Geographical modeling: cities and

territories Pumain
Visit to download the full and correct content document:
https://ebookmass.com/product/geographical-modeling-cities-and-territories-pumain/
Geographical Modeling
Modeling Methodologies in Social Sciences Set
coordinated by
Roger Waldeck

Volume 2

Geographical Modeling

Cities and Territories

Edited by

Denise Pumain
First published 2019 in Great Britain and the United States by ISTE Ltd and John Wiley & Sons, Inc.

Apart from any fair dealing for the purposes of research or private study, or criticism or review, as
permitted under the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988, this publication may only be reproduced,
stored or transmitted, in any form or by any means, with the prior permission in writing of the publishers,
or in the case of reprographic reproduction in accordance with the terms and licenses issued by the
CLA. Enquiries concerning reproduction outside these terms should be sent to the publishers at the
undermentioned address:

ISTE Ltd John Wiley & Sons, Inc.

27-37 St George’s Road 111 River Street
London SW19 4EU Hoboken, NJ 07030
UK USA

www.iste.co.uk www.wiley.com

© ISTE Ltd 2019

The rights of Denise Pumain to be identified as the author of this work have been asserted by her in
accordance with the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988.

Library of Congress Control Number: 2019949917

British Library Cataloguing-in-Publication Data

A CIP record for this book is available from the British Library
ISBN 978-1-78630-490-2
 Contents

Introduction . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . ix
Denise PUMAIN

Chapter 1. Complexity in Geography . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1

Denise PUMAIN
1.1. A first bifurcation in the epistemology of
geographic modeling . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3
1.1.1. “Vertical” explanations for the “science of places,
not people” . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4
1.1.2. “Horizontal” explanations for the science of the spatiality
of societies . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5
1.1.3. The discussed status of modeling . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 7
1.2. Modeled regularities . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 10
1.2.1. Proximity and distances . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 11
1.2.2. The scale . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 15
1.2.3. Concentration and accumulation: geographical inequalities
and scaling laws . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 19
1.2.4. Spatial change and trajectory dependence . . . . . . . . . . . 21
1.2.5. Territorial drifts, space-time compression,
and globalization . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 25
1.3. Conclusion . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 29

Chapter 2. Choosing Models to Explain the Dynamics of

Cities and Territories . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 31
Lena SANDERS
2.1. Introduction . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 31
vi Geographical Modeling

2.2. Explaining by reasons or laws: choosing an

epistemological framework . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. 32
2.3. The modeling approach: diversity of models . . . . . . . . . . .. 36
2.4. Explaining through statistical relationships or mechanisms . .. 38
2.5. Choosing the level of abstraction for the phenomenon to
be explained: general versus particular. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. 41
2.6. Choosing the level of abstraction for the model: stylized
or realistic, KISS or KIDS . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. 44
2.6.1. Modes of representation of space: from a stylized space
to a realistic space . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. 45
2.6.2. Formalizing spatial mechanisms: from stylized
to realistic. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. 48
2.7. Conclusion . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. 50

Chapter 3. Effects of Distance and Scale Dependence in

Geographical Models of Cities and Territories . . . . . . . . . . . 53
Cécile TANNIER
3.1. Three fundamental principles for modeling cities
and territories. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 55
3.1.1. Effects of distance . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 57
3.1.2. Effects of scale dependence . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 58
3.2. Role of distance in spatial simulation models . . . . . . . . . . . . 61
3.3. Modeling scale dependence . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 76
3.3.1. Scale dependence as a result of processes acting
at different scales . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . ...... 77
3.3.2. Scale invariance for the description of
geographical phenomena . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . ...... 83
3.3.3. Scale dependence as a generative mechanism for
simulated spatial configurations . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . ...... 88
3.4. Conclusion . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . ...... 93

Chapter 4. Incremental Territorial Modeling . . . . . . . . . . . . . 95

Clémentine COTTINEAU, Paul CHAPRON, Marion LE TEXIER and
Sébastien REY-COYREHOURCQ
4.1. The map and the territory . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 96
4.1.1. Modeling as one map: selection and schematization . . . . . 96
4.1.2. The representation of territory as an input of the model . . . 100
4.1.3. The representation of territory as an output of the model . . 102
4.2. Generality and specificity: explaining by ways of
geographical models . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 106
4.2.1. Historical contingency and non-ergodicity . . . . . . . . . . . 106
 Contents vii

4.2.2. General/specific/singular . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. 109

4.3. Incremental territorial modeling . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. 110
4.3.1. Identifying the object, scale, configuration, and
stylized facts . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. 111
4.3.2. Gathering the different theoretical explanations . . . . . . .. 112
4.3.3. Hierarchizing the interaction processes between agents . .. 113
4.3.4. Hierarchizing the interaction processes between agents
and their environment . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 114
4.3.5. Implementing mechanisms and their formal alternatives . . 115
4.3.6. Combining, simulating, and comparing . . . . . . . . . . . . . 116
4.4. Challenges and limits of multi-modeling . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 117
4.4.1. The combinatorial curse. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 118
4.4.2. Human and technical costs . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 118
4.4.3. Subjectivity in the choice of building blocks. . . . . . . . . . 119
4.4.4. Comparing models of different structures . . . . . . . . . . . 119
4.4.5. Sharing and accumulation of knowledge . . . . . . . . . . . . 121
4.5. Conclusion . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 121

Chapter 5. Methods for Exploring Simulation Models . . . . . 125

Juste RAIMBAULT and Denise PUMAIN
5.1. Social sciences and experimentation . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 126
5.2. Geographical data and computer skills . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 127
5.3. New generation simulations. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 130
5.3.1. A virtual laboratory: the OpenMOLE platform . . . . . . . . 131
5.3.2. The SimpopLocal experiment: simulation of an
emergence in geography . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . ..... 134
5.3.3. Implementation of SimpopLocal, from NetLogo to
OpenMOLE . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . ..... 137
5.3.4. Calibration and validation . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . ..... 139
5.4. Other examples of OpenMOLE applications:
network–territory interaction models . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 143
5.5. Perspectives . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 147
5.5.1. Methods . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 147
5.5.2. Tools . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 148
5.6. Conclusion . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 149

Chapter 6. Model Visualization . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 151

Robin CURA
6.1. Introduction . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 151
6.2. Visualization as modeling . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 153
6.2.1. Visualization as a tool for interdisciplinarity . . . . . . . . . . 155
6.2.2. Visualization and reproducibility . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 160
viii Geographical Modeling

6.2.3. Visualizing a model means learning . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 162

6.3. Visualize to evaluate . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 163
6.3.1. Visualize before modeling . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 164
6.3.2. Visualize during the simulation . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 166
6.3.3. Visualizing after the simulation . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 169
6.4. Visualizing to compare . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 172
6.4.1. Which models should be compared? . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 172
6.4.2. How should visual comparison be done? . . . . . . . . . . . . 174
6.5. Visualizing to communicate . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 178
6.5.1. Visualizing to disseminate . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 179
6.6. Some obstacles inherent in model visualization . . . . . . . . . . 182
6.6.1. Producing and visualizing massive data . . . . . . . . . . . . . 183
6.6.2. Visualization of aggregated data . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 187
6.7. Conclusion . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 191

References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 193

List of Authors . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 221

Index . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 223
 Introduction

Never has geography been so present in our societies. For centuries,

stimulated by the curiosity of travelers, the appetite of merchants, and the
greed of powers, knowledge about the planet, its resources, and the riches of
its cities and territories has never ceased to increase while remaining the
privilege of the powerful. Precise knowledge of the terrain was an essential
prerequisite for the great strategist Sun Tzu, in his famous book, The Art of
War, published in China’s warring kingdoms during the Spring and Fall
period in the 5th Century BCE. The French geographer Yves Lacoste
confirmed, as recently as 1976, the strategic capacities of the discipline by
showing in his provocatively-named book, La géographie, ça sert, d’abord,
à faire la guerre (Geography primarily serves to make war), that it was
supported in France by a nationalist and imperialist state power.

In France, geographic learning has been a requirement for all students in

school curricula since 1870. However, it is especially since the emergence of
mobile phones in the early 2000s that geography has been a factor in daily
life. Even in the poorest countries, a very large majority of people are able to
connect to the Internet, see images and maps from around the world, use
satellite positioning services, GPS, Galileo, Glonass, or Baidu, to mark
routes, navigate the world, geolocate, or make themselves visible to nearby
“services” and “friends”. This revolution surpasses, by the number of
applications it generates and the extent to which they are shared, the one that
has occurred more discreetly since the 1970s with the widespread use of
geographical information systems (GIS), in administrations, for spatial
planning, and in companies, for logistics management. The limited capacity

Introduction written by Denise PUMAIN.

x Geographical Modeling

of the computers of the time and the insufficient competence of the services
in the analysis and modeling of spatial data have long slowed down the
effective integration of these tools into many activities (Goodchild 2016).

One of the current challenges in fully exploiting the new major computer
capacities and democratizing geographical information is to make judicious
and appropriate use of the knowledge and skills accumulated about cities and
territories, not only through geography, but also by all disciplines that have
sooner or later integrated the “spatial turn” into their research approaches,
from agronomy to archeology and from history to epidemiology.

