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Chemical Youth
Navigating Uncertainty in
Search of the Good Life
Anita Hardon
Critical Studies in Risk and Uncertainty
Series Editors
Patrick Brown
University of Amsterdam
Amsterdam, The Netherlands
Anna Olofsson
Mid Sweden University
Östersund, Sweden
Jens O. Zinn
University of Melbourne
Melbourne, VIC, Australia
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other governmental regimes are also of interest.
Chemical Youth
Navigating Uncertainty in Search
of the Good Life
Anita Hardon
University of Amsterdam
Amsterdam, Noord-Holland, the Netherlands
© The Editor(s) (if applicable) and The Author(s) 2021. This book is an open access publication.
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Acknowledgments
v
vi Acknowledgments
know what doing complex field research entails, and were always willing
to explain how best to administer the project.
I thank my colleagues in Global Health, notably Robert Pool, Eileen
Moyer, Chris Pell, and Rene Gerrets for their inspiration and encour-
agement throughout the project. Chris Pell helped set up secure NVivo
databases that we used for the storage of our fieldnotes and interviews,
and trained the ChemicalYouth ethnographers in how to use the software
for analysis. The Anthropology Department, where I am based, provided
a vibrant community for the development of the European Research
Council proposal and for its implementation once it was funded. Thank
you to Niko Besnier, Amade M’charek, Annelies Moors, Emily Yates
Doerr and Annemarie Mol for your collegial inspiration and numerous
“walktalks” that helped me to think through the research idea, develop
the proposal, unravel theoretical puzzles, and make sense of our fieldwork
observations. Thank you also to Kristine Krause, Sylvia Tidey, and Rene
Gerrets for co-supervising Ph.D. students and for collaborating with me
in this ambitious project.
Dealing with sensitive chemical practices, our project involved regular
ethics reviews and reports to our home institution and the European
Research Council. In this process we received guidance from the best
ethicist that I can imagine, Dick Willems. He helped us develop sound
ethical procedures and transparent ways of dealing with challenges that
we encountered in the field. A key part of our team’s training involved
a series of three-day workshops that I conducted with Nico Besnier, a
colleague in the Anthropology Department, and Susana Narotzky (of the
University of Barcelona) who were both also awarded an Advanced Grant
by the European Research Council that involved multisited ethnog-
raphy. For these workshops, we brought in visiting scholars from all
over the world and focused on themes of mutual interest, stimulating
in-depth discussion among experienced academics and young scholars,
and generating incisive cross-national feedback on think pieces prepared
by our teams. Apart from helping our researchers develop their projects,
these workshops established academic support structures that exist to this
date. Thank you, Susana and Niko, for your collegiality throughout our
projects, and I hope that we continue to collaborate on issues of mutual
interest.
x Acknowledgments
and Sally Schroeder, for the amazing opportunities we had during the
year, and for guiding us through the difficult period when the COVID
pandemic sent us all home to shelter in place.
Sharla Plant and Poppy Hull of Palgrave have provided wonderful
support to this book project. So many of my colleagues grumble about
their publishers. My experiences have been very positive. The series
editors, Patrick Brown, Jens Zinn, and Anna Olofsson have provided
incisive comments and suggestions in the development of this book
proposal, and on the final manuscript, and the anonymous reviewers gave
very helpful comments, signaling also relevant studies of which I was not
yet aware.
I have been able to concentrate on this book in the past year thanks
to loving family support. Jip, my partner, cheerfully encouraged me to
keep on going and joined me for a few months to explore the lovely
nature of California during writing breaks. I am grateful also to Tamara,
my daughter, for the many talks we have had about my project, and for
caring for our family when I was not around. My father, through his
thoughtful commentary on how the world turns, has inspired the critical
voice in this book.
