬ﻋﺰﻳﺰ ﺃﺧﻨﻮﺵ ﺃﺣﺪ ﺃﻗﺮﺏ ﺍﻟﺮﺟﺎﻝ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺍﻟﻤﻠﻚ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺍﻟﺴﺎﺩﺱ ﻭﺃﺣﺪ ﺃﻏﻨﻰ ﺭﺟﺎﻝ ﺍﻷﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺒﻼﺩ‪ :‬ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺛﺮﻭﺗﻪ ﺍﻟﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ ﻋﺎﻡ ‪2019‬‬
‫ﺑﻤﻠﻴﺎﺭﻱﺩﻭﻻﺭ ﻣﻦ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﻟﻤﺠﻠﺔ ﺍﻷﻣﺮﻳﻜﻴﺔﻓﻮﺭﺑﺲ‪ .‬ﻭﺃﺻﺒﺢ ﺭﺋﻴﺴﺎ ﻟﻠﺤﻜﻮﻣﺔ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻓﻮﺯ ﺣﺰﺑﻪ ﺍﻟﺘﺠﻤﻊ ﺍﻟﻮﻃﻨﻲ ﻟﻸﺣﺮﺍﺭ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻻﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﺸﺮﻳﻌﻴﺔ‬
‫ﻓﻲﺳﺒﺘﻤﺒﺮ ‪.2021‬‬

‫‪7‬ﻓﻲ ﻓﺮﻧﺴﺎ‪ ،‬ﺃﺣﻜﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﻤﺎﺩﺓ ‪ 20‬ﻣﻦ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ‪V‬ﻩﺍﻟﺠﻤﻬﻮﺭﻳﺔ ﻭﺍﺿﺤﺔ‪“ :‬ﺍﻟﺤﻜﻮﻣﺔ ﻫﻲ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﺤﺪﺩ ﻭﺗﺪﻳﺮ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺔ ﺍﻷﻣﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻬﺎ ﺍﻹﺩﺍﺭﺓ ﻭﺍﻟﻘﻮﺓ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻤﺴﻠﺤﺔ‪.‬ﻓﻬﻮ ﻣﺴﺆﻭﻝ ﻋﻦ‬
‫‪https://www.assemblee-‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺮﻟﻤﺎﻥ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻝ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺤﻜﻮﻣﺔ‪of%20‬ﺍﻹﺟﺮﺍء‪the%20articles%2049%20and%2050.&text=The%20Prime%20minister%20directs% 20l '20%‬‬
‫‪.nationale.fr/connaissance/constitution.asp#:~:text=The%20Government%20d%C3%A9finishes%20and%20leads, to‬‬

‫ﺭﻗﻢ‪) 32‬ﻧﺎﺷﺌﻴﻦ ‪REIM (2022‬‬

‫‪ISSN: 1887-4460‬‬
‫‪71‬‬
 ‫ﻣﺮﻳﺢ)…(ﺣﺴﻨﺎً‪ ،‬ﺍﻷﻣﺮ ﻟﻴﺲ ﺳﻬﻼ ًﺩﺍﺋﻤﺎً‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻦ ﺃﺧﻔﻴﻪ ﻋﻨﻚ‪ .‬ﻫﻨﺎﻙ ﻧﻘﺎﻁ ﻻ ﻧﺘﻔﻖ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﺬﺍ ﻳﺤﺪﺙ ﻟﻨﺎ‪ .‬ﻟﻜﻦ ﻋﻨﺪﻣﺎ‬
‫ﺃﺧﺘﻠﻒﺃﻋﺪﻝ ﻣﻮﻗﻔﻲ ﺑﺎﻷﺩﺏ ﺍﻟﻤﺴﺘﺤﻖ ﻟﻠﻤﻠﻚ ﻷﻧﻪ ﻣﻠﻚ ﻭﻟﻴﺲ ﺭﺋﻴﺴﺎ)…(ﺇﺫﺍ ﻟﻢ ﺗﺴﻴﺮ ﺍﻷﻣﻮﺭ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﺎ ﻳﺮﺍﻡ ﻣﻊ‬
‫ﺻﺎﺣﺒﺔﺍﻟﺠﻼﻟﺔ‪ ،‬ﺳﺄﻏﺎﺩﺭ ﺑﺒﺴﺎﻃﺔ‪8«.‬‬

‫ﻭﻣﻦﺟﻬﺔ ﺃﺧﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﺗﺒﺪﻭ ﺍﻟﺤﻜﻮﻣﺔ ﻣﺠﻬﺰﺓ ﺑﺸﻜﻞ ﺃﻓﻀﻞ ﻓﻴﻤﺎ ﻳﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﺎﻟﺒﺮﻟﻤﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﺫﻟﻚ ﺑﻔﻀﻞ ﺗﻄﺒﻴﻖ ﺁﻟﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺒﺮﻟﻤﺎﻧﻴﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻌﻘﻼﻧﻴﺔﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﻛﺎﺩ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺧﺐ ﺍﻟﻤﻐﺮﺑﻲ "ﺳﺮﻗﻬﺎ" ﻣﻦ ﻧﻈﻴﺮﻩ ﺍﻟﻔﺮﻧﺴﻲ‪ ،‬ﺭﻏﻢ ﺍﻟﻈﺮﻭﻑ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺑﺮﺭﺕ ﺫﻟﻚ‪ .‬ﻓﻲ‬
‫ﻓﺮﻧﺴﺎ)ﺣﻴﺚ ﺃﺩﺕ ﺍﻧﺘﻬﺎﻛﺎﺕ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺘﺠﻤﻌﺎﺕ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺾ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺮﺍﺑﻊﻩﺍﻟﺠﻤﻬﻮﺭﻳﺔ( ﺗﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻛﺜﻴﺮﺍ ًﻋﻦ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﻕ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻤﻐﺮﺑﻲ‪.‬‬

‫ﻭﻣﻦﺍﻟﻤﺆﻛﺪ ﺃﻧﻪ ﺑﻔﻀﻞ ﺍﻹﺻﻼﺡ ﺍﻟﺪﺳﺘﻮﺭﻱ ﻟﻌﺎﻡ ‪ ،2011‬ﻟﻢ ﻳﻜﻦ ﻣﺠﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻭﺍﺳﻌﺎ ﺇﻟﻰ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﺤﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻣﻦ ﺗﺴﻌﺔ‬
‫ﻣﻮﺍﺩﻓﻲ ﻋﺎﻡ ‪ ،1996‬ﺍﺭﺗﻔﻊ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺛﻼﺛﻴﻦ ﻓﻲ ﻋﺎﻡ ‪92011‬ﻭﻫﻮ ﻣﺎ ﻳﻤﺜﻞ ﻗﻔﺰﺓ ﻛﻤﻴﺔ ﻛﺒﻴﺮﺓ ﺗﺤﺪ ﺑﺸﻜﻞ ﻻ ﻳﻤﻜﻦ ﺇﻧﻜﺎﺭﻩ‬
‫ﻣﻦﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺍﻟﺒﺮﻟﻤﺎﻧﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﻘﻼﻧﻴﺔ‪) .‬ﻭﻳﻨﺒﻐﻲ ﺃﻥ ﻧﺘﺬﻛﺮ؟ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻷﺧﻴﺮﺓ ﺗﺤﺪﺩ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺣﺪ ﻛﺒﻴﺮ ﺍﻟﻌﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﺘﻴﻦ ﺍﻟﺘﺸﺮﻳﻌﻴﺔ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻨﻔﻴﺬﻳﺔ‪،‬ﻭﻏﺎﻟﺒﺎ ًﻟﺼﺎﻟﺢ ﺍﻷﺧﻴﺮﺓ(‪ .‬ﻭﻓﻲ ﻓﺮﻧﺴﺎ‪ ،‬ﻳﻮﺻﻒ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﻮﺍﻗﻊ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﻳﺆﺩﻱ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺍﻟﻐﻠﺒﺔ ﺍﻟﺤﻘﻴﻘﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﺤﻜﻮﻣﺔ‬
‫ﺑﻜﻠﻤﺎﺕﺗﻘﺸﻌﺮ ﻟﻬﺎ ﺍﻷﺑﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﻦ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﻟﺪﺳﺘﻮﺭﻳﻮﻥ‪“ :‬ﺇﺫﻻﻝ ﻭﺇﺿﻌﺎﻑ ﻭﻣﺮﺍﻗﺒﺔ ﺍﻟﺒﺮﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﻔﺮﻧﺴﻲ ﻓﻲ ﻣﺆﺳﺴﺎﺕ ‪V‬ﻩ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺠﻤﻬﻮﺭﻳﺔﻫﻲ ﺑﺎﻟﺘﺄﻛﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺇﻧﻪ ﻳﺘﻌﺮﺽ ﻟﻺﺫﻻﻝ ﻓﻲ ﻭﻇﺎﺋﻔﻪ ﺍﻟﺘﻘﻠﻴﺪﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﺘﻤﺜﻠﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺳﻦ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻭﺍﻟﺴﻴﻄﺮﺓ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻧﺸﺎﻁ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺤﻜﻮﻣﺔ‪.‬ﻓﺒﻌﺪ ﺃﻥ ﺃﺻﺒﺤﺖ "ﺳﻠﻄﺔ ﺗﺸﺮﻳﻌﻴﺔ"‪ ،‬ﻭﺗﺤﻮﻟﺖ ﺇﻟﻰ "ﻏﺮﻓﺔ ﺗﺴﺠﻴﻞ"‪ ،‬ﺃﺻﺒﺤﺖ ﺍﻟﻤﺆﺳﺴﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﺸﺮﻳﻌﻴﺔ‬
‫ﺿﻌﻴﻔﺔﺑﺴﺒﺐ ﺭﺟﺤﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﺤﻜﻮﻣﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻹﺟﺮﺍء ﺍﻟﺘﺸﺮﻳﻌﻲ" )ﻳﻨﺎﻳﺮ ‪.(1995‬‬

‫‪.‬ﺑﺴﺒﺐ‪et de révisions constitutionnelles, de plusieurs adaptations et parfois même de remises‬‬

‫‪c'est le cas en France, le parlementarisme rationalisé » marocain « fait l'objet, à coups de réformes‬‬
‫‪N'étant pas le résultat d'une évolution historique et politique comme‬‬

‫ﻭﻫﺬﺍﻫﻮ ﺍﻟﺤﺎﻝ ﻣﻊ ﻣﺎ ﻳﻤﻜﻦ ﺃﻥ ﻧﺴﻤﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﻟﺒﺮﻟﻤﺎﻧﻲ‪" ،‬ﺩﻳﻜﺘﺎﺗﻮﺭﻳﺔ ﺍﻷﻏﻠﺒﻴﺔ"‪ .‬ﻓﺈﺫﺍ ﻛﺎﻥ ﻣﺒﺪﺃ ﺍﻟﺪﻳﻤﻘﺮﺍﻃﻴﺔ‬
‫ﻳﻔﺮﺽ»ﺣﻜﻢ ﺍﻷﻏﻠﺒﻴﺔ« ﻋﻠﻰ »ﺍﻷﻗﻠﻴﺔ«‪ ،‬ﻓﺈﻥ ﺍﻟﺮﻭﺡ ﺍﻟﺪﻳﻤﻘﺮﺍﻃﻴﺔ ﻻ ﻳﻤﻜﻦ ﺃﻥ ﺗﺨﺘﺰﻝ ﺍﻷﺧﻴﺮﺓ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺍﻟﺼﻤﺖ ﺃﻭ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺘﻬﻤﻴﺶﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﺪﻣﻮﻳﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻮﺍﺿﺢ ﺃﻧﻪ ﻓﻲ ﺃﻋﻘﺎﺏ "ﺣﺘﻤﻴﺔ" ﺍﻟﺒﺮﻟﻤﺎﻧﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﻘﻼﻧﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﻘﺪﺳﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﺈﻥ ﻣﺒﺎﺩﺭﺓ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻘﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ‪،‬ﻣﺜﻞ ﺍﻟﻤﺮﺍﺣﻞ ﺍﻷﺧﺮﻯ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻨﺸﺎﻁ ﺍﻟﺒﺮﻟﻤﺎﻧﻲ )ﺍﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻠﺠﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﻤﻨﺎﻗﺸﺎﺕ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺠﻠﺴﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻣﺔ ﺃﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ‬
‫ﻭﺿﻊﺟﺪﻭﻝ ﺍﻷﻋﻤﺎﻝ(‪ ،‬ﺃﻭﻟﻮﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﺤﻜﻮﻣﺔ ﻫﻲ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺔ ﻻ ﺗﻘﺒﻞ ﺍﻟﺠﺪﻝ ﻓﻲ "ﺍﻟﺤﻴﺎﺓ ﺍﻟﺒﺮﻟﻤﺎﻧﻴﺔ"‪) « .‬ﺑﺮﻳﺒﺎﻧﺖ‪ .(1993 ،‬ﺑﻞ‬
‫ﺇﻧﻪﻣﻦ ﺛﻮﺍﺑﺖ ﺍﻟﺪﺳﺘﻮﺭﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﻐﺮﺑﻴﺔ ﻣﻦ ‪ 1962‬ﺇﻟﻰ ‪“ :2011‬ﺇﻥ ﻣﺒﺎﺩﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﻘﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﺗﻌﻮﺩ ﻓﻲ ﻧﻔﺲ ﺍﻟﻮﻗﺖ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺤﻜﻮﻣﺔﻭﺃﻋﻀﺎء ﺍﻟﺒﺮﻟﻤﺎﻥ‪ « .‬ﻫﺬﻩ ﺻﻴﻐﺔ ﻣﺆﺳﻔﺔ )ﺗﺒﺪﻭ ﻫﻨﺎ ﺃﻳﻀﺎ "ﻣﺴﺮﻭﻗﺔ" ﻣﻦ ﻧﻈﻴﺮﺗﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﻔﺮﻧﺴﻴﺔ( ﻷﻧﻬﺎ ﺗﻨﻄﻮﻱ‬
‫ﻋﻠﻰﻏﻤﻮﺽ ﻛﺎﻥ ﻳﻤﻜﻦ ﺗﺠﻨﺒﻪ‪ :‬ﺑﺎﻹﺷﺎﺭﺓ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﺒﺎﺩﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﻤﺬﻛﻮﺭﺓ ﺗﻌﻮﺩ ﺇﻟﻰ "ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﻟﺤﻜﻮﻣﺔ"‪ ،‬ﻗﺪ ﻳﺘﺴﺎءﻝ ﺍﻟﻤﺮء‬
‫ﻭﻣﺎﺇﺫﺍ ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﻣﻤﻠﻮﻛﺔ ﺃﻳﻀﺎً ﻷﻋﻀﺎء ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺤﻜﻮﻣﺔ‪ .‬ﺑﻤﻌﻨﻰ ﺁﺧﺮ‪ ،‬ﻫﻞ ﻳﺘﻤﺘﻊ ﺍﻷﺧﻴﺮ ﺃﻳﻀﺎً ﺑﻤﺒﺎﺩﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﻘﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ؟‬
‫ﺍﻟﻤﻤﺎﺭﺳﺔﺗﻌﻄﻲ ﺇﺟﺎﺑﺔ ﺇﻳﺠﺎﺑﻴﺔ ﺑﺸﻜﻞ ﻭﺍﺿﺢ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻜﻦ ﻛﺎﻥ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺤﻜﻤﺔ ﺍﺳﺘﺒﺪﺍﻝ ﻛﻠﻤﺔ "ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﻟﺤﻜﻮﻣﺔ" ﺑﻜﻠﻤﺔ "‬
‫ﺍﻟﺤﻜﻮﻣﺔ" ﺑﻜﻞ ﺑﺴﺎﻃﺔ‪ ،‬ﻷﻥ ﺍﻟﻐﺎﻟﺒﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﻈﻤﻰ ﻣﻦ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻳﻊ ﺍﻟﻘﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﻫﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻮﺍﻗﻊ ﻣﺒﺎﺩﺭﺓ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻮﺯﺭﺍء ﻭﻟﻴﺲ ﻓﻘﻂ‬
‫ﻣﻦﺯﻋﻴﻤﻬﻢ‪.‬‬