These disciplines share the construction of models, which are above all
summaries of knowledge, simplified in relation to the diversity and
complexity of individual cases, but communicable and improvable because
they are codified, at a given moment in the state of knowledge, by
mathematical or computer formalizations. The knowledge integrated into a
model represents sets of recurrent facts in empirical observations, which
have been selected according to the hierarchy of their effects on the problem
being studied, with more or less parsimony depending on whether we focus
on the generality or precision of the results. Calculation or simulation is used
to propose predictions, or to explore possible scenarios, as part of the model
assumptions. According to appropriate granularities and levels of resolution,
all forms of modeling can be used with extremely variable objectives:
laboratory hypothesis tests for theoretical models, serious games with a
didactic function, support models designed to solve difficult situations
including contradictory or even conflicting issues, models inserted in
interactive applications intended for information or decision support,
commonplace models generally used for location choices or infrastructure
templates, and so on.

Critics of models often denounce oversimplification, or selection bias,

and question the quality of the data used to validate them. Admittedly, each
model has its shortcomings and deficiencies, but the great advantage of
modeling, compared to the subtleties of written or spoken rhetoric, is that it
requires very detailed clarification of the assumptions of discourse and
intentions in order to better share them. Modelers are informed of the defects
and deficiencies of their models; they are the first to deplore them and are
constantly trying to overcome them.

The uses and functions of the models are multiple. They are often
designed for prediction (meteorological and financial models), more broadly
 Introduction xi

data mining models, for the validation of an analytical theory (economic

models) or, in geography, for the planning and discussion of territorial issues
(decision support models and companion models), but social science
modeling develops practices that are much broader and richer than those
anchored in the traditional scientific imagination. Models are also used to
deepen and test explanations using an abductive approach (Besse 2000) that
interacts with conceptual constructions and empirical data, as will be shown
in several chapters of this book.

Several publications have already proposed more or less ambitious

syntheses of geographic modeling. For this expression in French, the Google
Scholar algorithm offers some 40,000 references, which are mainly journal
articles. Collective books or textbooks are less common. The book published
by Lena Sanders in 2001 is pioneering in this field. The work of Yves
Guermond (2005) compiles the productions and practices of the laboratory
of the University of Rouen. Others have focused on the important processes
of spatiotemporal change (Mathian and Sanders 2014) or only deal with
certain urban models (Antoni et al. 2011; Bonhomme et al. 2017). Most
recently, two books by Arnaud Banos (2013, 2016) and one by Frank
Varenne (2017) laid the foundations for epistemological and philosophical
reflection on geographical models.

The book we propose here is part of a multidisciplinary collection. It is

designed to provide didactic information on the modeling process, in its
particularities justified by the handling of geographical concepts and
information, and illustrated with examples representative of the major
innovations that have taken place over the past decade. Chapter 1 recalls the
foundations of the geographical discipline on which models can be based to
take into account the complexity in the organization and evolution of cities
and territories. Chapter 2 deciphers the crucial choices for modeling, which
are at the root of the diversity of models and their uses: we examine to what
extent the complex can be simplified or, on the contrary, how can we try to
integrate it into the models. Chapter 3 describes the models that establish
explicit relationships between contrasting spatial morphologies, which
present inequalities on different scales, and the social processes that generate
them, according to “micro–macro” dynamics. Chapter 4 explores the
construction stage of city and territory models and proposes a new
incremental multi-modeling method. Chapter 5 introduces various possible
uses of a simulation platform, OpenMOLE, which uses evolutionary
algorithms and provides access to HPC equipment. Finally, Chapter 6 is
xii Geographical Modeling

devoted to the new visualization tools that are so important for model
exploration and validation, as well as for communicating their results.

At the end of the book, the index brings together the main concepts that
characterize geographical modeling. For the concepts that are already
precisely defined in the chapters devoted to them, the multiple page numbers
that testify to their appearance throughout the book make it possible to
understand how they also apply to widely shared intellectual and practitioner
approaches. Moreover, essential concepts such as “space”, “simulation”,
“territory”, “city”, and “visualization” do not appear in the index because
they are used and enriched many times by all of the authors. It is also
because of the great coherence of these texts that the bibliographical
references, which often appear several times, are grouped into one list at the
end. This provides an original and updated state of the art on the major
parallel and convergent directions in geographical modeling.
 1

Complexity in Geography

The last three or four decades have completely renewed the modeling
practices of geographers. Two major changes, one epistemological and the
other technical, are at the origin of these transformations. Technological
change is the tremendous expansion of information processing capabilities,
which has made work that could previously only be sketched as thought
experiments possible, or work that has been carried out wholly incompletely
due to a lack of powerful computing resources. This technical change has
made it possible since about the 2000s to fully implement a major
epistemological change that occurred sometime earlier in the 1970s and
1980s. This is the introduction of paradigms and models from the natural
sciences into geography, whose keywords are self-organization (the
dissipative structures of Prigogine and Nicolis (1971)), synergetics (Haken
1977; Weidlich 2006), and complexity and the notion of emergence
(Bourgine et al. 2008). We will not recall here those filiations that are
already mentioned in several works (e.g. Dauphiné 2003; Pumain et al.
1989; Sanders 1992). We want to show not so much how these forms of
modeling can be applied in geography, but how to proceed for real model
transfers, since many theories of the discipline had already largely
anticipated the need for the newly proposed formalizations.

Transferring scientific language, concepts, methods, and instruments

from one discipline to another is only a fruitful operation if it meets an
expectation, a real need for innovation. In this case, it is not so much the
paradigm of complexity as such that has been the novelty for the human and
social sciences since they have always been confronted with the

Chapter written by Denise PUMAIN.

Geographical Modeling: Cities and Territories,

First Edition. Edited by Denise Pumain.
© ISTE Ltd 2019. Published by ISTE Ltd and John Wiley & Sons, Inc.
2 Geographical Modeling

irreversibility of the trajectories of their objects, the near impossibility of

prediction, and the phenomena of emergence in the systems studied. It is
because complexity sciences provide complementary methods, means to
process information and to formalize knowledge. Many geographers have
adopted these references to work on their models. These have contributed to
building cumulative knowledge when previously acquired intuitions could
benefit from the transfer. This is why it seemed useful in this introductory
chapter to remind geographers as well as readers trained in other sciences of
the disciplinary fundamentals on which geography modeling can be based,
particularly to deal with the complex objects that are cities and territories.
We quickly retrace the successive postures of geographers faced with the
possibilities of modeling, and then, we outline a set of regularities that can
be more easily modeled among the objects that geography studies. These
regularities partly lead to specific modeling practices by geographers, which
are largely motivated by the multiplicity of observation scales, but also
practices that have been much more in demand over the past two decades by
the influx of geolocalized data, which opens up considerable development
opportunities.

The general idea is that the complexity of the objects and processes
observed by geographers is always constructed, not so much in formulating
universal “laws”, but more often by including spatiotemporal elements, like
in other human and social sciences, which are fundamentally “historical
sciences” (Passeron 1991). These disciplines share with the natural sciences
certain forms of nonlinear relationships, processes of self-organization,
morphogenesis, dynamics oriented by attractors, or emergence phenomena
characteristic of complex systems, which are formalizable on specific case
subsets or segments of their trajectory. Geography adds to this complexity of
nonlinear processes the specific feature of being interested in a very wide
diversity of variables and levels of observation, including natural and social
elements, in an attempt to formalize the evolution of landscapes, cities, and
territories, which gives an additional dimension to the complexity of the
systems that geography models1.

1 A few other disciplines such as archeology or social and environmental epidemiology also
deal with indicators relating to the natural sciences as well as the humanities and social
sciences.
 Complexity in Geography 3

1.1. A first bifurcation in the epistemology of geographic

modeling

Geography appears among the humanities and social sciences as one of

the most practiced in modeling (Banos 2013; Sanders 2001). Geography has
often been identified as a pioneer in the use of digital tools. It is no
coincidence that a philosopher has chosen to test his conceptions of
modeling with this discipline (Varenne 2018).

This is a paradox: indeed, until recently, geography seemed to be a “soft

science”, insofar as it does not assert theories as powerfully unitary as the
so-called mainstream economy, and does not export its concepts as much as
sociology, if we think, for example, of the French theory in vogue in the
United States for at least 30 years. However, the theoretical and quantitative
“revolution” that began in the 1950s in Sweden and the United States and
then developed in France in the 1970s (Cuyala 2014; Pumain and Robic
2002), probably explains, to a large extent, why a certain “spatial turn” took
place in most human and social sciences in the 1990s. Concepts and
methods, software tools such as geographic information systems (GIS), and
research questions brought by geographic space modeling practices (Banos
2016; Bonhomme et al. 2017) have been successfully imported into almost
all disciplines.

