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Political-Economic Systems and the State:
Comparing Outcomes 118
Measuring Wealth 119
Measuring Inequality and Poverty 120
Human Development Index (HDI) 122
Happiness 124
The Rise and Fall of Liberalism? 126
INSTITUTIONS IN ACTION: WHY HAVE POVERTY AND INEQUALITY DECLINED IN
LATIN AMERICA? 130
In Sum: A New Economic Era? 132
5 DEMOCRATIC REGIMES
Defining Democracy 138
134
Contents vii
Political Parties 156
Electoral Systems 157
Referendum and Initiative 165
INSTITUTIONS IN ACTION: WHAT EXPLAINS DEMOCRATIZATION
IN ASIA? 166
Civil Rights and Civil Liberties 168
In Sum: Future Challenges to Democracy 169
6 NONDEMOCRATIC REGIMES
Defining Nondemocratic Rule 176
172
viii Contents
7 POLITICAL VIOLENCE
What Is Political Violence? 207
204
8 DEVELOPED DEMOCRACIES
Defining Developed Democracy 238
234
Contents ix
9 COMMUNISM AND
POSTCOMMUNISM 266
Communism, Equality, and the Nature of Human
Relations 270
Revolution and the “Triumph” of Communism 272
Putting Communism into Practice 274
Communist Political Economy 278
Societal Institutions under Communism 280
The Collapse of Communism 282
The Transformation of Political Institutions 285
Reorganizing the State and Constructing a Democratic Regime 285
Evaluating Political Transitions 286
The Transformation of Economic Institutions 291
Privatization and Marketization 291
Evaluating Economic Transitions 293
The Transformation of Societal Institutions 295
Changing Identities 296
Evaluating Societal Transitions 297
INSTITUTIONS IN ACTION: WHY DID REFORM FAIL IN THE SOVIET UNION BUT
SUCCEED IN CHINA? 300
In Sum: The Legacy of Communism 302
10 DEVELOPING COUNTRIES
Freedom and Equality in the Developing World 308
304
x Contents
The Challenges of Post-Imperialism 318
Building State Capacity and Autonomy 319
Creating Nations and Citizens 322
Generating Economic Growth 324
Puzzles and Prospects for Democracy and Development 326
Making a More Effective State 328
Developing Political Engagement 330
Promoting Economic Prosperity 331
INSTITUTIONS IN ACTION: WHY DID ASIA INDUSTRIALIZE FASTER THAN
LATIN AMERICA? 334
In Sum: The Challenges of Development 336
NOTES A-1
GLOSSARY A-15
CREDITS A-25
INDEX A-27
Contents xi
LIST OF MAPS
AFRICA xxiii
ASIA xxiv
THE MIDDLE EAST xxv
EUROPE xxvi
CENTRAL AND SOUTH AMERICA xxvii
NORTH AMERICA xxviii
ETHNOLINGUISTIC DIVERSITY IN AFRICA 76
EUROPEAN UNION MEMBERSHIP, 2017 251
xiii
ABOUT THE AUTHOR
Patrick H. O’Neil is Distinguished Professor of Politics and Government at the
University of Puget Sound in Tacoma, Washington. He received his Ph.D. in
political science from Indiana University. Professor O’Neil’s teaching and research
interests are in the areas of authoritarianism and democratization. His past research
focused on Eastern Europe, and his current research deals with the Middle East,
particularly Iran. His publications include the books Revolution from Within: The
Hungarian Socialist Workers’ Party and the Collapse of Communism and Communi-
cating Democracy: The Media and Political Transitions (editor).
xv
PREFACE
The past three decades have seen the dramatic transformation of comparative poli-
tics: the end of the Cold War and the collapse of the Soviet Union, the spread of
democracy across the globe, the rise of new economic powers in Asia, the deepen-
ing of globalization. For a time, many looked upon these changes as unmitigated
progress that would bring about a decline in global conflict and produce widespread
prosperity. Recently, however, there has been growing doubt, as the uncertainties of
the future seem to portend more risk than reward, more inequality than prosperity,
more conflict than peace. One can no longer suggest that a country and its citizens
can function well without a good understanding of the billions of people who live
outside of its borders. Clearly we ignore such uncertainty at our peril.