‫ﻓﻲﻋﺎﻡ ‪ ،2011‬ﻗﺪﻡ ﺍﻟﺪﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﺗﻢ ﺗﺒﻨﻴﻪ ﻓﻲ ﻧﻔﺲ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻡ ﺣﻜﻤﺎً ﻣﺒﺘﻜﺮﺍً ﻳﺴﻴﺮ ﻓﻲ ﺍﺗﺠﺎﻩ ﻓﺮﺽ ﻗﻴﻮﺩ ﺃﻛﺒﺮ ﻋﻠﻰ "‬
‫ﺩﻳﻜﺘﺎﺗﻮﺭﻳﺔﺍﻷﻏﻠﺒﻴﺔ"‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻟﻴﺔ ﺃﻛﺜﺮ ﺍﺗﺴﺎﻗﺎً ﻟﺪﻭﺭ "ﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﺭﺿﺔ" ﺍﻟﺒﺮﻟﻤﺎﻧﻴﺔ‪" :‬ﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﺭﺿﺔ ﻫﻲ ﻋﻨﺼﺮ‬

‫‪8‬ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﺔ ﺃﺟﺮﺍﻫﺎ ﺑﻨﻜﻴﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻊ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﺎﻓﺔ ﺍﻟﻔﺮﻧﺴﻴﺔ )‪ ،RFI‬ﻟﻮﻣﻮﻧﺪ‪ (TV5 ،‬ﻓﻲ ‪ 24‬ﻓﺒﺮﺍﻳﺮ ‪ .2013‬ﺍﻟﻀﻴﻒ ﻋﺒﺪ ﺍﻹﻟﻪ ﺑﻨﻜﻴﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﻟﺤﻜﻮﻣﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻤﻐﺮﺑﻴﺔ‪/Revoir-nos-emissions/Internationales/Episodes/p-24534-Abdelilah-Benkirane.htm،TV5Monde،‬‬
‫‪http://www.tv5monde.com/cms/chaine-%20francophone‬‬
‫‪9‬ﺍﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﻟﻤﺎﺩﺓ ‪ 46‬ﻣﻦ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ‪ 1996‬ﻭﺍﻟﻤﺎﺩﺓ ‪ 71‬ﻣﻦ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ‪.2001‬‬
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 ‫ﺃ‪.‬ﺑﺮﻭﻛﺴﻲ‪،‬ﺍﻟﺒﺮﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﻐﺮﺑﻲ ﻭﻃﺒﻴﻌﺔ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬

‫ﺍﻷﺳﺎﺳﻴﺔﻟﻜﻼ ﺍﻟﻤﺠﻠﺴﻴﻦ‪" .‬ﻭﻫﻲ ﺗﺸﺎﺭﻙ ﻓﻲ ﻭﻇﺎﺋﻒ ﺍﻟﺘﺸﺮﻳﻊ ﻭﺍﻟﺮﻗﺎﺑﺔ"‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﺟﺎء ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﺎﺩﺓ ‪ .50‬ﻟﻜﻦ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﺤﻜﻢ‬
‫ﻳﻈﻞﻋﺎﻣﺎ ﻟﻠﻐﺎﻳﺔ ﺑﺤﻴﺚ ﻻ ﻳﻜﻮﻥ ﻟﻪ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻣﻠﻤﻮﺳﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﺍﻟﺘﺸﺮﻳﻌﻲ‪ .‬ﺧﻼﻝ ﺍﻟﻔﺘﺮﺓ ﺍﻟﺘﺸﺮﻳﻌﻴﺔ ‪ ،2016-2011‬ﺗﻢ‬
‫ﺗﻘﺪﻳﻢ‪ 389‬ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻉ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﺗﻢ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ‪ 359‬ﻣﻨﻬﺎ )ﺑﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ‪ ،(%92‬ﻓﻲ ﺣﻴﻦ ﺑﻠﻐﺖ ﺍﻟﻨﺼﻮﺹ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﻗﺪﻣﻬﺎ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻨﻮﺍﺏ)ﺃﺑﺮﺯﻫﻢ "ﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﺭﺿﺔ" ‪ 185‬ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﺎ ًﻣﻘﺘﺮﺣﺎ‪ ً،‬ﺗﻢ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ‪ 20‬ﻣﻨﻬﺎ ﻓﻘﻂ ﻧﺴﺒﺔ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ… ‪.10%11‬‬