However, in everyday language as in many representations of common

sense, the “geography” or description of the Earth sometimes seems to be
summed up in terms of nomenclatures, knowledge of locations (latitude,
longitude, and altitude), and place names, the toponyms that societies have
associated with them, whether they are mountain ranges, rivers, islands, or
cities. However, academic geographic science – once the era of exploratory
journeys and the “discoveries” of the regions of indigenous peoples by
colonizers had passed – relied in the late 19th Century on questions designed
to unpack the reasons for the diversity of the imprints shaped by societies on
the Earth’s surface. Agrarian landscapes and forms of habitats, the
exploitation of mining resources and industrial production, arrangements of
villages and cities, traffic routes, and tangible or intangible flows have been
examined at all scales, in a diverse range of geographical environments and
according to their evolution over the course of history. Two main types of
explanation successively dominated the research. In the first half of the 20th
Century, the main focus was on the relationship between a society and its
environment, speculating on the more or less favorable or constraining
nature of natural conditions and the social capacity to develop them,
4 Geographical Modeling

according to a somewhat “vertical” interpretation of its relationship with the

resources offered locally by the planet. In the second half of the 20th
Century, another, more “horizontal” way of producing explanations
emerged, which tends to interpret the characteristics of a territory or a city
from its situation in the world, i.e. from its relations with other territories and
other cities. In truth, these two explanatory forms, which lead to very
different models, are complementary and are necessarily articulated in any
geographical interpretation of a particular city or territory.

1.1.1. “Vertical” explanations for the “science of places, not

people” 2

In its academic history, geography has long been at the interface between
the natural and human sciences. Taking into account the description of the
planet (Robic et al. 2006) and its transformation into environments and
landscapes by societies (Robic 1992), it had built a few general models. The
relationship between the material organization of societies and natural
resources, mediated by climatic and altitudinal zones, had been well observed
and described, revealing some regularities. In particular, they highlighted the
fairly close interdependence between ancient societies and the local character
of mineral and plant resources used in housing and agriculture, which did not,
however, exclude long-distance trade in less common commodities. When
such regularities were systematized to excess (e.g. “limestone votes left,
granite votes right” to caricature the positions of André Siegfried, founding
geographer of electoral sociology in the 1930s, who actually linked the
hydrography of these environments to their form of habitat, grouped, or
dispersed and to the degree of dependence of the inhabitants on the
domination of landowners), the corresponding statements were quickly
rejected on the grounds of “determinism”. Conversely, noting the great
diversity of selections and combinations of resources made by societies under
more or less equivalent physical conditions could also, on the contrary, lead
to “exceptionalism” (Schaefer 1953). This expression covers Schaefer’s
criticism, both of the claims, which was frequent at the time, of a specificity
of the geographical explanation, based on the genetics of the places, and of its
consequence consisting in highlighting the uniqueness of the places. Regional

2 The expression in quotation marks is by Vidal de la Blache, with the intention of

characterizing the geography project to distinguish it from that of Durkheimian sociology,
which became institutionalized at the same time, between the end of the 19th Century and the
beginning of the 20th Century.
 Complexity in Geography 5

idiosyncrasies have been the subject of numerous demonstrations denying the

possibility of a rise in generality, the authors insisting sometimes on the
strong constraint exerted by local resources and sometimes on the social free
will with regard to how using and transforming them, as well as to the
diversity of their creations in terms of the forms of their political, social, and
cultural organizations. In the early days of academic geography, it was,
therefore, physical geography in the fields of geomorphology or climate,
which allowed modeling. Thus, since the early 1960s, the English geographer
Richard Chorley (1962) advocated the transposition of von Bertalanffy’s
general theory of systems into geomorphology and advocated the design of
open systems, both for physical and human geography3. In such systems, the
second law of thermodynamics does not apply and evolutions are not directed
toward the maximum entropy and homogeneity, but other processes generate
all kinds of configurations, formalized in models, which were listed five years
later in a book written with Peter Haggett about these two branches of
geography (Chorley and Haggett 1967).

1.1.2. “Horizontal” explanations for the science of the spatiality

of societies

Some other types of regularities had indeed been observed since at least
the early 19th Century in the organization of cities and territories and gave
rise to various attempts at formalization, through mathematical models or
iconic representations. The regularities of the spacing of cities, the hierarchy
of their functions, and the interlocking of their catchment areas had been
described since 1841 by the Saint-Simonian Jean Reynaud as “the general
system of cities” strongly constrained by the use of the nearest service and
thus generating forms of circular or hexagonal service areas, interlocking
according to a hierarchy of rarity of urban services (Reynaud 1841; Robic
1982). This concept and the derived spatial models had little immediate
impact, but the principles of a theory associating the size of cities with the
rarity of their economic functions and the extent of their clientele in the
surrounding region were rediscovered and systematized by the German
geographer Walter Christaller (1933) in a “central place theory”, which was
the subject of multiple tests in all parts of the world (Berry and Pred 1961).

3 “Open-system thinking, however, directs attention to the heterogeneity of spatial

organization, to the creation of segregation, and to the increasingly hierarchical differentiation
which often takes place with time. These latter features are, after all, hallmarks of social, as
well as biological, evolution” (p. 10).
6 Geographical Modeling

This theory actually included the previous model known as the “Reilly law
of retail gravitation” (Reilly 1931), which explained the location of
commercial activities by competition between businesses and services
frequented by consumers under the constraint of proximity. In both the
Reilly and Christaller models, travel costs are borne by the consumer and are
added to the price of goods, encouraging people to buy from the nearest
place. This determines, in the cartographic representations, more or less
circular-shaped catchment areas, which fit together in the form of hexagons
in the spatial diagrams drawn by Christaller.

In fact, these early geographic models validate what American

cartographic geographer Waldo Tobler (1970) later referred to as “the first
law of geography” (“everything interacts with everything, but two close
things are more likely to interact than two distant things”). This law
summarizes many of the previous observations made about the movement of
people in space. The first formalizations can be attributed to the geographer
Ernst Georg Ravenstein (1885), who published several articles from 1885
onward which summarized the main characteristics of population
movements in a period of high rural exodus under the title “Migration laws”
in a British statistical journal.

It was the American geographer Edward Ullmann who, in 1954, proposed

defining geography as the science of spatial interactions. In his work
Geography as Spatial Interaction, he certainly introduces the same
“physical” model as the astrophysicist Stewart (1948), namely, a
“gravitation” model (the flows between two geographical units are
proportional to the product of their masses and inversely proportional to the
distance that separates them) but he truly transposes this idea to the social
sciences. He specifies the geographical conditions that are likely to explain
the exchange and the movement: there must be a complementarity between a
demand for a given product from a certain place of origin and the resources
available in a place of supply, and travel must be possible, and therefore not
too costly, for the exchange to take place. The characteristic principle that
organizes geographical space is, therefore, the constraint of proximity; it
includes the “sociological” principle that puts it into practice, stipulating that
the nearest destination is chosen. There must also be no closer places
offering the same product, or intermediate locations, which the sociologist
Stouffer (1940) calls intervening opportunities.

The geography that is built on these foundations (Abler et al. 1977) is

then conceived as a science of the organization of space. This expression
 Complexity in Geography 7

was coined by the French geographer Jean Gottman (1961) about the
Northeast megalopolis, the group of cities that stretches from Boston to
Washington. Although it is made up of distinct urban entities, whose urban
structure is not continuous, this large regional complex appears to be a
functional unit due to the multiplicity of communication and exchange
networks that connect these cities together and make them complementary in
a differentiated territory. The concept of a region then gradually emerged
from the criteria of landscape homogeneity or historical delimitation that had
hitherto underpinned it and was enriched by the concept of a functional
region, defined by the polarization of traffic flows and the strong economic
and social interdependencies between the cities and countryside that
constitute it. This new form taken by geographical investigation then makes
it possible, under the designation of “locational analysis” (Haggett 1965), to
identify all kinds of regularities in geographical space and to build canonical
models, whose ancestors are often shared by economists specializing in the
emerging “regional science” (Isard 1960).

The translation into French of Peter Haggett’s book (Locational Analysis

in Human Geography) by Hubert Fréchou in 1973 converted the title to
“spatial analysis”. This expression, which was used in subsequent manuals
(e.g. Pumain and Saint-Julien 1997), is the subject of one of the three main
entries in the online encyclopedia Hypergeo, entitled “the spatiality of
societies”, alongside the entries “societies and environment” and “cities,
regions, and territories”. The notion of spatial analysis in French covers a
perspective centered on human geography and a broader and less strictly
technical theoretical content than in the practices of British or North
American geographers. For example, British geographers Paul Longley and
Michael Batty closely associate the spatial analysis with specialized GIS
software in their 1996 and 2003 books, and the preface to their 2003 book
defines it as “a kind of data mining technology”. More broadly, the
definitions given by French-speaking geographers for spatial analysis readily
incorporate the statements of theories and models, and some specialists in
“social geography” have sometimes also claimed this expression as a means
of designating their activity.

