Ethics of Belonging: Education,

Religion, and Politics in Manado,

Indonesia Erica M. Larson
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Ethics of Belonging
New Southeast Asia
Politics, Meaning, and Memory

Justin McDaniel and Nancy J. Smith-Hefner

Series Editors
Ethics of Belonging
Education, Religion, and Politics
in Manado, Indonesia

Erica M. Larson

University of Hawai‘i Press

Honolulu
© 2024 University of Hawai‘i Press
All rights reserved
Printed in the United States of America

First printed, 2024

Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data

Names: Larson, Erica M., author.

Title: Ethics of belonging : education, religion, and politics in Manado,
Indonesia / Erica M. Larson.
Other titles: New Southeast Asia.
Description: Honolulu : University of Hawai‘i Press, [2023] | Series: New
Southeast Asia: politics, meaning, and memory | Includes bibliographical
references and index.
Identifiers: LCCN 2023023171 | ISBN 9780824894436 (hardback) | ISBN
9780824896256 (epub) | ISBN 9780824896263 (kindle edition) | ISBN
9780824896249 (pdf )
Subjects: LCSH: Religion and civil society—Indonesia—Manado. | Religious
pluralism—Indonesia—Manado. | Belonging (Social
psychology)—Indonesia—Manado. | Religion in the public
schools—Indonesia—Manado. | Manado (Indonesia)—Religion—21st
century.
Classification: LCC BL2120.C4 L37 2023 | DDC
201/.720959842—dc23/eng20230914
LC record available at https://lccn.loc.gov/2023023171

Cover photo: Students at Lokon School raise the Indonesian flag during the
Flag Ceremony (Upacara Bendera)

University of Hawai‘i Press books are printed on acid-free paper and meet the guidelines
for permanence and durability of the Council on Library Resources.
contents

Acknowledgments  vii
Note on Language   ix
Figures  xi
Abbreviations  xiii

1 Introduction: Deliberating the Ethics of Belonging   1

2 Religion, Nation, and Politics of Difference through
the Lens of Education   30
3 Public High School: Influence of the Protestant Majority   65
4 Private Catholic High School: Developing Faith and
Character to Develop the Nation   95
5 Public Madrasah: Islamic Discipline as the Foundation
of Civic Deliberation   125
6 Interreligious Exchange: A Pedagogical Project of Ethics
across Borders  155
7 Going Public: Scaling Deliberation about Belonging   179
8 Conclusion: Pluralized Ethics for a Plural Society   200

Notes  213
Works Cited  217
Index  231
acknowledgments

This research project and the resulting book would not have been possible
without the students, teachers, administrators, and friends in Manado and
Tomohon who let me into their schools and into their lives. A special thanks
is in order for Ibu Mary and Pak Ronald, and all of the teachers, staff, and
students at Lokon St. Nikolaus Catholic School, which became my home for
the duration of my fieldwork. I am also very appreciative of the teachers
and students at MAN Model Manado and SMANSA Manado. In addition,
I am grateful for the university students who were my coparticipants in the
Pertukaran Mahasiswa Lintas Agama at the STF-SP and who were willing
to openly share their experience with me during the program.
I am also sincerely indebted to the many scholars, activists, budayawan,
religious leaders, and friends in North Sulawesi who have supported my
research in various ways. My research was made possible through the spon-
sorship and support of my local research counterpart, Professor Sjamsi
Pasandaran, and the Civic Education department at Universitas Negeri
Manado. Fellow scholars at other area universities, including IAIN, UKIT,
and UNSRAT, have also been important conversation partners. The Mawale
Movement and its enthusiastic members have also given me semangat for
understanding the cultural dynamism of Minahasa. While I am not able to
name all of these colleagues and friends here, I would like to briefly mention
Muhammad Iqbal Suma, Denni Pinontoan, Rahman Mantu, Almunauwar
Bin Rusli, Nono Sumampouw, Rinto Taroreh, Ruth Wangkai, Fredy
Wowor, and Sofyan Jimmy Yosadi.
Terima kasih banyak to my Indonesian-language teachers at SEASSI,
especially Ibu Amelia Liwe, who piqued my interest in Manado and intro-
duced me to contacts there. Grace Nelwan and Maria Walukow have been
such important guides and friends as well. Also, I am very appreciative of
John Soucy and Mary Heather White for providing quiet places for me to
write and think, but most of all, for sharing their friendship.
This project began during my time at Boston University, and I am hon-
ored and grateful to have had Bob Hefner as my advisor and mentor
throughout the process. I also appreciate the mentorship and comments

vii
viii : Acknowledgments

from Nancy Smith-Hefner, Kimberly Arkin, and Merav Shohet. This project
has continued and evolved during my time at the Asia Research Institute,
National University of Singapore. Here I have benefitted from the feedback
of Kenneth Dean and my colleagues in the Religion and Globalisation
Cluster on portions of the manuscript. Funding for my research was secured
from multiple sources: a Wenner-Gren Foundation Dissertation Fieldwork
Grant, a Boston University Graduate Research Abroad Fellowship, a
Global Religion Research Initiative Fellowship, and a USINDO Society
Travel Grant.
I am grateful to my series editors at the University of Hawai‘i Press,
Justin McDaniel and Nancy J. Smith-Hefner, and to executive editor
Masako Ikeda for their guidance throughout the publication process. In
addition, comments provided by the reviewers at the peer-review stage
proved extremely useful in improving the manuscript. It goes without say-
ing, however, that any and all faults that remain are my own.
I am extremely thankful that my family and friends have continued to
provide motivation and moral support. Finally, I could never have completed
this book without the unwavering support of my partner and colleague
Michel Chambon, who has seen the project evolve over time and has been
an ongoing source of inspiration and encouragement.
note on language