‫ﻭﻣﻦﺃﺑﺮﺯ ﺍﻹﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻤﺘﻌﻠﻘﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﻌﻼﻗﺔ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﺸﺮﻳﻌﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻨﻔﻴﺬﻳﺔ ﻣﺎ ﺟﺎء ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﺎﺩﺓ ‪ 104‬ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ‬
‫ﺍﻷﺳﺎﺳﻲﺍﻟﺤﺎﻟﻲ‪“ :‬ﻟﺮﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﻟﺤﻜﻮﻣﺔ ﺣﻞ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﻟﻨﻮﺍﺏ‪ ،‬ﺑﻤﺮﺳﻮﻡ ﻳﺘﺨﺬ ﻓﻲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﻟﻮﺯﺭﺍء‪ ،‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺃﺧﺬ ﺭﺃﻱ ﺍﻟﻤﻠﻚ‪،‬‬
‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻐﺮﻓﺔ ﻭﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﻟﻤﺤﻜﻤﺔ ﺍﻟﺪﺳﺘﻮﺭﻳﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﻳﻘﺪﻡ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﻟﺤﻜﻮﻣﺔ ﺃﻣﺎﻡ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﻟﻨﻮﺍﺏ ﺗﺼﺮﻳﺤﺎ ﻳﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺧﺎﺻﺔ‬
‫ﺑﺄﺳﺒﺎﺏﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﻘﺮﺍﺭ ﻭﺃﻫﺪﺍﻓﻪ”‪.‬‬

‫ﻭﻳﻌﺰﺯﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﻨﺺ ﺍﻟﺒﻌﺪ ﺍﻟﺒﺮﻟﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﻟﻠﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﻣﻦ ﺧﺼﺎﺋﺼﻪ ﺇﻣﻜﺎﻧﻴﺔ ﺗﻔﺎﻋﻞ ﻛﻞ ﺳﻠﻄﺔ )ﺗﺸﺮﻳﻌﻴﺔ‬
‫ﻭﺗﻨﻔﻴﺬﻳﺔ( ﻣﻊ ﺍﻷﺧﺮﻯ )ﺣﻠﻤﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺢ‪ .(2017 ،‬ﻟﻜﻦ ﻣﺠﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﺎﻭﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﻤﺘﺎﺡ ﻟﺮﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﻟﺤﻜﻮﻣﺔ ﻳﻈﻞ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﺍً ﻟﻠﻐﺎﻳﺔ‪ ،‬ﻻ‬
‫ﺳﻴﻤﺎﺇﺫﺍ ﻣﺎ ﻗﻮﺭﻧﻪ ﺑﺎﻟﻤﻠﻜﻴﺔ‪ :‬ﺇﻥ ﻟﺠﻮء ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﻟﺤﻜﻮﻣﺔ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺣﻞ ﺍﻟﺒﺮﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﻟﻦ ﻳﻜﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﺜﻨﺎﺋﻴﺎً ﻓﺤﺴﺐ‪ ،‬ﺑﻞ ﺳﻴﻜﻮﻥ‬
‫ﻣﻦﺍﻟﺼﻌﺐ ﺗﺼﻮﺭﻩ ﺑﺴﺒﺐ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﺘﻪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﻀﻌﻒ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﻷﺻﻠﻲ ﻭﻫﺸﺎﺷﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﺤﺎﻟﻔﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺤﻜﻮﻣﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺣﺘﻰ ﻋﺪﻡ‬
‫ﺗﻤﺎﺳﻜﻬﺎﻓﻲ ﺑﻌﺾ ﺍﻷﺣﻴﺎﻥ‪.‬‬

‫ﻭﻓﻲﺍﻟﻮﺍﻗﻊ‪ ،‬ﻓﺈﻥ ﻃﺮﻳﻘﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﺼﻮﻳﺖ ﺑﺎﻟﻘﺎﺋﻤﺔ ﺍﻟﻨﺴﺒﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺪﻫﺎ ﺍﻟﻤﻐﺮﺏ ﻣﻨﺬ ﻋﺪﺓ ﺳﻨﻮﺍﺕ ﺗﻌﻨﻲ ﺃﻥ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺤﻜﻮﻣﺔﻟﻦ ﻳﺘﻤﻜﻦ ﺃﺑﺪﺍ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻻﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﻏﻠﺒﻴﺎﺕ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﺮﺓ ﻭﻗﻮﻳﺔ ﻭﻣﺘﻤﺎﺳﻜﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﺃﺧﻴﺮﺍ‪ ،‬ﻭﺑﺴﺒﺐ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻬﺸﺎﺷﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔﻭﺍﻹﻳﺪﻳﻮﻟﻮﺟﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﻌﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﻨﻬﺎ "ﺍﻷﻏﻠﺒﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺒﺮﻟﻤﺎﻧﻴﺔ" )ﺃﻭ ﺍﻻﺋﺘﻼﻓﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﺸﻜﻠﻬﺎ(‪ ،‬ﻓﺈﻥ "ﺍﻟﻤﻮﻗﻒ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻀﻌﻴﻒ" ﻟﻠﺴﻠﻄﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻨﻔﻴﺬﻳﺔ ﺳﻮﻑ ﻳﺘﺠﻠﻰ ﺑﺸﻜﻞ ﻻ ﻳﻤﻜﻦ ﺇﻧﻜﺎﺭﻩ ﺃﻣﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺒﺮﻟﻤﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻷﻥ ﺍﻟﺤﻜﻮﻣﺔ ﺳﻮﻑ ﺗﻀﻄﺮ ﺇﻟﻰ‬
‫ﺫﻟﻚ‪.‬ﻟﺘﺠﻨﻴﺐ ﺍﻟﺼﻐﺎﺭ ﺍﻟﻤﺠﻤﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺒﺮﻟﻤﺎﻧﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﺸﻜﻞ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻓﻬﺎ‪ .‬ﻭﻧﺘﻴﺠﺔ ﻟﺬﻟﻚ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﻜﻮﻥ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩﻫﺎ ﻣﻀﺎﻋﻔﺎ ًﻋﻠﻰ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺒﺮﻟﻤﺎﻥﻭﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻤﻠﻚ‪ .‬ﻭﻛﺜﻴﺮﺍ ًﻣﺎ ﻳﻨُﻈﺮ ﺇﻟﻰ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻷﻣﺮ ﻟﻴﺲ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺑﺎﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﻩ ﺣﻜﻤﺎ ًﻣﺆﺳﺴﻴﺎ ً)ﻛﻤﺎ ﻫﻮ ﻣﻨﺼﻮﺹ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ‬
‫ﻓﻲﺍﻟﺪﺳﺘﻮﺭ(‪ ،‬ﺑﻞ ﻗﺒﻞ ﻛﻞ ﺷﻲء‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻼﺫﺍ‪ ً:‬ﺍﻟﻤﻼﺫ ﺍﻟﺤﺎﺳﻢ‪.‬‬