1.1.3. The discussed status of modeling

Since the 1970s, attempts at modeling in geography have been subject to

heavy criticism. To mention just one example, let us recall one of the most
eminent geographers of his generation, Pierre George, a member of the
8 Geographical Modeling

Institute, who denounced both a “scientific adventurism”, “quantitative

illusion”, and a “new determinism” (1972). For this Marxist geographer,
criticism focuses above all on the idea that quantified formalizations can
only use biased data, as they depend on the policies that build them. More
surprisingly, by placing himself in the field of philosophy, Pierre George
also denounces a “much more serious mystification” brought by the
“formalization applied to geographical data”. According to him, it
“presupposes, indeed, the acceptance of the idea that men and their
initiatives are integrated into concentration camp categories from which they
can only escape by a statistically negligible, politically and socially
reprehensible marginalism, the marginalism of the anomaly, compared to an
institutionalized system and disseminated by all modern means of imposing
information and official culture” (1976, p. 54). Many other authors have
denounced the models as too general and simplistic. The use of
mathematical models, often quite simple, was denounced as unsuitable for
accurately representing individual and social processes, e.g. in terms of
location or displacement choices. The main argument against any modeling
was the respect for human freedom, which was not to be represented as
“obeying” the constraints of distance or natural conditions. The modeling
was also denounced for political reasons such as an attempt to “naturalize”
social processes, which would have been tantamount to accepting the
established order and would not have allowed it to be called into question.
This tension is also well expressed by the Anglo-American geographer
David Harvey, who accepts Popperian models and logic in a first book on
explanation in geography (Harvey 1969), then in a second book on the
relations of domination in the urban space (Harvey 1973), and finally
proposes a Marxian critique of capitalism and imperialism (Harvey 1982) –
without, however, going so far as to accept post-modern criticism or to deny
modeling.

The dissociation between Marxist interpretations and the use of

quantitative models has often been more pronounced in English-speaking
countries4 than in continental Europe, where the “theoretical and quantitative
revolution” was more opposed to conservative geographers, both politically

4 There are exceptions, including the work of William Bunge, who in 1962 proposed a
“Theoretical Geography” based on axioms and which was rather geometrical, and who also
analyzed social inequalities in the suburbs of Chicago with quantified indices (Fitzgerald:
Geography of a Revolution, Schenkman Publishing Cy, Cambridge, 1971, p. 1071) where he
denounced the capture of land rents by the richest and the poor living conditions imposed on
black people.
 Complexity in Geography 9

and methodologically. The successive waves of radical geography,

phenomenology, and then post-modern geography that have emerged in the
United States since the 1980s have spread to Europe with unequal intensities
while making many criticisms of modeling (under the pretexts of
“fetishization of space”, voluntarily forgetting actors, conflicts, social, or
colonial, then forgetting representations, sensations, or, even more recently,
emotions). An integrative definition of spatial analysis as “the formalized
study of the configuration and properties of space produced and experienced
by human societies” (Pumain and Saint-Julien 1997) proposed in a handbook
signified a willingness to calm these controversies, which have aroused
animated debate among all social sciences. In the 1990s and the decades that
followed, there was a very large development of models, a widening of their
practical uses, and a progressive enrichment of their content, largely
supported by the generalization of geographical information systems and the
integration of geolocation into all kinds of technical devices (see Chapter 6).
Finally, the dizzying increase in computing capacity was expected to free up
modeling from some of the qualitative limitations that could hinder the
consideration of hazards and individual specificities in models (see
Chapters 3–5).

According to our constructive perspective for modeling, proposals

contrary to modeling, which are still used in some publications today, are
based on misunderstandings that are deliberately not well clarified. They are
likely to maintain controversies, not very valuable for the image of
geography, and can be classified under three main types: those that reject
any kind of regularity in the organization of the space of societies and deny
the usefulness of a geographical discipline; those that treat geographical
space as an inert container of physical objects and social relationships; and
those that place any explanation within the exclusive framework of a theory
of mono-disciplinary inspiration, such as certain geo-economic models or
even certain narratives of post-modern inspiration or certain militant texts.
However, we believe that geographical modeling can integrate a very wide
variety of social processes, both individual and collective, and can be based
on knowledge established by several disciplines, at different levels of
resolution and granularity of its objects, from the individual to the world.
Like a more discursive geography, strengthening existing powers is not the
primary function of modeling; it can also be used to promote sustainable
development and help the poorest populations and territories.
10 Geographical Modeling

1.2. Modeled regularities

With their theories of complex systems, physicists who enter the social
sciences to propose models are often tempted to project some of the
constraints they have built to analyze the forces at work in the physical
world. Although energy, in the various forms of solar radiation, gravity or
animal, human, and mechanical work, is always taken into account in
technical artifacts or human organizations, it is not very effective to consider
that this is the main constraint (or last resort) that would govern the
construction of human activity on the Earth’s surface and from which the
form of the socio-spatial organizations studied in geography would have
been identified (West 2017). The configurations of cities and territories that
can be modeled by geographers are built by accumulated human work,
carried out under material constraints, but also with some well-identified
anthropological and social determinants, e.g. the relatively universal
principle of the “law of least effort” as enunciated by G. K. Zipf (1949), or
the frequent effects of political, cultural, or economic domination were
observed in social relations and interactions.

The history, the forms of political and economic organization of societies,

and their cultural creations are always part of the explanations proposed in
“general geography” or in local or regional monographs. However,
geography itself provides a modelable dimension to these constructions, to
which the other disciplines of the natural and social sciences are articulated
as in any explanation of complex social systems. Modeling takes into
account major regularities, which are accepted, often implicitly, by most
geographers. These regularities include the constraint of proximity, which
brings into play various expressions of distance in all gradient models of the
center-periphery type, or the organization of geographical space in levels,
leading to great attention being paid to the scale of structures and processes
or the reduction of interactions by territorial boundaries or barriers (physical
or socio-cultural) that create discontinuities. Models of spatial change
integrate the other regularity of temporal persistence of geographical
objects, which is certainly shorter than those of geological periods or
ecosystems, but so much longer than that of daily movements or human lives
or even sometimes than the passage of generations, which leads to many
reflections on the resilience of cities and territories and justifies their
modeling.

These major regularities of spatial organization and evolution of space

and geographical objects are presented in the following, which necessarily
 Complexity in Geography 11

introduces some repetitions, as the processes that generate them are complex
according to the meaning of this term in the social sciences. These processes
are difficult to separate from each other because they often interfere together
during the genesis of cities and territories.

1.2.1. Proximity and distances

The concept of distance encompasses a range of indicators and measures

of separation, adapted to the different types of relationships considered to
signify distance, spacing, or remoteness, which have greatly broadened the
scope of the concept of distance in the geographical explanation. To
conceive a distance is indeed to give oneself a relational representation of
space, whose properties then depend on the nature of the chosen distance
and, therefore, on the form of the possible relations (offered or revealed)
between the parts of space. To do this, we must no longer see space as a
simple container, an empty room furnished by human activities, but as a
construction, a representation of the relationships (virtual or realized)
between different places, variable according to the traffic facilities, or the
intensity of the exchanges that we consider. Broadly speaking, two
complementary insights are used to define distance as a structuring factor of
geographical space, in this relational and also “relativistic” conception of the
distance between places.

The notion of geographical location (situation géographique in French)

belongs to “classical” geography, appearing very early in the history of the
discipline as a major way of explaining inequalities in the concentration of
populations, wealth, or certain activities. It defines, to a certain extent, the
added value of a location by its position, relative to other locations, therefore
by its greater or lesser distance from other locations. The situational
advantage is often a better accessibility, i.e. a shorter distance from a number
of other places where wealth is produced or circulates. Geographical location
is advantageous when the topography improves the accessibility of the place
by reducing its access distances: this is how the development of cities
located at the crossroads of large valleys or at the maritime outlet of a major
land route, such as that of estuary cities, was explained in the 19th Century.
Geographical location is also considered more favorable when traffic
conditions are easy, relatively reducing distances, e.g. in lowland areas as
opposed to mountainous regions. The so-called “contact” situation is the one
that makes additional resources close to the sites. The time and cost savings
associated with distance travel, when they persist long enough, thus become
12 Geographical Modeling

important components in explaining concentrations and accumulations of

population and activities in the territories.

Distance is a decisive factor in many location models, which represent

the effects of “location rents”, which complement those of fertility rents or
resource sites. Weber’s optimal industrial location model, developed around
1900, combines distances to sites (raw materials, markets, and labor) to
estimate the best possible position for a production plant, minimizing
transport costs; the von Thünen agricultural specialization zone model,
developed in 1826, uses distance to the urban market and the differential
rent it generates as the main explanation for land-use choices.

Some effects of distance are so systematic that they result in repeated

configurations, which arise in the spatial organization of most societies at
different times, and which are broadly identified as “center-periphery
structures”. These are forms of geographical space without precise but
highly organized boundaries, a bit like a magnetic field, with a gradient of
decreasing intensity as a function of the distance around a pole. The
measurement of the relationship between places that define these spaces in
the form of fields is then a flow, a quantity of exchanges, a frequency or
intensity of relationships (number of commuters between places of residence
and work, number of customers between a service provision center and the
places surrounding it, number of telephone calls, origins of migrants and
goods or investments attracted by a center). These configurations could
admittedly be explained as society taking into account the laws of physics
because it is a question of saving energy, thus minimizing an expense that
then weighs as a constraint on the dynamics of social activities in space. By
playing on the similarity between physical and anthropological expressions,
the statistician G. K. Zipf (1949) also proposed calling this universal
propensity to cut as short as possible and to go as close as possible, “the law
of the least effort”, which amounts to organizing activities and movements
according to distance.