Words in Indonesian (Bahasa Indonesia) are designated by italics, except for

proper nouns. Words in Manadonese (referred to as Bahasa Manado or
Melayu Manado), a local form of Malay, are also italicized with the qualifier
“Manado” preceding the italicized words. All translations from these lan-
guages are my own, unless otherwise specified.

ix
figures

Figure 1.1 Map of North Sulawesi (excluding Sangihe and

Talaud islands) 4
Figure 1.2 Jesus Bless Monument (Monumen Yesus Memberkati)
in Manado 12
Figure 3.1 Protestant students from SMA sing praise songs under
a tent at a weekend retreat 66
Figure 3.2 Islamic education classroom at SMA 76
Figure 3.3 Restaurant sign claiming “1000% Non-halal” 85
Figure 4.1 Lokon students participate in the Flag Ceremony
(Upacara Bendera)104
Figure 4.2 Students in Catholic religious education at Lokon 121
Figure 5.1 Madrasah students perform a nationalist song 126
Figure 5.2 Newly refurbished mosque at MAN 132
Figure 5.3 MAN students take turns reciting for the Khataman
Al-Qur’an event 138
Figure 6.1 Muslim and Protestant exchange program participants
pose with Catholic seminarians in a chapel at the
Sacred Heart Seminary 159
Figure 6.2 Exchange program participants eat in the cafeteria
among seminarians 170
Figure 7.1 Governor Olly Dondokambey inducts new members
into the FKUB in 2016 184

xi
abbreviations

Aliansi Makapetor: Aliansi Masyarakat Kawanua yang Peduli Toleransi

(Alliance of Minahasans Who Care about Tolerance)
BKSAUA: Badan Kerja Sama Antar Umat Beragama
(Committee for Interreligious Cooperation)
BMI: Brigade Manguni Indonesia
FKUB: Forum Kerukunan Umat Beragama (Interreligious
Harmony Forum)
FPI: Front Pembela Islam (Islamic Defenders Front)
GMIM: Gereja Masehi Injili di Minahasa (Christian
Evangelical Church in Minahasa)
HTI: Hizbut Tahrir Indonesia
IAIN: Institut Agama Islam Negeri (State Islamic Institute
[of Higher Education])
JAJAK: Jaringan Kerja Kasih (Labor of Love Network)
Kemendikbud: Kementerian Pendidikan dan Kebudayaan (Ministry
of Education and Culture)
KGPM: Kerapatan Gereja Protestan Minahasa (Union of
Minahasan Protestant Churches)
KKN:  korupsi, kolusi, nepotisme (corruption, collusion,
nepotism)
Komnas HAM: Komisi Nasional Hak Asasi Manusia (National
Commission on Human Rights)
KPK: Komisi Pemberantasan Korupsi (Corruption
Eradication Commission)
KTSP: Kurikulum Tingkat Satuan Pendidikan
(School-Based Curriculum)
MAN: Madrasah Aliyah Negeri (State madrasah [senior
secondary level])
MPR: Majelis Permusyawaratan Rakyat (People’s
Consultative Assembly)
MUI: Majelis Ulama Indonesia (Indonesian Council of
Ulama)

xiii
xiv : Abbreviations

NU: Nahdlatul Ulama

NZG: Nederlandsch Zendeling Genootschap (Netherlands
Missionary Society)
OSIS: Organisasi Siswa Intra Sekolah (Student Council
Organization)
P4: Pedoman Penghayatan dan Pengalaman Pancasila
(Training for the Application and Realization of
Pancasila)
PKn: Pendidikan Kewarganegaraan (Citizenship
Education)
PMP: Pendidikan Moral Pancasila (Pancasila Moral
Education)
PPKn: Pendidikan Pancasila dan Kewarganegaraan
(Pancasila and Citizenship Education)
Rohis: Rohani Islam (Muslim Students’ Club)
Rohkris: Rohani Kristen (Christian [Protestant] Students’
Club)
SARA:  suku, agama, ras, dan antar-golongan (ethnicity,
religion, race, and intergroup relations)
STAKN: Sekolah Tinggi Agama Kristen Negeri (State
Christian [Protestant] School [of Higher Education])
Ethics of Belonging
1 Introduction
Deliberating the Ethics of Belonging

During their afternoon civic education lesson, tenth-grade

Muslim students in the public madrasah1 of the Protestant-majority city of
Manado, Indonesia, discussed the topic of diversity. The teacher, Ibu
Aisyah,2 stood in front of her class, enthusiastically leading them through
the material despite it being the last period of the school day. Students
sitting at wooden desks fanned themselves with their notebooks in the
afternoon heat as she proclaimed: “Diversity [keanekaragaman] is part of
Indonesia. Indonesia is extremely plural [majemuk] in terms of religion, tra-
dition, culture—but these are all together in one . . . Imagine if everything
were just one color. Can you imagine if everything were just white? That’s
boring! If there’s a little red, green, and white, that’s beautiful! Variation
interests our eyes; it’s what makes a beautiful and interesting view. Inshallah,
the rest of the world will also see this as interesting.” One student, Muham-
mad, had already voiced his conviction that Indonesia must value diversity,
as the country’s standing in the international community hinges on its abil-
ity to do so. Others had nodded and echoed this sentiment, repeating the
imperative that Indonesians must respect difference.
However, Ibu Aisyah’s follow-up question about how they can respect
diversity and promote national unity as Indonesian citizens proved more
difficult for the students to answer. Though intended to check their under-
standing of the material, her question has more significance than a simple
textbook exercise with a predetermined answer. Indeed, the same question
has become increasingly relevant in the public sphere as debates about reli-
gious and national belonging are waged in Indonesia. The problematic of
maintaining national cohesion has surged to the fore with diverging visions
of nation, each relying on a particular approach toward religious difference
and a framework for coexistence. In the midst of these debates, one necessary
measure to ensure the future integrity of the multireligious and multiethnic