‫ﺍﻻﺳﺘﻨﺘﺎﺟﺎﺕ‬
‫ﻟﻘﺪﻃﺒﻊ "ﻋﺪﻡ ﺍﻻﺳﺘﻘﺮﺍﺭ" ﺍﻟﺪﺳﺘﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﻟﺘﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻟﻠﻤﻐﺮﺏ ﺍﻟﻤﺴﺘﻘﻞ‪ .‬ﺗﻢ ﺍﺳﺘﺨﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﻹﺻﻼﺡ ﺍﻟﺪﺳﺘﻮﺭﻱ‬
‫ﻛﻮﺳﻴﻠﺔﻹﻧﻬﺎء ﺍﻷﺯﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﺘﻌﺎﻗﺒﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﺗﺮﺗﺒﻂ ﻛﻞ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻷﺯﻣﺎﺕ ﺑﺎﻟﺸﻜﻞ ﺍﻻﺳﺘﺒﺪﺍﺩﻱ ﻟﻠﻨﻈﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻟﻤﻜﺎﻧﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻤﻄﻠﺔﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻤﻠﻜﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻟﺪﻭﺭ ﺍﻟﺘﺒﻌﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﻤﻨﻮﺡ ﻟﻸﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﺇﻥ ﺍﻟﻄﻌﻦ ﻓﻲ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﺘﻜﻮﻳﻦ ﺍﻟﻤﺆﺳﺴﻲ ﻳﻨﻄﻮﻱ‬
‫ﻋﻠﻰﺇﻋﺎﺩﺓ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﻟﺒﺮﻟﻤﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﺜﺎﻝ ﻟﻠﺘﻤﺜﻴﻞ ﺍﻟﺪﻳﻤﻘﺮﺍﻃﻲ ﻟﻸﻣﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﺑﻌﻴﺪﺍ ﻋﻦ ﺍﻷﻃﺮﻭﺣﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺑﻤﻮﺟﺒﻬﺎ ﺃﺭﺳﺖ‬
‫ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻌﺔﺍﻟﻨﺺ ﺍﻟﺪﺳﺘﻮﺭﻱ ﻟﺴﻨﺔ ‪ 2011‬ﺃﺳﺲ “ﺑﺮﻟﻤﺎﻧﻴﺔ” ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﻤﻠﻜﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﻐﺮﺏ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﺪ ﺑﻴﻨﺎ ﻓﻲ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﻤﻘﺎﻝ ﺃﻥ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺘﻘﺪﻡﻓﻲ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻻﺗﺠﺎﻩ ﻳﺤﻴﺪﻩ ﺗﻮﺍﺯﻥ ﺍﻟﻘﻮﻯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻟﻤﺠﻠﺴﻴﻦ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺠﻬﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻔﺎﻋﻠﺔ ﺍﻟﺮﺋﻴﺴﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ )ﺍﻟﻤﻠﻚ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺤﻜﻮﻣﺔ‪،‬‬
‫ﺍﻷﺣﺰﺍﺏ( ﻭﺇﺭﺙ ﻣﻤﺎﺭﺳﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺤﻜﻢ ﺍﻻﺳﺘﺒﺪﺍﺩﻳﺔ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﻤﻮﺍﺗﻴﺔ ﻻﺳﺘﻤﺮﺍﺭﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﻠﻜﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻨﻔﻴﺬﻳﺔ‪.‬‬

‫‪-10‬ﺍﻟﻤﺼﺪﺭ‪ :‬ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﻟﻨﻮﺍﺏ ﺍﻟﻤﻐﺮﺑﻲ‪.‬‬

‫ﺭﻗﻢ‪) 32‬ﻧﺎﺷﺌﻴﻦ ‪REIM (2022‬‬
‫‪ISSN: 1887-4460‬‬
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 ‫ﺗﻤﻴﺰﺕﺍﻻﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﺸﺮﻳﻌﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺟﺮﺕ ﻓﻲ ‪ 8‬ﺳﺒﺘﻤﺒﺮ ‪ ،2021‬ﻣﻦ ﻧﺎﺣﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺑﻬﺰﻳﻤﺔ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺍﻟﻌﺪﺍﻟﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ )‬
‫ﺍﻹﺳﻼﻣﻲ(‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﻳﺘﻮﻟﻰ ﺍﻟﺤﻜﻢ ﻣﻨﺬ ﻋﺎﻡ ‪ ،(López García & Kirhlani, 2021) 2011‬ﻭﻣﻦ ﻧﺎﺣﻴﺔ ﺃﺧﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ‬
‫ﺃﻏﻠﺒﻴﺔﺑﺮﻟﻤﺎﻧﻴﺔ ﻣﻜﻮﻧﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺛﻼﺛﺔ ﺃﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﻓﻘﻂ‪ :‬ﺣﺰﺏ ﺍﻟﺘﺠﻤﻊ ﺍﻟﻮﻃﻨﻲ ﻟﻸﺣﺮﺍﺭ‪ ،‬ﻭﺣﺰﺏ ﺍﻷﺻﺎﻟﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﺻﺮﺓ‪ ،‬ﻭﺣﺰﺏ‬
‫ﺍﻻﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ‪.‬ﻭﻟﻬﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﺘﺸﻜﻴﻼﺕ ﺍﻟﺜﻼﺛﺔ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻴﺔ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻛﺔ‪ :‬ﺍﻷﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻡ ﻟﻸﻭﻝ )ﻋﺰﻳﺰ ﺃﺧﻨﻮﺵ( ﻭﺍﻟﺜﺎﻟﺚ )ﻧﺰﺍﺭ ﺑﺮﻛﺔ(‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﻣﺆﺳﺲﺍﻟﺜﺎﻧﻲ )ﻓﺆﺍﺩ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺍﻟﻬﻤﺔ(‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﺘﺒﺮﺍﻥ »ﻗﺮﻳﺒﻴﻦ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻘﺼﺮ« )ﺩﻳﺴﺮﻭﻳﺲ‪ .(2020 ،‬ﻋﻼﻭﺓ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺫﻟﻚ‪ ،‬ﻓﻬﻲ ﻣﻦ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺤﺎﻻﺕﺍﻟﻨﺎﺩﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﺤﻈﻰ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﺤﻜﻮﻣﺔ ﺑﺪﻋﻢ ﺃﻏﻠﺒﻴﺔ ﻣﺘﻤﺎﺳﻜﺔ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺣﺪ ﻣﺎ )ﺛﻼﺛﺔ ﺃﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﻓﻘﻂ( ﻭﻣﺘﻤﺎﺳﻜﺔ‬
‫ﺇﻳﺪﻳﻮﻟﻮﺟﻴﺎ ًﺇﻟﻰ ﺣﺪ ﻣﺎ‪ ،‬ﺣﻴﺚ ﺃﻥ ﻣﻜﻮﻧﺎﺗﻬﺎ ﺗﻠﻘﻲ ﺍﻟﺨﻄﺐ ﻭﺗﺪﻋﻲ ﺍﺗﺠﺎﻫﺎﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻳﺔ‪ .‬ﻣﺸﺎﺑﻪ‪ .‬ﻭﻣﻦ ﺧﻼﻝ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻘﻴﺎﻡﺑﺬﻟﻚ‪ ،‬ﻓﺈﻧﻬﻢ ﻳﺮﻭﻥ ﺃﻥ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﻬﻢ ﻫﻲ "ﺗﻨﻔﻴﺬ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﺟﻴﻬﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻤﻠﻜﻴﺔ"‪ .‬ﻭﺑﺎﻟﺘﺎﻟﻲ ﻓﺈﻥ ﺇﺳﻼﻣﻴﻲ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺍﻟﻌﺪﺍﻟﺔ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔﻭﺍﻻﺷﺘﺮﺍﻛﻴﻴﻦ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻻﺗﺤﺎﺩ ﺍﻻﺷﺘﺮﺍﻛﻲ ﻟﻠﻘﻮﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺸﻌﺒﻴﺔ )ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﺳﺘﻀﺎﻑ ﺇﻟﻴﻬﻢ ﺍﻟﻤﻤﺜﻠﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﺘﺨﺒﺔ ﻟﻠﺤﺰﺏ‬
‫ﺍﻻﺷﺘﺮﺍﻛﻲﺍﻟﻤﻮﺣﺪ ﻧﺒﻴﻠﺔ ﻣﻨﻴﺐ( ﺳﻴﻤﺎﺭﺳﻮﻥ ﺑﺎﻟﺘﺎﻟﻲ ﻣﺎ ﻳﺴﻤﻰ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﻐﺮﺏ "ﻣﻌﺎﺭﺿﺔ ﺟﻼﻟﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﻠﻚ"‪« .‬‬