However, the origin of these almost geometric configurations, generally

circular, can also be found elsewhere. Distance explains the shape they take:
it does not explain why and how they are formed. The geographical space
produced by the societies is oriented (anisotropic). Some places, selected as
centers, acquire a social, symbolic, and economic value, which makes them
centers where flows of people, energy, materials, and information from the
periphery converge. More often than not, this attraction is explained by the
fact that the center exercises domination, which may be political, military,
 Complexity in Geography 13

religious, commercial, administrative, or symbolic (emotional and

cognitive), over its periphery in various ways, which results in an unequal
exchange, an asymmetry in the balance of interactions between the center
and periphery to the benefit of the center. This process tends to reinforce the
accumulation of supply in the center, which also increases the degree of
complexity of its activities. The center redistributes some of the amenities,
central functions, or innovations toward the periphery, but without totally
reducing inequalities. However, maintaining the attractiveness of the center
presupposes that it improves its accessibility and attractiveness for its
periphery over time, according to a positive feedback loop between
centrality and accessibility (Bretagnolle 1999). The value of geographical
locations is not immutable over time.

It is, therefore, not the physical analogy5 but rather the relevance of its
mathematical formula to summarize the form taken by observations of
spatial interactions that made the success of the gravitational principle to
describe space organizations very strongly structured by distance from a
center. The potential models, or the so-called “Reilly’s law” model
(presented in section 1.1.2), indicate that the attraction force is proportional
to the mass of the center and inversely proportional to the distance between
it and the other places considered. It is used to delimit market areas, around
shopping centers, or zones of influence around urban centers. Geomarketing
techniques have a large intake of gravity models, in which factors of
attraction, as well as distance measurements, are obviously modulated
according to the cases analyzed.

The spatial interaction model derived from the gravitational principle,

which represents the volume of exchanges between two places as being
proportional to the product of the masses present and inversely proportional
to the distance between them, is also universally used to summarize, analyze,
or predict the geography of flows, whether they are transport- or migration-
related. Migratory fields (studied since 1970 in France by Daniel Courgeau),
as well as urban fields (analyzed on a European scale by Marianne Guérois
(2003)), are described by decreasing power or exponential functions of
distance, which demonstrate its prevalence and universality in the social and
geographical construction of interactions.

5 The physicist and geographer Alan Wilson, who considerably improved the estimation
technique of the spatial interaction model, interpreted it in terms of “entropy maximization”
and then linked it to the statistical theory of information.
14 Geographical Modeling

Whether the centers are spread out as stages on a route or tend to cover a
territory according to a grid, they emerge at a distance characteristic of other
centers, called spacing. Spacing is on average twice the range, i.e. the
maximum length of travel by customers to obtain the service in question.
The regularity of spacing is explained by the amount of population or
activities that the centers serve, not simply by physical distance. The average
spacing between centers increases with their level of complexity. The result
is a hierarchical organization of the spatial structure of the centers, which is
clearly demonstrated in the models of Walter Christaller’s central places
theory, for example. The differentiation of space into centers and peripheries
can be seen at different geographical scales. The multi-scale organization
characteristic of the exercise of centrality and polarization encourages us to
explore the fractal nature of the evolutionary processes that generate the
hierarchical configurations of central places and their peripheries (see
Chapter 3). The centers compete for the resources on their periphery and
develop innovations during this interactive process. The development of
innovations depends on the action of the actors located in the center. This
consists either in a creation, anticipation, and attempt to exploit a profit, or in
an imitation of an innovation that has succeeded elsewhere, and these two
attitudes constitute an adaptation strategy. The innovations thus imposed or
imitated are disseminated among the centers, by proximity or hierarchical
dissemination (see sections 1.2.2–1.2.4). A center only acquires a higher
level of centrality by accumulating and complexifying its activities if it
succeeds in competing with other centers by capturing the initial advantage
of a sufficient number of innovations. It is because this process has been
carried out under the constraint of distance, wherever interactions have
occurred over a fairly long period of time in contiguity, according to the
proximity rule, that so many regularities have been introduced into the
spacing of urban centers, at least in the very ancient regions of the world.

Proximity explains why interdependencies are often detected in

“statistical landscapes”, representing the values of all kinds of indicators
through maps. These interdependencies are measured by autocorrelation
indices of spatialized variables in a given neighborhood (Anselin 1995; Cliff
and Ord 1973). Autocorrelation is positive when the effects of spatial
diffusion have produced similarities as a function of proximity; it is negative
when territorial competition has selected locations that have benefited over
the long term from asymmetries in territorial exchanges. These correlations
have long been thought of as troublesome in the application of statistical
regression models (often referred to as “econometric models”) to
geographical data, but geographers have developed spatialized regression
 Complexity in Geography 15

models that, on the contrary, allow the analysis of the heterogeneity of

variable associations in the geographical space to be specified and
strengthened (Brundson et al. 1996).

Finally, in the era of globalization, which is manifested in particular by

the deployment of multinational companies opening subsidiaries in all parts
of the world, or by the trend toward the universal use of global
communication tools such as the Internet, the so-called “social” networks or
smartphones, one could imagine that “the Earth is flat” and that distance
would no longer be a major constraint in the organization of geographical
space. Yet, it should be noted that proximity continues to play an important
role in the creation of new international institutions, whether political, such
as the European Union, or economic in nature, such as trade agreement areas
negotiated between countries around the world, such as ASEAN, NAFTA, or
Mercosur (Mareï and Richard 2018).

1.2.2. The scale

Geographers have a constrained vocabulary when they produce a

discourse on scales. They are major map producers and consumers whose
scale is the measurement of the ratio between a distance measured on the
map and the distance in the field. They therefore spontaneously speak of
(cartographic) large scale for cadastres or urban plans at 1/10,000e for
example, of medium scale for a road map at 1/200,000e, and of small scale
for a representation of the world at 1/1,000,000e. However, the common
language, and often that of decision makers, is that regional planning or
global problems are on a “large scale” compared to the local scale, which
concerns smaller areas. It is, therefore, better to find other adjectives to avoid
these unfortunate ambiguities. Scale is thus associated with the orders of
magnitude of geographical objects, which can be measured, for example, in
terms of area, population, or wealth. Scale is called “resolution” when it
indicates a degree of precision in cartographic representations or satellite
images or even qualitative descriptions, which include more or less detail or
generalization depending on whether one is at a large, medium, or small
geographical scale. Increasingly, geographical information is presented with
reference to the coordinates of the Earth’s surface in a form known as
“geolocalized”, which makes it possible to form analytical filters by
aggregation in grids (or rasters) of different dimensions that more or less
smooth out the heterogeneities in the geographical space. Discourses
produced from information thus aggregated at different scales can vary
Another random document with
no related content on Scribd:
 Heer Spin kwam met een zwarten bril op en groette 283
het gezin
.… en ging den Dood opzoeken 296
Tot hij op zekeren dag met een tamarindezweep werd
afgeranseld 304
Eerbiedig bogen ze voor den wijzen man 312
.… en begon hij, inplaats van de doekoens naar
beneden te werpen, zich flink te goed te doen .… 320
Daar zagen zij een meisje onbeheerd zitten 328
.… waaruit zij tot hare groote verbazing tal van
gouden, zilveren en andere waardevolle voorwerpen
zag te voorschijn komen 336
De duivel .… ging toen bij een smid om zijn tong te
laten vijlen 344
Daarom zul je mij van nu af op je rug moeten dragen 352
.… voegde Reiger zich bij hen en luisterde gretig naar
wat zij vertelden 374

[XVI]

[Inhoud]
 VERBETERINGEN.
Blz. 2 regel 15 v. b. staat: wreedzame, lees: vreedzame.
5 4 v. b.
: hebben, : heb.
,, ,, ,, ,,
7 6 v. o.
: geidialiseerd, : geïdealiseerd.
,, ,, ,, ,,
11 2 v. b. moet met wegvallen.
,, ,,
17 10 v. o. staat: voor, lees: voort.
,, ,,
28 moeten de regels 9 en 10 v. o. omwisselen.
,,
33 regel 5 v. o. staat: heuvel, lees: hemel.
,,
33 1 v. o.
: 19, : 20.
,, ,, ,, ,,
39 7 v. b.
: hebben, : heeft.
,, ,, ,, ,,
60 8 v. o.
: tot, : in.
,, ,, ,, ,,
112 11 v. o. lees: schoonbroeders.
: schoonbroeder,
,, ,, ,,
112 9 v. o. lees: broêrs.
: broêr,
,, ,, ,,
121 3 v. b.
: hadden, : had.
,, ,, ,, ,,
137 4 v. b.
: wraken, : wrake.
,, ,, ,, ,,
142 2 v. b.
: hem, : hen.
,, ,, ,, ,,
142 3 v. b.
: zij, : hij.
,, ,, ,, ,,

: hem, : hen.
,, ,,
 : zouden, : zou.
,, ,,
151 7 v. o. lees: vlechtpatroon.
: weefpatroon,
,, ,, ,,
162 4 v. o. moet niet wegvallen.
,, ,,
189 3 v. b. en regel 4 v. o. staat: kanibalen, lees: kannibalen.
,, ,,
189 8 v. b. staat: Giorgia, lees: Georgia.
,, ,,
231 5 v. o.
: het, : den.
,, ,, ,, ,,
241 1 v. b.
: het, : den.
,, ,, ,, ,,

[1]
[Inhoud]
I. INDIANEN-BEVOLKING VAN WEST-INDIË.
[Inhoud]

Inleidende beschouwingen.