1
2 : Chapter 1

nation emerges as unanimous: Indonesian youth must be taught the impor-

tance of respecting and appreciating difference.
As the relationship between religion and nation and the accompanying
frameworks for accommodating religious pluralism remain unsettled,
schools have faced increasing pressure to shape both religiously devout and
inclusive citizens, stressing a discourse of unity and coherence in a society
where religious belonging is imbued with increasing social and political
significance. This book aims to elucidate how schools are central sites for
deliberation about the ethics and politics of coexistence and belonging in
the national project.
Back in the classroom as students struggled to respond to the question,
a couple of hesitant suggestions were met with critical laughter from fellow
students. “We can use technology to help us?” a student named Wahyu pro-
posed, her transformation of a statement into a question belying her uncer-
tainty. Another’s tentative remark that in order to respect difference, we
must “pay attention to difference” (memperhatikan perbedaan) was equally
sanctioned with muffled laughter. Finally, Ibu Aisyah praised Rifqi, who
argued that in order to respect diversity, Indonesians must simultaneously
protect the unity and integrity of the nation. As they quickly made the con-
nection, several students spontaneously recited the national motto, “Unity
in Diversity” (Bhinneka Tunggal Ika).
As the question of how to maintain cohesion is being raised with
increasing vigor in modern plural societies, I contend that it is important to
ask not only what schools teach about diversity, but how educational institu-
tions become sites of deliberation about belonging. The question of how to
approach difference and construct belonging on various levels scaling up
to and including the national framework is an inherently ethical one, neces-
sarily accompanied by ideologies and practices of inclusion and exclusion.
Within the process of ethical socialization, schools are important institu-
tions that aim to socialize citizens into particular national frameworks,
encoding perspectives on difference and belonging through the negotiation
and interpretation of the government-mandated curriculum. In addition,
schools put forth understandings of difference through their own policies
and attitudes toward dealing with diversity. However, this is not the end of
the educational process—with knowledge and dispositions simply stamped
onto student subjectivities—but only just the beginning.
Rather than locating schools as institutions within a faithful process
of social reproduction, I emphasize the contingency of the educational pro-
cess and the “deliberation” that occurs therein (Varenne 2007). Firstly,
 Introduction : 3

education must be considered as a multicentered process in which schools,

while clearly important sites of socialization, are only one of many spheres of
influence. Secondly, education does not proceed unidirectionally, as dis-
courses about belonging—and the ethical positioning that accompanies
them—do not end at the school or with the individuals who encounter
them. Viewed through the lens of ethical reflection and drawing on an
understanding of “reflective freedom” as central to ethical life (Laidlaw
2014, 177), the process of education is instead understood in this case as
deliberation about ethical frameworks for approaching religious coexistence
in a plural society.
Considering education as an ongoing process of negotiation rather than
one of teleological reproduction opens up the conceptual possibility for
understanding its broader connection to public ethical culture beyond sim-
ply providing context or framing. This approach, broadening the typical
view of educational institutions, highlights their importance in ethical
socialization in conjunction with other institutions and interactions at mul-
tiple levels. With the understanding that there is no singular foundation for
ethics and ethical reasoning, I take schools as a point of departure for locat-
ing the ethical frameworks of religious difference that are channeled through
them, both connecting schools to their broader political context and consid-
ering how the frameworks they circulate become grounded in subjectivities.
This connection ultimately allows for a consideration of how ethical streams
channeled through institutions and negotiated by the individuals and
groups who constitute them can contribute to the formation of a public eth-
ical culture regarding the question of who belongs and how to coexist.

Religion and Belonging in Manado,

North Sulawesi

The Protestant-majority province of North Sulawesi and its capital city,

Manado, claim to successfully model tolerance and interreligious relations
for the rest of Indonesia. The particularities of the province as a Christian
stronghold that simultaneously asserts the importance of religious harmony
provide an important perspective on the mediation of religious identity in
the public sphere and the deliberation about the contours of plural coexis-
tence. Part of North Sulawesi’s unique position in Indonesia stems from its
religious makeup when compared to the country as a whole. While 87 per-
cent of Indonesians profess Islam and only 7 percent profess Protestant
4 : Chapter 1

Christianity, the majority/minority dynamics are flipped in North Sulawesi.