Contents
1 Introduction 1
ChemicalYouth 4
Doing Chemicals 7
Collaborative Inquiry 10
Navigating Precarity 12
Head to Toe 14
Unevenness of Harm Protection Mechanisms 18
What Follows 23
International ChemicalYouth Research Coordinators 29
References 33
2 Chemical Highs 43
“At Risk Youth” 44
Self-Regulation in Amsterdam 46
Self-Regulation in a Drugs War 55
Changing Regulatory Regimes 64
Co-Creating Harm Reduction 69
In Conclusion 70
xiii
xiv Contents
ChemicalYouth Ethnographers 71
References 75
3 Chemical Breath 81
New Ways of Inhaling Chemicals 83
The Turn to Vaping in Paris 84
Inhaling Sinte in Indonesia 88
Meanwhile, in the USA 95
Unrecognized Harm 98
Changing Regulatory Regimes 101
In Conclusion 103
ChemicalYouth Ethnographers 104
References 106
Index 311
List of Figures
xvii
xviii List of Figures
Fig. 6.4 Left: sales promotion girl selling a box of six sachets
of Extra Joss for 5000 Rupiah (US $0.36) in the port
of Makassar; across her breasts is printed the slogan
Laki minum (male drink) (Source Photo taken by Anita
Hardon, May 2014, Indonesia; right, screenshot of an
advertisement for Extra Joss from the website Shopee
with the slogan “Stamina plus nyali” [stamina plus
courage] Shopee [2020]. https://shopee.com.my/Extra-
joss-energy-drink-10-boxes-per-package-i.110261307.
1937551005) 200
Fig. 6.5 Daan Kamps 207
Fig. 6.6 Tait Mandler 208
Fig. 6.7 Gideon Lasco 209
Fig. 7.1 Cherifer is endorsed by basketball players (Source Photo
taken by Gideon Lasco, July 2017, the Philippines) 223
Fig. 7.2 Promotional material for C24/7, obtained from its
distributors in Puerto Princesa (Source Photo taken by
Anita Hardon, January 2018, the Philippines) 225
Fig. 7.3 Vitaminstore products: Huid Haar Nagel (Skin Hair
Nail) on the left, and Super Magnesium, on the right
(Source Photos by Lisanne Claessens, February 2015,
the Netherlands) 233
Fig. 7.4 Gideon Lasco 241
Fig. 7.5 Lisanne Claessens 242
Fig. 8.1 Inserting microdosing into a “Superman” day (Source
Photo Swasti Mishra, November 2017, Amsterdam) 254
Fig. 8.2 The 30-day observations of JingShu (Note Retrieved
on May 24 2020 from https://microdosing.nl/i-microd
osed-on-psilocybin-for-30-days-and-tracked-its-lasting-
effects/. Source Photo from Mishra [2020, p. 37]) 255
Fig. 8.3 Recruitment advertisement on the Beckley Foundation
website (Beckley Foundation 2017) 264
Fig. 8.4 The placebo and microdose capsules that users are
expected to prepare themselves (Source Screenshot from
the self-blinding manual [Imperial College London
2020]) 265
xxii List of Figures
Fig. 8.5 Szigeti arguing for the need for more reliable evidence
(b1987307 2019) (Note the comfortable, home-like
surroundings in which Szigeti presents the state of the
evidence. Source Screenshot by Anita Hardon, January
2020, the Netherlands) 266
Fig. 8.6 Swasti Mishra 271
Fig. 8.7 Lisa Krieg 272
Fig. 8.8 Moritz Berning 273
Fig. 8.9 Aleksi Hupli 274
Fig. 9.1 The Éco-Orgasme tour, a youth-led campaign in France
(Source Photo taken by Mariana Rios Sandoval, March
2017, France) 283
Fig. 9.2 Screenshots form StonerSloth Campaign Videos
(Aa4398743873 2015) (Source Photos taken by Anita
Hardon, the Netherlands, April 2020) 290
Fig. 9.3 Three images from the Kok Bisa/Pamflet YouTube video
Apakah Minum Obat Bisa Membahayakan Kesehatan
Kita? (Can taking medicines cause harm?) 293
Fig. 9.4 Do-it-yourself preparation of make-up remover (See
more images from Rios Sandoval’s fieldwork at https://
www.chemicalyouth.org/#/projects/there-is-politics-in-
your-shampoo) (Source Photo taken by Mariana Rios
Sandoval, March 2018, France [Rios Sandoval 2019]) 295
Fig. 9.5 Screenshot from a GoPro exploration of the chemical
lives of students (https://www.chemicalyouth.org/#/pro
jects/a-day-in-the-chemical-lives-of-manadonese-youth)
(Source Photo taken by Anita Hardon, April 2020, the
Netherlands) 296
Fig. 9.6 Mariana Rios Sandoval 304
List of Tables
xxiii
1
Introduction
ChemicalYouth
The project that this book is about, ChemicalYouth, made a case for
examining a broader range of chemicals that young people use in their
everyday lives. It focuses not just on psychoactive substances—the use
of which is viewed with concern by parents, educators, and policy-
makers—but all other chemicals that young people use to boost pleasure,
mood, vitality, appearance, and health, more general dynamics that have
received far less scholarly attention. It approaches the use of chemicals as
situated practices that are embedded in social relations and that generate
shared understandings of efficacy. More specifically, it seeks to answer
the question: how do young people balance the benefits and harms of
chemicals in the quest for a good life?