Vóór de komst der blanken was Amerika bewoond door talrijke

Indianenstammen, die zoowel door taal als door lichamelijke en
geestelijke verschillen zich van elkander onderscheidden. Ook in het
deel van Zuid-Amerika, dat wij West-Indië hebben genoemd, waren
de stammen, om een Indiaansche vergelijking te gebruiken, talrijk
als de korrels in het zand eener savanne*. 1

In de bevolking van Amerika was toen reeds het proces eener

ontwikkeling in uiteenloopende richtingen in vollen gang en had het
Roode Ras* zich reeds uit den staat van barbaarschheid weten op te
heffen—was reeds lang de kiem gelegd tot een moraal, welke een
ieder, die in de Indianen-ziel heeft weten door te dringen, met den
grootsten eerbied heeft vervuld, en die in velerlei opzicht tot
voorbeeld mag strekken aan een groot deel der menschheid van het
hedendaagsche Europa.

Zooals overal, waar natuurvolken met het blanke element in

nauwere aanraking komen, heeft de nadeelige invloed van de
toenemende blanke bevolking zich op de kinderen van het land, de
Indianen, doen gelden. Doch niettegenstaande dezen invloed, die
niet alleen uitroeiing op groote schaal met zich bracht—van de
eenmaal zoo aanzienlijke Indianenbevolking der West-Indische
eilanden is zoo goed als niets meer overgebleven—maar ook een
ontaarding van het ras met zich sleepte, is er nog veel van het
schoone, dat de Indiaan in moreel opzicht boven zijn blanke
overheerschers verheft, overgebleven, en heeft hij door het [2]van
geslacht op geslacht oververtellen van zijn mythen- en
legendenschat de grondstellingen van zijn verheven zedenleer voor
zijne nakomelingen—de moraal van zijne onderdrukkers ten spijt—
weten te bewaren en zijn wij in staat, ook den belangstellenden
Nederlandschen lezer daarvan te laten genieten, hoezeer ook zijne
mondelinge overleveringen den invloed der latere binnendringers,
zoowel van Blanken als van Negers, hebben ondervonden.

Het grootste deel van het materiaal, waarover ik voor deze

verzameling kon beschikken, is afkomstig uit een tijd, toen de
Indianen reeds lang aan vreemde invloeden blootgesteld waren
geweest.

De wreede tijden der Spaansche veroveraars (conquestadores),

toen het meest vreedzame en het meest daarvoor toegankelijke deel
der Indianen, vooral op het West-Indische eilandengebied, op ruwe
wijze vernietigd was geworden, zijn voor het mythen-onderzoek
weinig vruchtbaar geweest; en in de daarop volgende periode, toen
het overgebleven deel, nog het talrijkst in Guyana’s uitgestrekte
oerwouden, de aanraking ondervond van blanke zendelingen, deels
der Katholieke, deels der Hernhutter missies, zijn de mondelinge
overleveringen, hetzij door missionarissen, hetzij door
wetenschappelijke reizigers, die de groote waarde van het
vergelijkende mythen-onderzoek toen nog niet konden vermoeden,
bij verschillende stammen te boek gesteld, zoodat wij het
oorspronkelijk element in de mythen en legenden uit die tijden veelal
vertroebeld vinden door het later daarin gebrachte Christelijke
element.

Vooral de mythen en legenden der Benedenlandsche Indianen, die

wij aan den arbeid van W. H. Brett (Br.), voor Engelsch Guyana en
van C. van Coll (Co.), voor [3]Nederlandsch Guyana—beiden
Katholieke zendelingen,—en aan den arbeid van de gebroeders
Penard (P.a.), voor Suriname te danken hebben, geven ons, zooals
Dr. Herman ten Kate, een der beste Nederlandsche Indianen-
kenners, terecht heeft opgemerkt (K.b.), een duidelijk beeld van de
groote veranderingen, die de verhalen onder den invloed der
blanken, vooral der zending, hebben ondergaan.

Ook de toenemende aanraking der Indianen met de Negerbevolking,

die meer en meer het woongebied der Indianen binnendrong, heeft
niet nagelaten, hier en daar het oorspronkelijke Indiaansche element
in de mondelinge overleveringen te versluieren.

Bij eene kennisneming der in dezen bundel bijeengebrachte

verzameling zal menig lezer herhaaldelijk ook aanknoopingspunten
ontdekken met de mythen-schat der Oude wereld en het is zeker de
groote verdienste van Paul Ehrenreich (E.) geweest, het hoogst
waarschijnlijk te hebben gemaakt, dat de mythenschat der Zuid-
Amerikaansche Indianen het overblijfsel is van een oeroude vroeger
over het geheele gebied der Nieuwe wereld verspreide groep van
overleveringen, en dat aan den anderen kant een in jongere tijden uit
het Noorden langs de Stille Zuidzee komende groep van mythen- en
sagenelementen er mede gemengd is geworden, die gedeeltelijk tot
in het Oostelijk Halfrond vervolgd kan worden.

Dit jongere mythenelement, dat het Noordwestelijk gebied van

Noord-Amerika met deelen van Noordoost-Azië gemeen heeft, blijkt
nog tot ver het Zuid-Amerikaansche gebied te zijn binnengedrongen
en heeft, zooals begrijpelijk is, dezelfde wegen gevolgd als de
stoffelijke bezittingen van het Indiaansche ras, zoodat de groote
mythenstroomingen uit het Oostelijk Halfrond met de uitkomsten der
Archeologische en Ethnologische onderzoekingen in
[4]overeenstemming gebracht konden worden. Het grootste deel der
in dezen bundel opgenomen mythen, sagen en legenden der
Indianen van West-Indië zijn ontleend aan het belangrijke werk van
Walter E. Roth (R.), getiteld „An inquiry into the animism and folk-
lore of the Guiana Indians”, een bij uitstek deskundig onderzoeker,
die meerdere jaren Commissaris en Beschermer was van de
Indianen in het Pomeroen-district van Engelsch Guyana, en wiens
onderzoekingen zich ook hebben uitgebreid tot de Indianen van
Venezuela, Suriname en Fransch Guyana.

Hoewel wij met den Nederlandschen onderzoeker, Prof. Dr. J. P. B.

de Josselin de Jong (J.), moeten erkennen, dat het bijna
onmogelijk is, in een der Europeesche talen weêr te geven, wat er in
het gemoed van den Indiaan omgaat, wanneer hij in kinderlijk
naïeven verhaaltrant het diep-gevoelde gemoed, dat uit vele zijner
vertellingen spreekt, tracht bloot te leggen, hebben wij toch
gemeend, in dezen bundel de beschaafde schrijftaal te moeten
bezigen, teneinde den lezer, wien het vooral om den inhoud te doen
is, beter het verhevene, dat het denken der oorspronkelijke
bewoners van West-Indië kenmerkt, te laten gevoelen.

Het bijzondere karakter, dat de mythen, sagen en legenden der Zuid-

Amerikaansche Indianen vertoonen en waardoor zij zich van den
rijken schat, op dit gebied in Noord-Amerika bijeengebracht,
onderscheiden, is aan de weelderige tropische natuur van Guyana’s
binnenlanden toe te schrijven, zoo geheel verschillend van de
landschappen, te midden waarvan de Noord-Amerikaansche
stammen verblijf houden. De groote ontwikkeling van het riviernet
doet het nl. begrijpelijk voorkomen, dat het tooneel der verhalen
voornamelijk de rivieren zijn, aan wier met tropisch oerwoud
omzoomde oevers het Indiaansche leven zich in hoofdzaak afspeelt.
Daar in dit gebied [5]meren ontbreken, bedoelt de verteller, wanneer
hij van meren spreekt, overstroomde rivieroevers.
Terwijl ik mij bij eene keuze voor deze verzameling in de eerste
plaats heb laten leiden door het streven, bij den lezer belangstelling
te wekken voor het Indiaansche zieleleven, heb ik er in de tweede
plaats zooveel mogelijk zorg voor gedragen, dat de voornaamste
natuur- en cultuurvoortbrengselen, die het bestaan der
Indianenbevolking van tropisch Amerika beheerschen, in deze
verzameling vermelding vinden.