Protestants represent over 61 percent, Muslims account for 33 percent, and
Catholics are 4 percent of the province’s population (Badan Pusat Statistik
Sulawesi Utara 2021, 254). Hindus make up 1 percent of the provincial popu-
lation, and Buddhists and Confucians together make up less than 1 percent.
North Sulawesi, with its popular motto “We Are All Brothers”3
(Manado: Torang Samua Basudara), is often praised by local leaders as a
model of plural coexistence for Indonesia and projects this identity at the
national level. In 2017, Manado was named the most tolerant city in Indone-
sia, a designation celebrated among its inhabitants (Setara Institute for
Democracy and Peace 2017). Discourses and performances identifying North
Sulawesi in terms of its proclaimed success in religious harmony (kerukunan
beragama) continue to circulate, framing conversations about diversity in the
public sphere (Swazey 2013). Today, this important designation of North
Sulawesi as a region of religious harmony fosters a local sense of purpose and
identity among individuals of various religious and ethnic backgrounds.
Nonetheless, there is a lack of consensus about what guarantees peace
in the region and how to secure and maintain coexistence. Furthermore,

Figure 1.1 Map of North Sulawesi (excluding Sangihe and Talaud islands).
Credit: Edhylius Sean.
 Introduction : 5

ethnic identity is entangled with religious identity, as belonging to the

Minahasan ethnic group (which comprises several subethnic groups) is syn-
onymous with being Christian in the popular imagination. Yet, in reality,
ethnic and religious identifications do not always overlap neatly. While
many leaders and organizations praise coexistence in the province as a result
of collaboration and cultural resources aimed at discouraging exclusivism,
some argue that its identity as harmonious is guaranteed solely by its compo-
sition as a Christian-majority region, essentializing Christianity as a religion
of love and, as a result, implicitly projecting Muslims as ethnic and religious
outsiders to the region (Larson 2021).
As Indonesia ushered in a new democratic government and launched a
massive decentralization campaign, ethno-religious conflicts broke out in
several regions in Indonesia in the late 1990s and early 2000s, particularly in
the neighboring provinces of Central Sulawesi, Maluku, and North Maluku
(Sidel 2006; Wilson 2008). Significant numbers of Christian and Muslim
refugees fled to Manado, and tensions ran high as many feared the region
would also become embroiled in conflict (Duncan 2005). That the region
was ultimately able to remain peaceful during such a turbulent time—with
the help of the proactive attitude of the local government and their coopera-
tion with community and religious leaders (Panggabean 2017)—was an
important affirmation of coexistence across ethnic and religious lines. This
has led to another popular local catchphrase, “Sulut sulit disulut” (North
Sulawesi is difficult to ignite), typically indicating that Manadonese are not
easily provoked into conflict, because of normative expectations of religious
harmony and a tendency toward skepticism that prevents people from being
drawn into divisive rumors without verification.
A network consisting of local religious leaders, intellectuals, activists,
and journalists, called JAJAK (Jaringan Kerja Kasih, or Labor of Love
Network), formed specifically with the goal of maintaining peaceful coexis-
tence and resisting conflict during that time. They convinced the governor
to declare both 2002 and 2003 the Year of Love, as an exhortation to main-
tain religious coexistence as much as to celebrate it. The monument Bukit
Kasih, or the Hill of Love, was built in 2002 to enshrine religious harmony,
materialized through miniature houses of worship for each of the officially
recognized religions of Indonesia, set side by side against the stunning back-
drop of a volcano (Thufail 2012, 365).
JAJAK produced a booklet in 2003 entitled “From North Sulawesi,
We Save Indonesia,” which expressed an aspiration not only to maintain
peaceful coexistence but to lead the way forward as an example for the rest
6 : Chapter 1

of the archipelago. The group praise God for maintaining peace while simul-
taneously admitting that the work is not done, and that the people of North
Sulawesi must continue to “search for a socio-cultural mechanism with a
religious foundation that is strongly rooted in the society of North Sulawesi,
able to ward off violent conflicts and uphold harmony and peace” (Boroma
and Alkartiri 2003).
In contemporary North Sulawesi, there remains a strong sense of pride
in the province’s reputation for religious harmony. While there is agreement
on the importance of maintaining religious coexistence, just as for the stu-
dents in the madrasah from the story above, the answer for how to do so
remains more elusive. Beyond the strong efforts toward interreligious dia-
logue and the presence of regional organizations to facilitate dialogue and
cooperation, there is little agreement about what enabled the area to avoid
violent conflict and how to continue to do that in the future.
As religious belonging has come to the foreground in Indonesia more
generally, there has been a strong effort to maintain a Christian-inflected
public sphere in North Sulawesi through demonstrations of religiosity and
political influence. Fears about the religious future of the province and
about the influence of Islam, which is perceived as encroaching, shape public
discussions about religious tolerance, as there is a tension between efforts to
promote religious harmony and efforts to leverage the majority-Christian
population to secure a strong Christian environment and influence.4 Fur-
thermore, many Minahasans assume causal linkages between the primarily
Christian population and the history of religious harmony in the region,
evoking an understanding of toleration dependent upon the goodwill of the
majority, rather than the cultivation of a basis for plural belonging.
In the midst of this broad political and religious dynamic, my focus on
educational institutions is intentional in its potential to demonstrate a medi-
ation between multiple levels of analysis and societal spheres. The curriculum
is developed on a national level, reflecting national concerns and normative
political understandings—yet it is delivered in Manado, put into context by
local teachers, and its potential resonance with students depends on their
own experiences and perspectives. Furthermore, as described in chapter 2,
education has the tendency to become an arena for debate about the religion-
state relationship and the role of religion in public life. As various frameworks
for coexistence circulate through national and local debates, they also impact
the possibilities for and actual processes of ethical socialization in schools.
Observing a lack of consensus in public debates about how to respect
and value difference, I began to investigate how these negotiations and
 Introduction : 7

deliberations extend into schools and impact the way that youth may learn
about and form understandings of difference. I use this approach to demon-
strate the transformative potential of these deliberations in the context of
education, as schools not only disseminate and reproduce existing under-
standings but “scale-up” (R. W. Hefner 2021, 12) normative understandings
of diversity and pluralism. This book recenters educational institutions as
important and dynamic sites for understanding the relationship between
interpersonal ethical deliberation and the emergence of public ethical
culture.