In our inquiries into young people’s chemical practices, we have
aligned ourselves with social analyses that approach social life as ‘doing’
rather than being (Nicolini 2013). Following Schatzki (2001), we define
chemical practices as “embodied, materially mediated arrays of human
activity centrally organized around shared practical understandings”
(p. 2). This analytical approach encompasses the wide-ranging multitude
of chemical practices, and the diverse situations and concerns that fuel
these practices in everyday life. Focusing on practices, we find out what
young people do with chemicals and why. Our approach overcomes the
limitations of the youth drug-use studies that we reviewed above, which
focus on the role risk environments in drug use and on particular kinds
of reasons for taking drugs (survival, self-optimization, pleasure).
Approaching chemical practices as embodied arrays of human activity
further provides insights into how chemical effects are experienced and
the shared understandings that emerge through the exchange of experi-
ences and practices.1 We thus uncover the diverse pragmatic reasons why
people use chemicals,2 and the trajectories through which some chem-
icals become “routinized way of engaging with the world,” reproduced
through “repeated performances of everyday actions” (Bengtsson and
Ravn 2018, p. 41). We show how over time, chemical experimentation
can develop into more habitual and individualized use of chemicals, as
Mimi Nichter (2015) also observes in her ethnography of smoking on a
1 Introduction 5
college campus. Young people may start smoking cigarettes together, but
they often end up also smoking on their own to relax after a hard day’s
work. When chemical use is routine, concerns about balancing safety
and harm become less prominent. Users find their “hiyang,” a Filipino
term used to indicate that a user and a product are compatible (Hardon
1992).
These fine-grained ethnographies of situated chemical practices,
provide profound understandings of the everyday dynamics through
which youth mitigate chemical harm and navigate risk and uncertainty
across diverse social worlds, contributing to a growing body of crit-
ical studies that examine the complex webs of social practices, power
dynamics, gender and race relations, and inequalities that shape risk
(Zinn and Olofsson 2019; Nygren and Olofsson 2014).
The ChemicalYouth project examined chemical practices in great
detail. We observed how young people chewed, snorted, injected, and
ingested diverse chemicals; how they applied them to their skin; and
how they mixed and carefully dosed drugs to optimize effects. We asked
why chemicals were used in specific ways, which led to insights into the
diverse aspirations that youth try to achieve by doing chemicals as well
as the conditions of precarity that fuel their use. We also probed into
how they sought to prevent harm, which led to insights into how they
adjusted dosages, mixed substances, and sought substitutes to balance
benefits and harms.
We found that benefits and harms are not only physical. Youth also
seek social efficacies, such as having the confidence to connect with
clients, while seeking to avoid negative social effects, such as being
stigmatized by peers for not moderating their intake of drugs. Such
balancing acts are rarely individual. Rather, as demonstrated by the
ethnographies undertaken as part of the ChemicalYouth project, young
people try out and tinker with chemicals together, a process we have
labeled “collaborative experimentation” (Hardon and Idrus 2014). The
collaborative nature of chemical use may come as a surprise, as young
people might be expected to compete with each other for educational
opportunities and jobs. But fieldwork suggests that desires for social
bonding are stronger than competition, driving chemical use.
6 A. Hardon
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