This textbook is meant to contribute to our understanding of comparative poli-
tics (the study of domestic politics around the world) by investigating the central
ideas and questions that make up this field. It begins with the most basic struggle
in politics—the battle between freedom and equality and the task of reconciling
or balancing these ideals. How this struggle has unfolded across place and time
represents the core of comparative politics. The text continues by emphasizing the
importance of institutions. Human action is fundamentally guided by the institu-
tions that people construct, such as culture, constitutions, and property rights.
Once established, these institutions are both influential and persistent—not easily
overcome, changed, or removed. How these institutions emerge, and how they
affect politics, is central to this work.
With these ideas in place, we tackle the basic institutions of power—states, mar-
kets, societies, democracies, and nondemocratic regimes. What are states, how do
they emerge, and how can we measure their capacity, autonomy, and efficacy? How
do markets function, and what kinds of relationships exist between states and mar-
kets? How do societal components like nationalism, ethnicity, and ideology shape
political values? And what are the main differences between democratic and non-
democratic regimes, and what explains why one or the other predominates in vari-
ous parts of the world? These are a few of the questions we will attempt to answer.
Once these concepts and questions have been explored, subsequent chapters
will apply them directly to various political systems—developed democracies, com-
munist and postcommunist countries, and developing countries. In each of these,
xvii
the basic institutions of the state, market, society, and democratic or nondemo-
cratic regime all shape the relationship between freedom and equality. What basic
characteristics lead us to group these countries together? How do they compare
to one another, and what are their prospects for economic, social, and democratic
development? Finally, we will conclude with a discussion of globalization, linking
what we have studied at the domestic level to wider international forces.
The format of this text has long differed from that of traditional comparative
politics textbooks. In the past, these books were built around a set of country
studies, with introductory chapters for the advanced, postcommunist, and less-
developed world. While such a textbook can provide a great deal of information
on a wide range of cases, the trade-off is often a less thorough consideration of the
basic grammar of comparative politics. We might know who the prime minister
of Japan is but have less of an understanding of political culture, mercantilism, or
state autonomy—all ideas that can help us make sense of politics across time and
place. This text strives to fill this gap and can be used alongside traditional case
studies to help draw out broader questions and issues. By grasping these concepts,
arguments, and questions, students will better understand the political dynamics
of the wider world.
This thematic approach to the essential tools and ideas of comparative politics
is supported by a strong pedagogy that clarifies and reinforces the most important
concepts. Key concepts lists and “Institutions in Action” boxes in every chapter
highlight important material that students will want to review. Numerous figures
and tables illustrate important concepts and provide real world data related to the
topic at hand. Timelines and thematic maps show important political develop-
ments over time and around the globe. The importance of institutions is empha-
sized by the opening and closing discussions in each chapter.
Essentials of Comparative Politics is designed to offer instructors flexibility in
creating the course that they want to teach. In addition to the core textbook, a
corresponding casebook and a reader are also available. Cases in Comparative Poli-
tics, coauthored by Karl Fields, Donald Share, and myself, applies the concepts
from Essentials of Comparative Politics to thirteen country studies. An integrated
version of both texts, with shorter case studies, Cases and Concepts in Comparative
Politics, is also available. In Essential Readings in Comparative Politics, my coeditor,
Ronald Rogowski, and I have selected key readings to accompany each chapter in
the textbook. Norton also offers the textbook, casebook, and integrated version in
e-book format. Support materials for instructors, including a Test Bank, Power-
Point l ecture outlines, and a supplementary Image Bank, are also available at http://
www.wwnorton.com/instructors.