De vertellers waren vrouwen en mannen, doorgaans ouden van

dagen, van de drie voornaamste stammen van Guyana: de
Caraïben, de Arowakken en de Warraus (door de letters C., A. en W.
achter den titel van elk verhaal aangeduid), die de zwakke
overblijfsels zijn van vroeger talrijke en machtige stammen, welke
deel uitmaken van de groep der z.g. Benedenlandsche Indianen van
Guyana, die volkenkundig met de dieper in het binnenland wonende
z.g. Bovenlandsche Indianen en met de bijna geheel uitgeroeide
oorspronkelijke bevolking van de Groote en Kleine Antillen tot
eenzelfde gewest mogen gerekend worden, dat ook het
stroomgebied der Orinoco en der Amazone omvat en zich tot de
Paraguay-rivier uitstrekt.

De talen, die in dit gebied gesproken worden, behooren tot drie

verschillende taalstammen, het Caraïbisch, het Arowaksch en het
Warrausch.

De Caraïben, die zich zelf Kalienja* noemen, en wier stamland

vermoedelijk Centraal-Brazilië is geweest, hebben zich in vroeger
tijden door hun oorlogzuchtigen aard onderscheiden. De meer
vredelievende Arowakken, die van oudsher in cultuur hooger
stonden en als de uitvinders der hangmatten en de verspreiders der
maïs- en tabakscultuur werden beschouwd en als bekwame
pottenbakkers bekend stonden, zijn de eerste bewoners der lage
landen [6]van het tegenwoordige Venezuela en Guyana geweest en
vormden ook op de West-Indische eilanden de oorspronkelijke
bevolking. De Warraus eindelijk, die de eerste kolonisten als de
vervaardigers van voortreffelijke vaartuigen hebben leeren kennen,
schijnen zich van het Westen uit te hebben verspreid en eerst later
Nederlandsch Guyana te zijn binnengedrongen. Van dezen zijn in
het westelijk deel van Suriname nog slechts weinigen overgebleven,
terwijl Engelsch Guyana nog talrijke nakomelingen van dezen zoo
belangwekkenden stam tot woonplaats strekt.

De nauwere aanraking, die deze stammen van oudsher met

elkander hebben gehad—tegenwoordig treft men Caraïbische en
Arowaksche nederzettingen (kampen of dorpen), door elkander
langs verschillende beneden-rivieren van Guyana aan—maakt het
begrijpelijk, dat meerdere verhalen, zij het in gewijzigden vorm, bij
deze drie stammen verteld worden.

Dat deze oude overleveringen niet steeds het leven der

tegenwoordige stammen uitbeelden, behoeft geen nader betoog. De
verheven moraal echter, die deze primitieve, door sommige
waarnemers zoo slecht begrepen stammen daarin hebben
neêrgelegd, mag, zooals bekwamer beoordeelaars genoegzaam
hebben bewezen, nog als die van den oorspronkelijken Indiaan
beschouwd worden, voor zoover nl. de aanraking met de
Europeesche „beschaving” niet reeds haar noodlottig werk heeft
gedaan.

Voor vele lezers heb ik het nuttig geoordeeld, aan de namen van
planten en dieren en van cultuurbezittingen eene korte toelichting
toe te voegen, die, omdat velen ook in de Negervertellingen
voorkomen, in een afzonderlijk, alphabetisch gerangschikt register
aan het slot van dezen bundel zijn vereenigd en naar welke door een
* in den tekst verwezen wordt. [7]
[Inhoud]

Inhoud der verhalen

De mondelinge overleveringen der Indianen van West-Indië

behooren tot verschillende met bepaalde namen aangeduide
rubrieken.

In de eerste plaats komen er z.g. kosmogoniën onder voor, waarin

denkbeelden omtrent den wereldschepping zijn neêrgelegd en die
voor een vergelijkend mythen-onderzoek steeds de meeste waarde
bezitten. Deze mythen wortelen in een natuurgodsdienst en hebben
haar ontstaan te danken aan de neiging der natuurvolken, om zich
de natuurkrachten en natuurverschijnsels als levende wezens te
personifiëeren. De kosmogonie is, zoowel naar inhoud als naar
vorm, in hoofdzaak natuurmythe, want het ontstaan der kosmische
en organische wereld worden er in behandeld, terwijl de
natuurverschijnselen er als handelingen van bezielde wezens in
worden voorgesteld. Deze natuurmythen bepalen zich tot een zeer
beperkten voorstellingskring en hebben betrekking tot werkelijk
bestaande en gemakkelijk waarneembare natuurverschijnsels. 2

In de tweede plaats komen in deze verzameling z.g. sagen voor, die

beschouwd moeten worden als bij het volk opgekomen verhalen,
welke een historischen grondslag hebben, en waarin de geest van
het volk, de beteekenis van een feit of van een persoon en de
indruk, dien deze op het voorgeslacht hebben gemaakt, blijven
voortleven. Wij treffen er ook z.g. Heldensagen onder aan, die,
veelal sterk geïdealiseerd, de geschiedenis bevatten van groote
voorvaderen, nationale helden, en waarvan de waarheid in den tijd,
toen zij ontstonden, door niemand in twijfel werd getrokken. Deze
heldensagen bevatten dikwijls mythische elementen, die zich
langzamerhand als werkelijk gebeurde feiten ontwikkeld hebben,
waardoor de [8]Heldensage in hare oorspronkelijke gedaante een
integreerend bestanddeel der scheppingsmythe vormt. In deze
sagen worden de mythische voorvaderen van het volk met de
cultuurbrengers gelijkgesteld.

Terwijl de sage min of meer historie is, zijn de sprookjes uitsluitend

uitingen der volksfantasie. Evenals de mythen en sagen zijn vele
sprookjes voortgekomen uit het volksgeloof, dat beheerscht wordt
dooreen uitgebreid bijgeloof, te voorschijn geroepen door de menigte
geheimzinnigheden der natuur. Vooral in het tropische oerwoud,
waarin zelfs de ontwikkelde mensch te midden der overweldigende
natuur door die geheimzinnigheden wordt aangegrepen en waarin
ieder, die er in doordringt, zich overgegeven voelt aan
bovenaardsche machten, moest bij den primitieven mensch wel de
meening ontstaan, dat alles wat hij waarneemt, waaronder veel, dat
hij niet begrijpen kan, door bezielde wezens wordt voortgebracht.
Zoo is het niet te verwonderen, dat het Indiaansche leven nog
geheel beheerscht wordt door het geloof aan talrijke geesten (door
het Animisme), die er deels op uit zijn, kwaad te stichten en den
dood kunnen veroorzaken, deels de levenden tegen onheilen
kunnen beschermen.

Niet zelden zijn de sprookjes minder goed herkenbare uitloopers van

de tot de Mythen-categorie behoorende Kosmogonie en de
Heldensage.

Ook z.g. dierenfabels komen in deze verzameling voor. De fabel is in

het algemeen een verhaal uit het natuurleven, vooral uit dat der
dieren, dat toepasselijk gemaakt is op de menschen. De fabel dient
tot leering van het volk en veelal wordt de moraal aan het einde van
het verhaal opzettelijk uitgesproken. Vaak dienen de dierenfabels om
tegenstrijdige eigenschappen in het licht te stellen, zooals sluwheid
en domheid; handigheid en onbeholpenheid of om nuttige
eigenschappen, die door slechte [9]worden tegengewerkt, naar voren
te brengen, zooals geslepenheid en geringe nauwgezetheid,
brutaalheid en onbetrouwbaarheid enz.

Een bepaalde groep van dierenfabels behoort, evenals vele sagen,

zoowel naar wezen als naar inhoud tot de kosmogonische natuur-
mythe. Daar de primitieve natuurmensch tusschen mensch en dier
geen onderscheid maakt, kunnen de dragers der mythische
handeling zoowel menschelijke als dierlijke wezens zijn, die naar
willekeur in elkander kunnen overgaan. In de dierenfabels treden
dikwijls dieren op, die niet zoozeer door grootte en kracht indruk op
de menschen maken, dan wel door bijzondere eigenschappen, die
voor hen in het leven van groote waarde zijn, o.a. sluwheid, slimheid
en door welke zij er vaak als brengers van waardevolle
cultuurbezittingen, als z.g. cultuurhelden in optreden.

Een aantal dierenfabels hebben slechts een zuiver verklarend

karakter, voor zoover zij de eigenschappen der dieren uit voorvallen
en verschijnselen uit den voortijd willen trachten te verklaren. In deze
fabels nemen de dieren niet, zooals bij de eerstgenoemde fabels,
zinnebeeldig de rol van menschen over, doch zij zijn in wezen zelf
menschen.

Zoowel in de dierenfabels als in de sprookjes heeft de scheppende

fantasie vrij spel en deze wordt bij de natuurvolken nog sterk
beïnvloed door bijgeloovige voorstellingen, die de omgeving, waarin
het volk leeft, sterk in de hand werkt.

Uit deze korte beschouwingen blijkt wel, dat een scherpe

onderscheiding tusschen mythen, sagen, dierenfabels en sprookjes
niet altijd mogelijk is, evenmin als sagen en legenden altijd scherp uit
elkander te houden zijn.