Indonesia’s Challenges for Unity in Diversity

The discussion of plural society and the possibilities for plural coexis-
tence throughout this book focuses on the varied and divergent ethical
streams in the public sphere and their ramifications for visions of nation in
contemporary, democratic Indonesia. Historically, the extraordinary diver-
sity of the Malay-Indonesian world has long attracted the attention of cul-
tural and political observers. British civil servant and scholar J. S. Furnivall
wrote of the Netherlands East Indies during the late colonial period as a
prime example of a plural society, where “lack of a common will” among
diverse social groups forebode instability and potential conflict (Furnivall
2010 [1939], 447). Of course, many of the social divisions noted by Furnivall
materialized as a direct consequence of colonial intervention, and were
subsequently leveraged to the advantage of colonial rule. Through the cre-
ation of a national project, the Indonesian archipelago has largely been able
to overcome difference to maintain unity. Yet, even with a strong founda-
tion for civic pluralism, a number of factors have posed challenges for
national cohesion and religious coexistence, including more recent concerns
over a climate of increasing Islamic conservatism (Van Bruinessen 2013),
state repression, and democratic regression (Menchik 2019; Warburton and
Aspinall 2019).
Indonesia, the world’s most populous Muslim-majority country, is a
multiconfessional state that recognizes six official religions.5 Following more
than three decades of authoritarian rule under President Suharto, Indonesia
has since 1998 undergone a successful democratic transition and consolida-
tion to become the third-largest democracy in the world (Künkler and Ste-
pan 2013). Muslim intellectuals and organizations made major contributions
to a public ethical culture able to support democracy, undergirded by a “civil
8 : Chapter 1

pluralist Islam” (R. W. Hefner 2000, 12). In addition, Christian leaders have
continually played important roles in supporting a nationalist project
defined by a multireligious citizenship based on the national ideology of
Pancasila (R. W. Hefner 2017, 99).6 Despite the extraordinary ethnic and
religious diversity across the archipelago, Indonesia managed to maintain
national unity during the transition, which also entailed a massive project
of decentralization to give increasing autonomy to regions outside the island
of Java.
However, as mentioned above, outbreaks of sectarian and ethno-reli-
gious violence in various regions across Indonesia during the late 1990s and
early 2000s have placed issues of national cohesion and management of
diversity at the center of public debate, highlighting communal tensions and
challenges for plural coexistence. Some analyses of these ethno-religious
conflicts in Indonesia have tended to treat them as economic-resource and/or
political-power grabs veiled in religious sentiments (Li 2007). Yet, others
have importantly articulated that for many who experienced the violence,
religion was central in how they understood and participated in or responded
to the conflict (Duncan 2013, 3), and that anxieties about religious represen-
tation and threats to their religious identities impacted the evolution of
violence over this period (Sidel 2006, 16). North Maluku (directly east of
North Sulawesi) had previously articulated a collective identity around
Christian-Muslim religious harmony, yet descended into communal vio-
lence that devastated the region (Wilson 2008). The memory of the conflict
continues to organize and divide social, political, and economic life across
religious lines today.
The way religion was mobilized and experienced in the communal
conflicts in Indonesia indicates its important ramifications for identity,
piety, and citizenship beyond the localized regions where they took place.
Although the frequency and severity of large-scale conflicts have decreased,
intolerance is shifting from the “radical fringe into the mainstream” (Jones
2013, 125), posing challenges for Indonesian democracy and cohesion. This
book intervenes in the conversation, working to understand the ethical
deliberation about religious coexistence taking place on a daily basis in a
province that valorizes it as an ideal, yet simultaneously struggles to negoti-
ate its relationship to its Christian-majority identity. In everyday practices at
schools, which are viewed as important institutions in a multicentered pro-
cess of socialization, how are ethical frames of religious difference circulated,
deliberated, and enacted? Before turning more specifically to the theoretical
concerns of the book regarding the question of education, I discuss the
 Introduction : 9

observed trend of increasing Islamic conservatism in Indonesia and explain

how the case of North Sulawesi can contribute to understanding the
national dynamics of Indonesia as well as the topics of education and minor-
ity religious groups across Southeast Asia.
Concerns about increasing intolerance are linked to developments
within Indonesian Islam since the transition to democracy, notably an
increasing conservatism and pluralization of religious authority. Martin van
Bruinessen has characterized this as a “conservative turn” in Indonesian
Islam, marked most clearly by the 2005 fatwa issued by the MUI, the Indo-
nesian Council of Ulama (a government-sponsored assembly of Islamic
scholars), proclaiming secularism, pluralism, and religious liberalism as ide-
ologies at odds with Islamic teachings (Van Bruinessen 2013, 3). While cer-
tainly vocal and influential, this more conservative brand of Islam must be
contextualized within another major trend: the pluralization of religious
authority in Indonesian Islam. In addition to the influence of Salafi move-
ments and Islamist political parties, Indonesia has seen trends of celebrity
religious gurus and self-help training programs popular among middle-class
Muslims (Rudnyckyj 2010; Hoesterey 2012). The recent proliferation of
Muslim schools also attests to the varied organizations and movements
seeking to forward their own interpretations in the context of both the frag-
mentation of religious authority and the increasing influence of Islamic
conservatism (R. W. Hefner 2009, 97).
This conservative turn within Indonesian Islam must also be analyzed
in the context of broader debates about religious plurality and citizenship,
and the perspective of a Christian-majority region is strategic in this
regard. Christians are not simply responding to trends in Islam; they are
also working to forge a way forward and negotiate their position within
the plural Indonesian nation. At its most extreme, for Christians in North
Sulawesi, this trend has entailed talks of secession if there is no longer a
place guaranteed for Christians in the national project, though these dis-
cussions have remained largely out of the mainstream. The national pro-
tests that erupted in 2016–2017 against Jakarta’s Christian and ethnic
Chinese governor Basuki Tjahaja Purnama (known as Ahok) demon-
strated the continued, and even bolstered, strength of hard-line Islamic
groups and their ability to mobilize followers. These protests centered on
charges of blasphemy against Islam based on Ahok’s comments in an
edited viral online video that surfaced during his reelection campaign, a
political and religious dynamic that brought concerns about belonging to
the fore for many Indonesian Christians.
10 : Chapter 1