xviii Preface
Many people have contributed to this work. The text itself is inspired by Karen
Mingst’s Essentials of International Relations. When Norton released Mingst’s book
nearly 30 years ago, I was struck by its concision and came to the conclusion
that comparative politics would benefit from a similar kind of text. At Norton,
Peter Lesser first encouraged me to submit a proposal for this textbook, and Roby
Harrington encouraged me to develop the initial chapters, supported its publica-
tion, and provided important feedback at many stages. As editor, Ann Shin held
me to a high standard of writing argumentation in the first edition. For the second,
third, and fourth editions, Peter Lesser, Aaron Javsicas, and Jake Schindel took over
editorial duties, helping to further improve the work. In the fifth and sixth editions,
Peter, who first challenged me to write this text, returned to the helm to guide me
through a number of complicated revisions and edits that have improved the con-
tent and style. Samantha Held has been indispensable in managing all the details
across several texts and ensuring consistency and accuracy. I am grateful to all five
of them for their investment in this work.
In addition to the people at Norton, many academics have helped improve this
work. Most important have been my colleagues at the University of Puget Sound,
in particular Don Share and Karl Fields. Over many years Don, Karl, and I have
taught alongside each other, and learning from these two outstanding teachers and
scholars helped generate many of the ideas in this book. Don and Karl continue
to provide important feedback and numerous suggestions. I am fortunate to have
such colleagues.
Many thanks as well to those numerous reviewers who have provided useful
critiques and suggestions that have improved this work:
Preface xix
Robert Compton, SUNY Oneonta
Isabelle Côté, Memorial University of Newfoundland
Lukas K. Danner, Florida International University
Suheir Daoud, Coastal Carolina University
Bruce Dickson, George Washington University
Kenly Fenio, Virginia Tech
Bonnie Field, Bentley University
Nathan W. Freeman, University of Georgia
John French, Depaul University/University of Illinois at Chicago
John Froitzheim, College of William & Mary
Julia George, Queens College, CUNY
Sarah Goodman, University of California at Irvine
Anna Gregg, Austin Peay State University
Kikue Hamayotsu, Northern Illinois University
Ivy Hamerly, Baylor University
Cole Harvey, University of North Carolina, Chapel Hill
Alexandra Hennessy, Seton Hall University
Jeffrey Hernden, State College of Florida
Yoshiko Herrera, University of Wisconsin at Madison
Robert Hinckley, SUNY Potsdam
Matthew Hoddie, Towson University
Maiah Jaskoski, Northern Arizona University
John Jaworsky, University of Waterloo
Joon S. Kil, Irvine Valley College
Tamara Kotar, University of Ottawa
Brian Kupfer, Tallahassee Community College
Ahmet Kuru, San Diego State University
Lisa Laverty, Eastern Michigan University
Jeffrey Lewis, Cleveland State University
Gregory Love, University of Mississippi
Mona Lyne, University of Missouri, Kansas City
Audrey Mattoon, Washington State University
Michael Mitchell, Arizona State University
Christopher Muste, University of Montana
Sharon Rivera, Hamilton College
Paul Rousseau, University of Windsor
Jennifer Rutledge, John Jay College of Criminal Justice
Stephanie Sapiie, SUNY Nassau Community College
Hootan Shambayati, Florida Gulf Coast University
xx Preface
Steve Sharp, Utah State University, Logan
Richard Stahler-Sholk, Eastern Michigan University
Boyka Stefanova, University of Texas at San Antonio
Aaron Stuvland, George Mason University
Sandra L. Suarez, Temple University
Markus Thiel, Florida International University
Hubert Tworzecki, Emory University
Brian Wampler, Boise State University
Shawn H. Williams, Campbellsville University
Mark A. Wolfgram, Oklahoma State University
Stacy Philbrick Yadav, Hobart & William Smith Colleges
Jeremy Youde, University of Minnesota, Duluth
Lyubov Zhyznomirska, Saint Mary’s University
Finally, I would like to thank the students of the University of Puget Sound for
their questions and insights, the university administration for its support of this
project, and my family for their patience.
Patrick H. O’Neil
Tacoma, Washington
May 2017
Preface xxi
PORTUGAL ITALY
SPAIN TURKEY TURKMENISTAN
GREECE
TUNISIA CYPRUS SYRIA
LEBANON IRAQ IRAN
MOROCCO ISRAEL
KUWAIT
JORDAN
ALGERIA L I B YA
WESTERN EGYPT
SAHARA QATAR
(MOR.) SAUDI
ARABIA U.A.E.