Oorspronkelijk noemde men legende een dichterlijke voorstelling van

een of andere kerkelijke overlevering, [10]de levensbeschrijving van
een heilige, in het algemeen het verhaal eener gebeurtenis, die
betrekking heeft op geloof en godsdienst, en doorgaans een wonder
bevat. Gedurende de godsdienstoefeningen moesten deze verhalen
worden voorgelezen (vandaar de naam legende = wat gelezen moet
worden). Later paste men dezen naam ook toe op overleveringen
van gebeurtenissen, die met geloof en godsdienst in geenerlei
verband staan.

Ehrenbreit heeft er terecht op gewezen, dat, wanneer de mythe als

primitieve natuurbeschouwing wordt opgevat, die door de fantasie in
beeld gebracht is, zij toch niet als de uiting eener primitieve
godsdienst mag worden aangemerkt, omdat zij geheel onafhankelijk
is van godsdienstige voorstellingen en motieven en nog uitsluitend
beheerscht wordt door vrees voor geesten en natuurdemons en door
een geloof aan toovermiddelen, die den kwaden invloed dezer
machten kunnen neutraliseeren.

De „godsdienst” der Indianen behoort nog tot het zuivere animisme*.

Hunne mythische voorvaderen en fabelachtige stamhelden mogen in
geenendeele als Goden beschouwd worden, daar zij, afgezien van
een genealogischen band, geen betrekking meer tot de menschen
hebben.

Het geloof aan een Godheid, aan één enkel Opperwezen, gedragen
door een dienst, die door een bijzonderen priesterstand wordt
uitgeoefend, die zich boven den arbeid van de z.g.
tooverkunstenaars of geestenbezweerders verheft, komt, volgens de
meeste schrijvers, bij de Indianen niet voor en strookt ook niet met
de oorspronkelijke denkwijze der Indianen. Wanneer mededeelingen
van sommige schrijvers deze meening schijnen te logenstraffen,
hebben zij Indianen op het oog gehad, wier godsdienstige begrippen
reeds onder Christelijken invloed gewijzigd zijn.

Wel erkennen de meeste stammen een z.g. Grooten Geest, die de

Caraïben Tamoesi (= de oude), Tamoesi [11]Kabotana (= de oude in
de lucht) of Makoenaima (= de onbekende) en de Arowakken Wa
Murreta kwonei (= onze maker), Wa cinaci (= onze vader) of Ifilici
wacinaci (= onze grootvader) noemen, en door de Warraus met
Konowato (= onze maker) wordt aangeduid; doch in geen dezer
namen ligt, zooals Im Thurn (T.), Dr. H. ten Kate (K.), Ehrenbreit
(E.), Walter E. Roth (R.) en anderen uitdrukkelijk verklaren, het
denkbeeld van een Albestuurder, van een God ten grondslag.
Veeleer zijn deze Goden de dooden van iederen stam, die in de
herinnering van het volk voortleven en als de traditioneele stichters
der stammen, als hunne Nationale Helden moeten beschouwd
worden. Aan deze nationale helden wordt bij de wereldschepping
een bijzondere rol toegekend, waardoor deze voorvaderen vanzelf
tot cultuurhelden worden.

Een vermenschelijking, een personificatie van natuurverschijnselen,

behoeft, zoo betoogt Ehrenbreit terecht, op zich zelf nog geen
godsdienstig bewustzijn te onderstellen, dat door een geloof aan
godheden, die de natuur en de menschheid beheerschen, wordt
gedragen.

Een ontwikkeling tot hoogere eeredienstvormen, en daarmede een

scherper naar voren treden uit de menigte onbestemde
natuurgeesten van wezens van goddelijk karakter, die aan vaste
functies gebonden zijn, is overal, en in het bijzonder in Amerika, aan
den landbouw gebonden, wanneer deze wordt uitgeoefend onder
omstandigheden, die den arbeid van den mensch waardeloos
kunnen maken.
In tropisch Zuid-Amerika, waar de landbouw der primitieven nog
eenvoudige hakbouw is, die naast de jacht en visscherij den Indiaan
van het noodige voorziet, komt een vrij groote regelmaat in de
atmosferische neerslagen voor. Droge en natte seizoenen wisselen
elkander regelmatig [12]af, zoodat het denkbeeld van de inwerking
van bovenaardsche machten, die regelend in de natuur optreden, bij
hem niet kon opkomen. Hier was het voldoende, door tooverij de
dierengeesten te beïnvloeden, ter verzekering eener goede
opbrengst van de jacht en de visscherij. Het naïve denken van den
natuurmensch ziet in alle natuurverschijnselen, in overeenstemming
met zichzelf, zelfstandig handelende wezens en op alle
verschijnselen, die hij in de natuur waarneemt, draagt hij
animistische, d.i. in zijn geloof aan geesten wortelende
voorstellingen over.

De mythologie der Indianen houdt zich dus streng aan de

natuurverschijnselen. Slechts zon en maan zijn voor den Indiaan tot
persoonlijke godheden geworden, terwijl allerlei metereologische
krachten, verschillende dieren, opvallende verschijnselen in het niet-
organische rijk, zooals rivieren, zeeën, bergen, rotsen, als godheden
van lageren rang en van een onbepaald karakter worden
beschouwd.

De lezer zal van deze verzameling Indiaansche mondelinge

overleveringen, geloof ik, met grooter belangstelling kennisnemen,
zij zal hem ook een grooter genot schenken, wanneer hij
bovenstaande korte beschouwingen overdenkt. Hem zal ook de
inhoud van vele verhalen niet meer zoo vreemd toeschijnen,
wanneer hij zich voor oogen houdt, dat deze natuurmenschen, die
van hun zuiver menschelijk standpunt uitgaande, de dingen om zich
heen waarnemend, de natuurverschijnsels ook slechts op een
zoodanige wijze weten uit te drukken, die aan hunne eigen
handelingen ontleend zijn.
Dat een dichterlijke aard en een filosofische aanleg aan den Indiaan
niet ontzegd mogen worden, daarvoor zal deze bundel ten bewijze
kunnen strekken.

Mogen sommige schrijvers wel wat overdreven hebben, [13]wanneer

zij de Indianen een volk van dichters en wijsgeeren noemen, zeker is
het, dat er onder hen groote dichters voorkomen, dat zij, in het
algemeen gesproken, dichterlijk en wijsgeerig zijn aangelegd en dat,
waar het er in de „beschaafde” wereld met de moraal niet beter op
wordt, die van de Indianen aan een ieder, die in hun gemoed poogt
door te dringen, eerbied afdwingt.

Verwonderen kan het dus niet, dat hij, die, zij het slechts korten tijd,
te midden der Indianen verblijf heeft mogen houden, het leven in de
zoogenaamde beschaafde maatschappij slechts met een gevoel van
afkeer kan beschouwen 3 en dat de Indiaan, die een tijd lang in de
voor hem zoo vreemde wereld heeft doorgebracht, met een
onbedwingbare macht weêr naar zijn land en zijn volk wordt
heengetrokken. Hij verlangt—zooals een Indiaan, die Europa
bezocht, het uitdrukte—niet meer terug „naar het koude, hartelooze
land der blanken”.

„Het is niet mijn wensch nog langer te leven

Daar ginds in het land van mijn blanken genoot.
Bij d’ Indianen te blijven mocht mij zijn gegeven,
Tevreden, gelukkig zou ’k zijn tot mijn dood.
Waar ’k, paar’lend 4 mijn kano, op vischvangst of jacht
Mijn kind’ren zie groeien, aan faunen gelijk,
Kan ’k blij van gemoed zijn, het lichaam vol kracht
Tevreê zonder goed, zonder goud—en toch rijk!” 5

[14]
[Inhoud]

Lijst der in dezen bundel opgenomen mondelinge

overleveringen der Indianen. 6

De Geschiedenis
1. van Haboeri.
De oorsprong
2. der eerste menschen.
De oorsprong
3. van het menschdom.
De oorsprong
4. der Caraïben.
Hoe de
5. Caraïben gekweekte planten leerden kennen.
De dochter
6. van den geestenbezweerder.
Hoe lichaamspijnen,
7. dood en ellende in de wereld kwamen.
Het hoofd
8. van den Boschgeest en de nachtzwaluw.
De vrouw,
9. die een boschgeest nabootste.
De Geest
10. van de schimmelplant redt het jonge meisje.
De jagoear,
11. die in een vrouw veranderde.
De man
12. met een baboenvrouw.
De schildpad,
13. die de boschrat er in liet loopen.
De bedrieger
14. bedrogen.
Tijger
15.en miereneter.
Hariwali
16. en de wonderboom.
Legende
17. van den Ouden man’s val.
Amanna
18. en haar praatzieke man.
De zon
19. en zijn beide tweelingzoons.
De legende
20. van den vleermuisberg.
De uil
21.en zijn schoonbroêr-vleermuis.
De lichtkever
22. en de verdwaalde jager.
De bina,
23. de weder in het leven geroepen vader en de
slechte vrouw.