‫ﻭﻫﺬﺍﺍﻟﻮﺍﻗﻊ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺗﺞ ﻋﻦ ﺍﻻﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﻟﺜﺔ ﻣﻨﺬ ﺍﻟﺮﺑﻴﻊ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻲ‪ ،‬ﻟﺪﻳﻪ ﻛﻞ ﺍﻟﻔﺮﺹ ﻹﻋﻄﺎء ﺍﻟﻌﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻤﺆﺳﺴﻴﺔ ﻗﺪﺭﺍ ً‬
‫ﺃﻋﻈﻢﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺘﻤﺎﺳﻚ‪ .‬ﻭﻣﻦ ﺧﻼﻝ ﺍﻟﻘﻴﺎﻡ ﺑﺬﻟﻚ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻤﺮ ﺍﻟﻤﻠﻚ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻬﻴﻤﻨﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻠﻌﺒﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﻛﻜﻞ‪ ،‬ﻭﺳﻴﺘﺤﻮﻝ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺒﺮﻟﻤﺎﻥﺃﻛﺜﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺃﻱ ﻭﻗﺖ ﻣﻀﻰ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺩﻭﺭ ﻏﺮﻓﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﺴﺠﻴﻞ‪ .‬ﻭﻳﻨﺪﻣﺞ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﻄﻖ ﻓﻲ "ﻃﺒﻴﻌﺔ" ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬
‫ﻛﻜﻞ‪،‬ﻭﻳﺆﺩﻱ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺗﻔﻮﻕ ﺷﺒﻪ ﺩﺍﺋﻢ ﻟﻠﻤﻠﻜﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﻲ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻬﺔ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺔ ﺗﺘﻤﺘﻊ‪ ،‬ﻓﻴﻤﺎ ﻳﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﺎﻟﺒﺮﻟﻤﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﻬﻮﺍﻣﺶ ﻣﻨﺎﻭﺭﺓ‬
‫ﺣﻘﻴﻘﻴﺔﻭﻟﻜﻦ ﻣﺘﻐﻴﺮﺓ‪.‬‬

‫ﻓﻬﺮﺱ‬
‫ﺑﻨﺪﻭﺭﻭ‪،‬ﻋﻤﺮ )‪:(2015‬ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﻟﺪﺳﺘﻮﺭﻱ ﻭﺍﻟﻤﺆﺳﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔﺍﻟﺮﺑﺎﻁ‪ ،‬ﻛﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻧﻮﻧﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻳﺔ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔﺑﺎﻟﺴﻮﻳﺴﻲ‪-‬ﺍﻟﺮﺑﺎﻁ‪.‬‬
‫ﺑﻨﺪﻭﺭﻭ‪،‬ﻋﻤﺮ )‪" :(2012‬ﺗﻜﺮﻳﺲ ﺍﻟﻤﻠﻜﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺤﺎﻛﻤﺔ"‪،‬ﺳﻨﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﻐﺮﺏ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺜﺎﻣﻦ‪ ،‬ﺹ ‪ .404-391‬ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ‪/1539‬‬
‫‪URL: http://journals.openedition.org/anneemaghreb‬؛ ﻣﻌﺮﻑ ﺍﻟﻬﻮﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﺮﻗﻤﻲ‪:‬‬
‫‪https://doi.org/10.4000/anneemaghreb.1539‬‬
‫ﺣﻠﻤﻲﺑﺮﺍﺑﺎﺡ‪ ،‬ﻋﺒﺪ ﺍﻟﺼﻤﺪ )‪ Las funciones del Jefe del Gobierno en la“ :(2017‬ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﺍﻟﻤﻐﺮﺏ ‪/ 2011‬‬
‫ﻭﺍﺟﺒﺎﺕﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﻟﺤﻜﻮﻣﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺪﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﺍﻟﻤﻐﺮﺑﻲ ‪Estudios Internacionales Mediterráneos )REIM .”2011‬‬
‫‪ .(22) ، (Revista de‬ﻣﻌﺮﻑ ﺍﻟﻬﻮﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﺮﻗﻤﻲ‪https://doi.org/10.15366/reim2017.22.002 :‬‬

‫ﺟﺎﻱﺑﺮﺍﻳﺒﺎﻧﺖ )‪“ :(1993‬ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﻳﻀﻊ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻧﻮﻥ؟ "‪،‬ﺍﻟﻘﻮﻯ‪ ،64 ،‬ﺹ‪.46-43 .‬‬

‫ﺑﺮﻭﻛﺴﻲ‪،‬ﻋﻤﺮ )‪“ :(2021‬ﺍﻟﻤﻐﺮﺏ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺘﻄﺒﻴﻊ ﻣﻊ ﺇﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻓﺮﺩﻱ ﻟﻠﻤﻠﻚ"‪ 22 ،orientxx.info .‬ﺩﻳﺴﻤﺒﺮ‪.‬‬