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MALI
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SEN CHAD YEMEN
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BISSAU CÔTE ETHIOPIA
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(ANGOLA)
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IRAN G HA N JAPAN
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AL PACIFIC
PA
BANGLADESH LAOS OCEAN
INDIA TAIWAN
MYANMAR Philippine
Arabian Bay of Sea
THAILAND
Sea Bengal VIETNAM PHILIPPINES
CAMBODIA
SRI BRUNEI
LANKA
MALAYSIA
MALDIVES
PAPUA
Borneo NEW GUINEA
SINGAPORE Celebes
Sumatra SOLOMON
INDIAN OCEAN INDONESIA ISLANDS
Java E. TIMOR
ASIA
Black Sea
GEORGIA
ARMENIA TURKMENISTAN
Caspian
TURKEY Sea
AZERBAIJAN
GREECE
CYPRUS
Mediterranean Sea SYRIA AFGHANISTAN
LEBANON
IRAQ IRAN
ISRAEL
JORDAN PAKISTAN
KUWAIT Pe
LIBYA rsian
EGYPT Gu
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BAHRAIN OMAN
SAUDI QATAR
ARABIA
UNITED OMAN
ARAB
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Sea
SUDAN
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Arabian
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DJIBOUTI
SOMALIA
FINLAND
NORWAY RUSSIA
SWEDEN ESTONIA
LATVIA
KAZAKHSTAN
DENMARK RUSSIA LITHUANIA
IRELAND BELARUS
UNITED NETHERLANDS
KINGDOM POLAND
GERMANY UKRAINE
BELGIUM
ATLANTIC CZECH REP.
SLOVAKIA MOLDOVA
OCEAN LUXEMBOURG
AUSTRIA HUNGARY Crimea GEORGIA
FRANCE SWITZ. ROMANIA
(controlled
SLOVENIA
by Russia) ARMENIA
ITALY SERBIA AZERBAIJAN
CROATIA BULGARIA
KOSOVO
BOSNIA AND
HERZEGOVINA TURKEY
PORTUGAL SPAIN MONTENEGRO
ALBANIA
MACEDONIA GREECE IRAN
SYRIA
CYPRUS
MALTA
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THE BAHAMAS ATLANTIC
Gulf of
MEXICO Mexico CUBA OCEAN
DOMINICAN REPUBLIC
ST. KITTS & NEVIS
HAITI ANTIGUA AND BARBUDA
BELIZE JAMAICA
HONDURAS Caribbean Sea DOMINICA
ST. LUCIA BARBADOS
GUATEMALA GRENADA SAINT VINCENT AND THE GRENADINES
NICARAGUA
EL SALVADOR TRINIDAD AND TOBAGO
PANAMA
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Gulf of
Alaska
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Sea
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CANADA
U N I T E D S TAT E S ATLANTIC
PACIFIC
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COLOMBIA
NORTH AMERICA
1
W
ho would have predicted 10 years ago that the Middle East
would change so much in such a short period of time? Dra-
matic historical events often take scholars, politicians, and
even participants by surprise. For example, in the 1980s few people
expected that communism would come to a dramatic end in Eastern
Europe—if anything, modest reforms in the Soviet Union were expected
to give communist institutions a new lease on life. Following the collapse
of communism and increased democratization in parts of Asia and Latin
America, many scholars expected that regimes in the Middle East would
be next. But by the turn of the century, these expectations appeared
unfounded; authoritarianism in the region seemed immune to change.
Scholars chalked this up to a number of things—the role of oil, Western
economic and military aid, lack of civic institutions, or the supposedly
undemocratic nature of Islam.
Yet again, history took us by surprise. The opening events of the Arab
Spring were disarmingly simple. In December 2010, a young Tunisian man,
Mohamed Bouazizi, set himself on fire to protest police corruption and
government indifference. Angry protests broke out shortly thereafter,
and the long-standing government was overthrown within weeks. New
protests then broke out across the region in January and February 2011.