In contemporary Indonesia, religion is increasingly foregrounded in

belonging and identity (Ricklefs 2012), and debates about the role of religion
within the nation itself are taking place. While perspectives on multicultur-
alism tend to presuppose religious difference as a readily identifiable and
necessarily salient form of difference, an ethnographic approach offers an
important perspective by demonstrating under what circumstances religious
difference emerges. Previous perspectives have overlooked the possibility
that the salience of religious identities and boundaries may shift in various
contexts. The empirical approach taken in this research, focusing on how
understandings of religious difference are socialized, pushes back against an
assumption that these developments in the religious and political situation
have necessarily hardened religious boundaries. In investigating daily navi-
gation of religious boundaries, these chapters demonstrate how the signifi-
cance of religious boundaries shifts on various levels through embodied and
discursive manifestations of religious belonging and difference, and as Mus-
lims and Christians in North Sulawesi navigate shifting positionalities and
modes of subjectivity. In this process, schools are important sites where
Indonesian youth (and their teachers) deliberate about religious difference
and the contours of belonging.

Contested Frames of Belonging in Manado

Manado is a coastal city with a population of more than 450,000. In

this book, I switch between discussions of the city of Manado and of the
broader region, since in the local understanding Minahasa and Manado
are interchangeable identifiers, loosely linked to notions of geography and
ethnicity rather than referring to technically defined administrative units
(Renwarin 2006, 16). Most of the ethnographic research in this book was
conducted in Manado or in nearby Tomohon, a small city of just over one
hundred thousand inhabitants in the Minahasan highlands with a higher
proportion of Catholics in the population (nearly 25 percent) and a relatively
small Muslim population (less than 3 percent) (Badan Pusat Statistik
Sulawesi Utara 2021, 254).
In terms of ethnicity, the majority of Manado’s inhabitants, as well as
the inhabitants of nearby regencies and cities of Tomohon and Bitung, are
Minahasan. The term Minahasa means “united,” referring to historical alli-
ances among groups in the region against the Bolaang to the south and
political unification linked to Dutch colonization (Henley 1996, 30). Ethnic
 Introduction : 11