‫ﺑﺮﻭﻛﺴﻲ‪،‬ﻋﻤﺮ )‪:(2003‬ﺍﻟﺒﺮﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﻐﺮﺑﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺩﻳﻨﺎﻣﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻐﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺪﺳﺘﻮﺭﻳﺔ‪ ,‬ﺃﻃﺮﻭﺣﺔ ﺩﻛﺘﻮﺭﺍﻩ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻣﻌﺔ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺨﺎﻣﺲ‪ FSJES،‬ﺃﻛﺪﺍﻝ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺮﺑﺎﻁ‪.‬‬

‫ﺩﻳﺮﻭﺱ‪،‬ﺗﻴﻴﺮﻱ )‪“ :(2020‬ﺍﻟﺼﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﻮﻱ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻤﺜﻴﻞ ﺍﻟﺪﻳﻤﻘﺮﺍﻃﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﻐﺮﺏ‪ :‬ﺍﻟﺘﺪﺧﻞ ﺍﻟﻤﻠﻜﻲ ﻭﻗﻴﺎﺩﺍﺕ‬
‫ﺍﻷﺣﺰﺍﺏﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﻣﻨﺬ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ‪،”2016‬‬
‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺔﺍﻟﺒﺤﺮ ﺍﻷﺑﻴﺾ ﺍﻟﻤﺘﻮﺳﻂ‪ ،2 :25 ،‬ﺹ‪http://doi.org/10.1080/13629395.2018.1543038،262-254 .‬‬

‫ﺩﻳﺰﺭﻭ‪،‬ﺗﻴﻴﺮﻱ )‪" :(2018‬ﺣﻜﻢ "ﺍﻟﻤﻠﻜﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻨﻔﻴﺬﻳﺔ" ﺃﻡ ﻣﻨﻄﻖ ﺍﻻﺳﺘﺒﺪﺍﺩ"‪،‬ﺳﻨﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﻐﺮﺏ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻲ‪ ،19-2 ،‬ﺹ‪.‬‬
‫‪.232-211‬ﻣﻌﺮﻑ ﺍﻟﻬﻮﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﺮﻗﻤﻲ‪:‬‬
‫‪https://doi.org/10.4000/anneemaghreb.4289‬‬

‫‪74‬‬
 ‫ﺃ‪.‬ﺑﺮﻭﻛﺴﻲ‪،‬ﺍﻟﺒﺮﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﻐﺮﺑﻲ ﻭﻃﺒﻴﻌﺔ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬

‫ﺩﻳﺴﻮﻳﺲ‪،‬ﺗﻴﻴﺮﻱ )‪" :(2017‬ﺍﻟﺤﻮﻛﻤﺔ ﻭﺑﺮﻟﻤﺎﻧﺔ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﻐﺮﺑﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺿﻮء ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ‪."2016‬ﺳﻨﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﻐﺮﺏ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺜﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺹ‪ .309-285 .‬ﻣﻌﺮﻑ ﺍﻟﻬﻮﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﺮﻗﻤﻲ‪https://doi.org/10.4000/anneemaghreb.3291:‬‬

‫ﺩﻳﺴﻮﻳﺲ‪،‬ﺗﻴﻴﺮﻱ )‪" :(2012‬ﺣﺮﻛﺔ ‪ 20‬ﻓﺒﺮﺍﻳﺮ ﻭﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﻤﻐﺮﺑﻲ‪ :‬ﺍﻻﺣﺘﺠﺎﺝ ﻭﻣﺮﺍﺟﻌﺔ ﺍﻟﺪﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﻭﺍﻻﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ"‪،‬ﺳﻨﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻤﻐﺮﺏﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺜﺎﻣﻦ‪ ،‬ﺹ‪ .389-359 .‬ﻣﻌﺮﻑ ﺍﻟﻬﻮﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﺮﻗﻤﻲ‪/10.4000/anneemaghreb.1537 :‬‬
‫‪https://doi.org‬‬
‫ﻫﻴﺮﻧﺎﻧﺪﻭﺩﻱ ﻻﺭﺍﻣﻴﻨﺪﻱ‪ ،‬ﻣﻴﻐﻴﻞ )‪“ :(2019‬ﺍﻹﻗﻠﻴﻤﻴﺔ ﻣﺤﻜﻮﻡ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ ﺑﺎﻟﻔﺸﻞ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﻐﺮﺏ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﺩ ﺭﺳﻤﻪ؟‬
‫ﺍﻟﺸﻜﻞﺍﻟﻤﺘﻐﻴﺮ ﻟﻠﺘﻨﺎﻓﺲ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻟﺠﺰﺍﺋﺮ ﻭﺍﻟﻤﻐﺮﺏ ﻓﻲ ﺣﻘﺒﺔ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻌﺪ ‪.”2011‬ﻣﺠﻠﺔ‬
‫ﺩﺭﺍﺳﺎﺕﺷﻤﺎﻝ ﺃﻓﺮﻳﻘﻴﺎ‪ ،3 :24 ،‬ﺹ‪ ،531-506 .‬ﺩﻭﻯ‪https://doi.org/10.1080/13629387.2018.1454657:‬‬

‫ﺟﺎﻥ‪،‬ﺑﺎﺳﻜﺎﻝ )‪» :(1995‬ﺗﺠﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﺍﻟﺒﺮﻟﻤﺎﻧﻲ«‪،‬ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻌﺔ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻡ )‪ 4 ،(RDP‬ﻳﻮﻟﻴﻮ‪ ،‬ﺹ‪. 1028-988 .‬‬

‫ﻟﻮﺑﻴﺰﺟﺎﺭﺳﻴﺎ ﻭﺑﺮﻧﺎﺑﻲ ﻭﺳﻌﻴﺪ ﻛﻴﺮﻻﻧﻲ )‪:(2021‬ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻤﻐﺮﺏ ‪ :2021‬ﺑﻨﻴﺔ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﺓ ﻟﻨﻤﻮﺫﺝ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻤﻲ‬
‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‪-marroquies- 2021-una-nuevaarquitectura-politica-para-un-new-modelo-desarrollo‬‬
‫‪/elcano/elcano_es/zonas_es/ari80-2021-lopez-kirhlani-elecciones‬‬
‫=‪/wps/portal/rielcano_es/contenido?WCM_GLOBAL_CONTEXT‬‬
‫‪, ARI 80/2021 - 27/9/2021 http://www.realinstitutoelcano.org‬‬
‫ﻣﺪﻧﻲ‪،‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ )‪:(2006‬ﺍﻟﻤﺸﻬﺪ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﻐﺮﺑﻲ‪,‬ﻃﺒﻌﺎﺕ ﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﻟﻘﻠﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺮﺑﺎﻁ‪ ،‬ﺹ‪.27 .‬‬
‫ﻣﺪﻧﻲ‪،‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ )‪:(2014‬ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭﻳﺔ ﺑﻼ ﺩﻳﻤﻘﺮﺍﻃﻴﺔ‪ :‬ﺻﻴﺎﻏﺔ ﻭﺗﻨﻔﻴﺬ ﺍﻟﺪﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﺍﻟﻤﻐﺮﺑﻲ ﻟﺴﻨﺔ ‪ ،2011‬ﺍﻟﺪﺍﺭ ﺍﻟﺒﻴﻀﺎء‪،‬‬
‫ﻣﻔﺘﺮﻕﺍﻟﻄﺮﻕ ‪ /‬ﻓﺮﻳﺪﺭﻳﺶ ﺇﻳﺒﺮﺕ‪ ،‬ﺹ ‪101-35‬‬