In Egypt, President Hosni Mubarak was forced to resign after 30 years
in office. In Libya, protests turned to widespread armed conflict and
3
led to the killing of Muammar Gaddafi after more than 40 years of rule. In Syria,
Bashar al-Assad clung to power as peaceful protests eventually turned into a civil
war that has devastated the country, killed over 400,000 people, and triggered a
migration crisis.
The immediate political future of these and other countries in the region
is uncertain. Tunisia has transitioned into a fragile democracy, while Egypt has
returned to dictatorship; Libya is plagued by regional and tribal conflict, while Syria
has drawn in foreign forces, some bent on establishing an Islamist political system
across the region. At the same time, an entire range of countries in the region have
faced down public protests or not faced them at all. This is especially true among
the monarchies of the Persian Gulf, where one might have imagined that these
anachronistic forms of rule would have been the first to fall.
We are thus left with a series of puzzles. Why did the Arab Spring take place?
What was the source of these tumultuous c hanges—revolution, civil war, and one of
the largest refugee crises in recent history? Why did these uprisings take different
forms and differ in the level of violence from place to place? Finally, why did some
countries not see significant public protest to begin with? The hopeful nature of an
Arab Spring has since been replaced by a much darker sense of the future politics
of the region. Democracy, even political stability, seems further away than ever, and
there are serious repercussions for the Middle East and beyond. Can political sci-
ence help us answer these questions? Can it provide us with the tools to shape our
own country’s policies in this regard? Or are dramatic political changes, especially
regional ones, simply too complex?
LEARNING OBJECTIVES
■■ Compare freedom and equality and consider how politics reconciles the
two across countries.
Introduction 5
spend some time on the methods of comparative politics and how scholars have
approached its study. Over the past century, political scientists have struggled with
the challenge of analyzing politics and have asked whether such analysis can actu-
ally be considered a science. Exploring these issues will give us a better sense of the
limitations and possibilities in the study of comparative politics. We will consider
comparative politics through the concept of institutions—organizations or activi-
ties that are self-perpetuating and valued for their own sake. Institutions play an
important role in defining and shaping what is possible and probable in political
life by laying out the rules, norms, and structures in which we live. Finally, in
addition to institutions, we will take up the ideals of freedom and equality. If
institutions shape how the game of politics is played, then the goal of the game is
the right mix of freedom and equality. Which ideal is more important? Must one
come at the expense of the other? Perhaps some other ideal is preferable to both?
With the knowledge gained by exploring these questions, we will be ready to take
on complex politics around the world.
I see increasing reason to believe that the view formed some time
back as to the origin of the Makonde bush is the correct one. I have
no doubt that it is not a natural product, but the result of human
occupation. Those parts of the high country where man—as a very
slight amount of practice enables the eye to perceive at once—has not
yet penetrated with axe and hoe, are still occupied by a splendid
timber forest quite able to sustain a comparison with our mixed
forests in Germany. But wherever man has once built his hut or tilled
his field, this horrible bush springs up. Every phase of this process
may be seen in the course of a couple of hours’ walk along the main
road. From the bush to right or left, one hears the sound of the axe—
not from one spot only, but from several directions at once. A few
steps further on, we can see what is taking place. The brush has been
cut down and piled up in heaps to the height of a yard or more,
between which the trunks of the large trees stand up like the last
pillars of a magnificent ruined building. These, too, present a
melancholy spectacle: the destructive Makonde have ringed them—
cut a broad strip of bark all round to ensure their dying off—and also
piled up pyramids of brush round them. Father and son, mother and
son-in-law, are chopping away perseveringly in the background—too
busy, almost, to look round at the white stranger, who usually excites
so much interest. If you pass by the same place a week later, the piles
of brushwood have disappeared and a thick layer of ashes has taken
the place of the green forest. The large trees stretch their
smouldering trunks and branches in dumb accusation to heaven—if
they have not already fallen and been more or less reduced to ashes,
perhaps only showing as a white stripe on the dark ground.
This work of destruction is carried out by the Makonde alike on the
virgin forest and on the bush which has sprung up on sites already
cultivated and deserted. In the second case they are saved the trouble
of burning the large trees, these being entirely absent in the
secondary bush.