Minahasans are primarily Protestant, resulting in an overlap of ethnic and

religious identity. Widespread conversion to Protestantism took place in the
mid-to-late nineteenth century among Minahasan highlanders, who had
previously adhered to indigenous religious traditions. Christianization of
the region was inextricably intertwined with processes of colonization and
education (explored in more detail in chapter 4). In 1934, the synod in
Minahasa broke from the Dutch-controlled Protestant Church to form an
independent Protestant denomination: the Christian Evangelical Church
in Minahasa (GMIM—Gereja Masehi Injili di Minahasa). While the
GMIM remains the most prominent church in the region today, there are
dozens of additional Protestant denominations active in the region. This
includes another indigenous denomination, the Union of Minahasan Prot-
estant Churches (KGPM—Kerapatan Gereja Protestan Minahasa), as well as
several Indonesian and global denominations of evangelical and Pentecostal
churches, and the Adventist church, among others.
Other ethnic groups represented in Manado include Sangihe, Bolaang-
Mongondow, Talaud, Gorontalo, Tionghoa (ethnic Chinese), Bugis, Ter-
nate, Maluku, Batak, and Javanese (Pomalingo 2004, 58). Muslims are from
a variety of ethnic backgrounds, some indigenous to the broader region,
and others present in North Sulawesi from either historical or recent migra-
tion. In Manado, there are some primarily Muslim neighborhoods, often
related to historical settlements of traders or patterns of migration rather
than a clear delineation of distinct religious territories, as is the case for
some of the nearby post-conflict regions, such as in Ambon. In general,
Christians from the island of Sangihe (who are not ethnic Minahasan) and
Muslims from various ethnic groups are more concentrated in the northern
part of the city, where there is also less access to public services, a distinction
that may partially relate to colonial-era planning and settlements (Patandi-
anan and Sumampouw 2016, 67). Most neighborhoods in the city, however,
remain substantially diverse, providing ongoing opportunities for interreli-
gious interaction. In the wider province, there are also many Muslim com-
munities within predominantly Christian Minahasan villages that have
had little difficulty in establishing mosques and participating in the local
democratic processes (Rusli 2020, 24). The rising middle class in this rela-
tively prosperous province includes both Christians and Muslims, making
it difficult to give blanket statements about the intersection of class with
ethnic and religious identity. Yet, political representation and land owner-
ship remain disproportionately concentrated in the hands of Minahasan
Christians.
Figure 1.2 Jesus Bless Monument (Monumen Yesus Memberkati) in Manado.
Another random document with
no related content on Scribd:
 C’est une des caractéristiques du génie de Henri Poincaré qu’il
réunit un prodigieux esprit d’invention à un esprit critique
extrêmement aiguisé. Sa critique semble même aller parfois
jusqu’au scepticisme; il contemplait sans tristesse les ruines des
théories. Alors que d’autres constatent avec regret que certaines
idées ne s’accommodent plus aux faits, et commencent par penser
que ceux-ci ont été mal vus ou mal interprétés, Poincaré a plutôt une
tendance contraire, bien qu’elle se soit peut-être atténuée dans les
dernières années. Ainsi un jeune physicien ayant cru jadis pouvoir
s’inscrire contre la célèbre expérience de Rowland, d’après laquelle
une charge électrique en mouvement produit un champ magnétique
conformément à la théorie de Maxwell, cette annonce ne parut pas
étonner Poincaré. Nul n’eut moins que lui la notion statique d’une
science se reposant sur quelques conquêtes définitives, et c’est ce
qui explique que plusieurs se soient crus autorisés à tirer de certains
de ses écrits, où il poussait sa tendance critique presque jusqu’au
paradoxe, des conclusions sur la vanité de la Science contre
lesquelles il dut protester.
Quelques Préfaces des Leçons de Poincaré ont vivement attiré
l’attention. Dans l’Introduction du Livre Électricité et Optique, il
discute ce qu’on doit entendre par «interprétation mécanique d’un
phénomène». Cette interprétation est ramenée d’après lui à la
possibilité de la formation d’un système d’équations de Lagrange
avec un certain nombre de paramètres que
l’expérience atteint directement et permet de mesurer. Dans ces
équations figurent l’énergie cinétique et une fonction des forces
. Cette possibilité étant supposée, on pourra toujours déterminer
masses (masses visibles ou cachées) et leurs coordonnées (
) fonctions des (en prenant assez grand), de manière
que la force vive de ce système de masses soit égale à l’énergie
cinétique figurant dans les équations de Lagrange.
L’indétermination est ici très grande, et c’est précisément là qu’en
veut venir Poincaré, dont la conclusion est que, s’il y a une
explication mécanique, il y en a une infinité. Il faut avouer, dirons-
nous, que cette indétermination est même trop grande, car on perd
complètement de vue les corps en présence. Ainsi, suivant les
formes qu’auront l’ensemble des masses partiellement
indéterminées , on n’aura pas nécessairement dans la suite les
mêmes mouvements; il pourra, par exemple, y avoir ou non des
chocs. Que devient aussi la répartition des forces réelles dans les
systèmes en partie fictifs auxquels on est ainsi conduit?
Dans la Préface de sa Thermodynamique, Poincaré, voulant
descendre en quelque sorte jusqu’au fond du principe de la
conservation de l’énergie, conclut que «la loi de Meyer est une forme
assez souple pour qu’on puisse y faire rentrer presque tout ce qu’on
veut». Il semble à la vérité un peu effrayé de sa conclusion, car il
ajoute plus loin qu’il ne faut pas «pousser jusqu’à l’absolu». Nous
retrouverons cet esprit hypercritique, si j’ose le dire, clans certains
écrits philosophiques de Poincaré.
Poincaré, sans cesse curieux de nouvelles théories et de
nouveaux problèmes, ne pouvait manquer d’être attiré par
l’Électromagnétisme qui tient une si grande place dans la Science de
notre époque. On ne saurait trop admirer avec quelle sûreté et
quelle maîtrise il repense les diverses théories, les faisant ainsi
siennes. Il leur donne parfois une forme saisissante, comme quand,
dans l’exposition de la théorie de Lorentz, il distingue entre les
observateurs ayant les sens subtils et les observateurs ayant les
sens grossiers. La considération, bien personnelle à Poincaré, de ce
qu’il appelle «la quantité de mouvement électromagnétique», la
localisation de celle-ci dans l’éther et sa propagation avec une
perturbation électromagnétique sont venues rétablir d’importantes
analogies. Le Mémoire sur la dynamique de l’électron, écrit en 1905,