‫ﻣﻴﻠﻮﻧﻲ‪،‬ﺩﻳﻔﻴﺪ )‪“ :(2013‬ﺍﻟﺪﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﺍﻟﻤﻐﺮﺑﻲ ‪ :2011‬ﻃﻔﺮﺓ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭﺍﻟﻘﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﻐﺮﺑﻲ”‪،‬ﺍﻟﻘﻮﻯ‪/2 ،‬‬
‫‪)2013‬ﺭﻗﻢ ‪ ،(145‬ﺹ‪ 5 .‬ﺇﻟﻰ ‪.17‬‬
‫ﺍﻟﻤﻨﻮﻧﻲ‪،‬ﻋﺒﺪ ﺍﻟﻠﻄﻴﻒ )‪" :(1993‬ﺍﻟﺪﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﻭﺍﻟﻔﺼﻞ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﺎﺕ"‪ ،‬ﺹﺛﻼﺛﻮﻥ ﺳﻨﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺤﻴﺎﺓ ﺍﻟﺪﺳﺘﻮﺭﻳﺔ ﻓﻲ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻤﻐﺮﺏ‪.‬ﺑﻨﺎء ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﺔ ﺍﻟﺤﺪﻳﺜﺔ‪ ،‬ﻋﻤﻞ ﺟﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺇﺷﺮﺍﻑ ﺇﺩﺭﻳﺲ ﺍﻟﺒﺼﺮﻱ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﺭﻳﺲ‪.LGDJ ،‬‬

‫ﺍﻟﻤﻨﻮﻧﻲ‪،‬ﻋﺒﺪ ﺍﻟﻠﻄﻴﻒ )‪“ :(1984‬ﺍﻟﺮﺟﻮﻉ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺍﻟﻤﺎﺩﺓ ‪ 19‬ﻗﺮﺍءﺓ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﺓ ﻟﻠﺪﺳﺘﻮﺭ؟” ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻌﺔ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻴﺔ ﻭﺳﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻳﺔﻟﻠﻤﻐﺮﺏ‪ ،‬ﺭﻗﻢ ‪ .15‬ﺳﺒﺘﻤﺒﺮ ‪ ،1984‬ﺹ‪.42-25 .‬‬
‫ﻣﺴﻌﻮﺩﻱ‪،‬ﺃﻣﻴﻨﺔ ﻭﺗﻴﺮﻭﻝ ﺑﻴﺴﻴﺮﺍ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﻧﻮﻳﻞ ﺧﻮﺳﻴﻪ )‪ ،"Prólogo" :(2012‬ﻓﻲ ﺃﻣﻴﻨﺔ ﻣﺴﻌﻮﺩﻱ ﻭﺗﻴﺮﻭﻝ ﺑﻴﺴﻴﺮﺍ‬
‫ﻣﺎﻧﻮﻳﻞﺧﻮﺳﻴﻪ )ﺩﻳﺮ‪،(.‬ﺍﻟﻘﻮﺓ ﺍﻟﺘﺄﺳﻴﺴﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻟﻢ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻲ‪ ,‬ﺟﺎﻣﻌﺔ ﺑﺎﺑﻠﻮ ﺃﻭﻻﻓﻴﺪﻱ‪Andalucía، Sevilla، pp. 6-12 ،‬‬
‫‪.Diputación de Sevilla، Ayuntamiento de Marchena، Junta de‬‬
‫ﻣﺴﻌﻮﺩﻱ‪،‬ﺃﻣﻴﻨﺔ )‪" ،(2012‬ﺍﻹﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺪﺳﺘﻮﺭﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ"‪ ،‬ﻓﻲ ﻣﺴﻌﻮﺩﻱ ﺃﻣﻴﻨﺔ ﻭﺗﻴﺮﻭﻝ ﺑﻴﺴﻴﺮﺍ ﻣﺎﻧﻮﻳﻞ ﺧﻮﺳﻴﻪ )‬
‫ﺩﻳﺮ(‪،‬ﺍﻟﻘﻮﺓ ﺍﻟﺘﺄﺳﻴﺴﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻟﻢ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻲ‪ ,‬ﺟﺎﻣﻌﺔ ﺑﺎﺑﻠﻮ ﺃﻭﻻﻓﻴﺪﻱ‪Junta de Andalucía، Sevilla، pp. 124-164 ،‬‬
‫‪.Diputación de Sevilla، Ayuntamiento de Marchena،‬‬
‫ﺑﺎﺭﻳﺠﻮﻓﺮﻧﺎﻧﺪﻳﺰ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﺭﻳﺎ ﺃﻧﺠﻮﺳﺘﻴﺎﺱ )‪“ ،(2018‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻨﺨﺐ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻮﺿﻊ ﺍﻟﻤﺆﺳﺴﻲ ﻓﻲ ‪sobre la royalía‬‬
‫‪،”Marruecos: una polifonía de voces‬ﻣﺠﻠﺔ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﺘﻮﺳﻄﻴﺔ‪ .93-117 ،‬ﻣﻌﺮﻑ ﺍﻟﻬﻮﻳﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺮﻗﻤﻲ‪https://doi.org/10.15366/reim2018.25.006:‬‬
‫ﺳﺰﻣﻮﻟﻜﺎ‪،‬ﺇﻧﻤﺎﻛﻮﻻﺩﺍ ﻭﻛﺎﺯﻭﺭﻻ‪ ،‬ﺃﻧﺠﻴﻞ )‪" ".(2013‬ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻷﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﺍﻟﺒﻨﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻹﻣﺒﺮﺍﻃﻮﺭﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ"‪ ،‬ﻣﺠﻠﺔ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻴﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻤﺘﻮﺳﻄﻴﺔ‪، )14(. DOI: https://revistas.uam.es/reim/article/view/903‬‬

‫ﺗﻮﺯﻯ‪،‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ )‪:(1999‬ﺍﻟﻤﻠﻜﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻹﺳﻼﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﻐﺮﺏ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺭﻳﺲ‪ :‬ﻣﻄﺒﻌﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻮﻡ‪.‬‬

‫ﺭﻗﻢ‪) 32‬ﻧﺎﺷﺌﻴﻦ ‪REIM (2022‬‬
‫‪ISSN: 1887-4460‬‬
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