After burning this piece of forest ground and loosening it with the
hoe, the native sows his corn and plants his vegetables. All over the
country, he goes in for bed-culture, which requires, and, in fact,
receives, the most careful attention. Weeds are nowhere tolerated in
the south of German East Africa. The crops may fail on the plains,
where droughts are frequent, but never on the plateau with its
abundant rains and heavy dews. Its fortunate inhabitants even have
the satisfaction of seeing the proud Wayao and Wamakua working
for them as labourers, driven by hunger to serve where they were
accustomed to rule.
But the light, sandy soil is soon exhausted, and would yield no
harvest the second year if cultivated twice running. This fact has
been familiar to the native for ages; consequently he provides in
time, and, while his crop is growing, prepares the next plot with axe
and firebrand. Next year he plants this with his various crops and
lets the first piece lie fallow. For a short time it remains waste and
desolate; then nature steps in to repair the destruction wrought by
man; a thousand new growths spring out of the exhausted soil, and
even the old stumps put forth fresh shoots. Next year the new growth
is up to one’s knees, and in a few years more it is that terrible,
impenetrable bush, which maintains its position till the black
occupier of the land has made the round of all the available sites and
come back to his starting point.
The Makonde are, body and soul, so to speak, one with this bush.
According to my Yao informants, indeed, their name means nothing
else but “bush people.” Their own tradition says that they have been
settled up here for a very long time, but to my surprise they laid great
stress on an original immigration. Their old homes were in the
south-east, near Mikindani and the mouth of the Rovuma, whence
their peaceful forefathers were driven by the continual raids of the
Sakalavas from Madagascar and the warlike Shirazis[47] of the coast,
to take refuge on the almost inaccessible plateau. I have studied
African ethnology for twenty years, but the fact that changes of
population in this apparently quiet and peaceable corner of the earth
could have been occasioned by outside enterprises taking place on
the high seas, was completely new to me. It is, no doubt, however,
correct.
The charming tribal legend of the Makonde—besides informing us
of other interesting matters—explains why they have to live in the
thickest of the bush and a long way from the edge of the plateau,
instead of making their permanent homes beside the purling brooks
and springs of the low country.
“The place where the tribe originated is Mahuta, on the southern
side of the plateau towards the Rovuma, where of old time there was
nothing but thick bush. Out of this bush came a man who never
washed himself or shaved his head, and who ate and drank but little.
He went out and made a human figure from the wood of a tree
growing in the open country, which he took home to his abode in the
bush and there set it upright. In the night this image came to life and
was a woman. The man and woman went down together to the
Rovuma to wash themselves. Here the woman gave birth to a still-
born child. They left that place and passed over the high land into the
valley of the Mbemkuru, where the woman had another child, which
was also born dead. Then they returned to the high bush country of
Mahuta, where the third child was born, which lived and grew up. In
course of time, the couple had many more children, and called
themselves Wamatanda. These were the ancestral stock of the
Makonde, also called Wamakonde,[48] i.e., aborigines. Their
forefather, the man from the bush, gave his children the command to
bury their dead upright, in memory of the mother of their race who
was cut out of wood and awoke to life when standing upright. He also
warned them against settling in the valleys and near large streams,
for sickness and death dwelt there. They were to make it a rule to
have their huts at least an hour’s walk from the nearest watering-
place; then their children would thrive and escape illness.”
The explanation of the name Makonde given by my informants is
somewhat different from that contained in the above legend, which I
extract from a little book (small, but packed with information), by
Pater Adams, entitled Lindi und sein Hinterland. Otherwise, my
results agree exactly with the statements of the legend. Washing?
Hapana—there is no such thing. Why should they do so? As it is, the
supply of water scarcely suffices for cooking and drinking; other
people do not wash, so why should the Makonde distinguish himself
by such needless eccentricity? As for shaving the head, the short,
woolly crop scarcely needs it,[49] so the second ancestral precept is
likewise easy enough to follow. Beyond this, however, there is
nothing ridiculous in the ancestor’s advice. I have obtained from
various local artists a fairly large number of figures carved in wood,
ranging from fifteen to twenty-three inches in height, and
representing women belonging to the great group of the Mavia,
Makonde, and Matambwe tribes. The carving is remarkably well
done and renders the female type with great accuracy, especially the
keloid ornamentation, to be described later on. As to the object and
meaning of their works the sculptors either could or (more probably)
would tell me nothing, and I was forced to content myself with the
scanty information vouchsafed by one man, who said that the figures
were merely intended to represent the nembo—the artificial
deformations of pelele, ear-discs, and keloids. The legend recorded
by Pater Adams places these figures in a new light. They must surely
be more than mere dolls; and we may even venture to assume that
they are—though the majority of present-day Makonde are probably
unaware of the fact—representations of the tribal ancestress.
The references in the legend to the descent from Mahuta to the
Rovuma, and to a journey across the highlands into the Mbekuru
valley, undoubtedly indicate the previous history of the tribe, the
travels of the ancestral pair typifying the migrations of their
descendants. The descent to the neighbouring Rovuma valley, with
its extraordinary fertility and great abundance of game, is intelligible
at a glance—but the crossing of the Lukuledi depression, the ascent
to the Rondo Plateau and the descent to the Mbemkuru, also lie
within the bounds of probability, for all these districts have exactly
the same character as the extreme south. Now, however, comes a
point of especial interest for our bacteriological age. The primitive
Makonde did not enjoy their lives in the marshy river-valleys.
Disease raged among them, and many died. It was only after they
had returned to their original home near Mahuta, that the health
conditions of these people improved. We are very apt to think of the
African as a stupid person whose ignorance of nature is only equalled
by his fear of it, and who looks on all mishaps as caused by evil
spirits and malignant natural powers. It is much more correct to
assume in this case that the people very early learnt to distinguish
districts infested with malaria from those where it is absent.
This knowledge is crystallized in the
ancestral warning against settling in the
valleys and near the great waters, the
dwelling-places of disease and death. At the
same time, for security against the hostile
Mavia south of the Rovuma, it was enacted
that every settlement must be not less than a
certain distance from the southern edge of the
plateau. Such in fact is their mode of life at the
present day. It is not such a bad one, and
certainly they are both safer and more
comfortable than the Makua, the recent
intruders from the south, who have made USUAL METHOD OF
good their footing on the western edge of the CLOSING HUT-DOOR
plateau, extending over a fairly wide belt of
country. Neither Makua nor Makonde show in their dwellings
anything of the size and comeliness of the Yao houses in the plain,
especially at Masasi, Chingulungulu and Zuza’s. Jumbe Chauro, a
Makonde hamlet not far from Newala, on the road to Mahuta, is the
most important settlement of the tribe I have yet seen, and has fairly
spacious huts. But how slovenly is their construction compared with
the palatial residences of the elephant-hunters living in the plain.
The roofs are still more untidy than in the general run of huts during
the dry season, the walls show here and there the scanty beginnings
or the lamentable remains of the mud plastering, and the interior is a
veritable dog-kennel; dirt, dust and disorder everywhere. A few huts
only show any attempt at division into rooms, and this consists
merely of very roughly-made bamboo partitions. In one point alone
have I noticed any indication of progress—in the method of fastening
the door. Houses all over the south are secured in a simple but
ingenious manner. The door consists of a set of stout pieces of wood
or bamboo, tied with bark-string to two cross-pieces, and moving in
two grooves round one of the door-posts, so as to open inwards. If
the owner wishes to leave home, he takes two logs as thick as a man’s
upper arm and about a yard long. One of these is placed obliquely
against the middle of the door from the inside, so as to form an angle
of from 60° to 75° with the ground. He then places the second piece
horizontally across the first, pressing it downward with all his might.
It is kept in place by two strong posts planted in the ground a few
inches inside the door. This fastening is absolutely safe, but of course
cannot be applied to both doors at once, otherwise how could the
owner leave or enter his house? I have not yet succeeded in finding
out how the back door is fastened.