restera dans l’histoire du principe de la relativité; le groupe des
transformations de Lorentz, qui n’altèrent pas les équations d'un
milieu électromagnétique, y apparaît comme la clef de voûte dans la
discussion des conditions auxquelles doivent satisfaire les forces
dans la nouvelle dynamique. La nécessité de l’introduction dans
l’électron de forces supplémentaires, en dehors des forces de liaison
est établie, ces forces supplémentaires pouvant être assimilées à
une pression qui régnerait à l’extérieur de l’électron. Poincaré
montre encore quelles hypothèses on peut faire sur la gravitation
pour que le champ grafivique soit affecté par une transformation de
Lorentz de la même manière que le champ électromagnétique.
 On sait l’importance qu’a prise aujourd’hui le principe de la
relativité, dont le point de départ est l’impossibilité, proclamée sur la
foi de quelques expériences négatives, de mettre en évidence le
mouvement de translation uniforme d’un système au moyen
d’expériences d’optique ou d’électricité faites à l’intérieur de ce
système. En admettant, d’autre part, que les idées de Lorentz et ses
équations électromagnétiques sont inattaquables, on a été conduit à
regarder comme nécessaire le changement de nos idées sur
l’espace et sur le temps; espace et temps ( ) n’ont plus
leurs transformations séparées et entrent simultanément dans le
groupe de Lorentz. La simultanéité de deux phénomènes devient
une notion toute relative; un phénomène peut être antérieur à un
autre pour un premier observateur, tandis qu’il lui est postérieur pour
un second. Les mathématiciens, intéressés par un groupe de
transformations qui transforment en elle-même la forme quadratique
( = vitesse de la lumière) se sont livrés à
d’élégantes dissertations sur ce sujet et ont sans doute contribué à
la popularité du principe de relativité. A d’autres époques, on eût
peut-être, avant de rejeter les idées traditionnelles de l’humanité sur
l’espace et le temps, passé au crible d’une critique extrêmement
sévère les conceptions sur l’éther et la formation des équations de
l’électromagnétisme; mais le désir du nouveau ne connaît pas de
bornes aujourd’hui. Les objections ne manquent pas cependant, et
d’illustres physiciens, comme Lord Kelvin et Ritz, sans parler des
vivants, ont émis des doutes très motivés. La Science assurément
ne connaît point de dogmes, et il se peut que des expériences
positives précises nous forcent un jour à modifier certaines idées
devenues notions de sens commun; mais le moment en est-il déjà
venu?
Poincaré voyait le danger de ces engouements, et, dans une
conférence sur la dynamique nouvelle, il adjurait les professeurs de
ne pas jeter le discrédit sur la vieille Mécanique qui a fait ses
preuves. Et puis, il a vécu assez pourvoir les principaux
protagonistes des idées nouvelles ruiner partiellement au moins leur
œuvre. Dans tout ce relativisme, il reste un absolu, à savoir la
vitesse de la lumière dans le vide, indépendante de l’état de repos
ou de mouvement de la source lumineuse. Cet absolu va
probablement disparaître, les équations de Lorentz ne représentant
plus qu’une première approximation. Les plus grandes difficultés
viennent de la gravitation, au point que certains théoriciens de la
Physique croient ne pouvoir les lever qu’en attribuant de l’inertie et
un poids à l’énergie, d’où en particulier la pesanteur de la lumière. Si
Poincaré avait vécu, il eût sans doute été conduit à rapprocher des
vues actuelles son essai de 1905 sur la gravitation. Au milieu des
incertitudes qui se présentent aujourd’hui en électro-optique, son
esprit lumineux va nous manquer singulièrement. Il faut avouer que
dans tout cela les bases expérimentales sont fragiles, et peut-être
Poincaré eût-il suggéré des expériences apportant un peu de
lumière dans cette obscurité.
Un des derniers travaux de Poincaré a été une discussion
approfondie de la théorie des quanta, édifiée par Planck, d’après
laquelle l’énergie des radiateurs lumineux varierait d’une manière
discontinue. De ce point de vue «les phénomènes physiques, dit
Poincaré, cesseraient d’obéir à des lois exprimables par des
équations différentielles, et ce serait là sans aucun doute la plus
grande révolution et la plus profonde que la philosophie naturelle ait
subie depuis Newton». Quelque grande, en effet, que doive être
cette révolution, il est permis toutefois de remarquer que des
circonstances plus ou moins analogues se sont déjà présentées.
Ainsi, dans un gaz à la pression ordinaire, ou peut parler de pression
et l’on peut appliquer les équations différentielles de la dynamique
des fluides; il n’en est plus de même dans un gaz raréfié, où il n’est
plus possible de parler de pression. Il faudra peut-être nous résigner
à faire usage, suivant les limites entre lesquelles nous étudions une
catégorie de phénomènes, de représentations analytiques
différentes, si pénible que puisse être cette sorte de pluralisme pour
ceux qui rêvent d’unité. Mais c’est là encore le secret de l’avenir, et il
serait imprudent d’affirmer qu’on ne trouvera pas quelque biais
permettant de rétablir dans nos calculs la continuité.
 V.
Les nombreux écrits de Poincaré, sur ce qu’on appelle la
philosophie des sciences, ont fait connaître son nom à un public très
étendu. Nous entrons ici dans un autre domaine que celui des
recherches proprement scientifiques, et je n’ai pas l’intention
d’étudier à fond cette partie de son œuvre. Il y est tout d’abord
singulièrement difficile de se rendre compte de l’originalité de telle
ou telle étude; ainsi, dans ses écrits sur l’hypothèse dans la Science,
Poincaré s’est rencontré plus d’une fois avec divers auteurs, mais
l’illustration de son nom, consacrée par tant de découvertes
mathématiques, donnait à ses opinions une autorité particulière. La
forme en ces questions est aussi de grande importance. La phrase
concise de Poincaré, allant droit au but, parfois avec une légère
pointe de paradoxe, produit une singulière impression; on est un
moment subjugué, même quand on sent qu’on n’est pas d’accord
avec l’auteur. Mainte page de Poincaré a produit sur plus d’un
lecteur un vif sentiment d’admiration en même temps qu’une sorte
d’effroi et d’agacement devant tant de critique.
On a parlé quelquefois de la philosophie de Poincaré. En fait,
penseur indépendant, étranger à toute école, Poincaré ne chercha
jamais à édifier un système philosophique, comme un Renouvier, un
Bergson ou même un William James. Il a écrit des livres de
«Pensées», où savants et philosophes trouvent ample matière à
réflexions. Il n’est esclave d’aucune opinion, pas même de celle qu’il
a émise antérieurement, et il sera un jour intéressant de suivre
certaines variations de la sa pensée, où l’on voit quelque peu
s’atténuer ce qu’on a appelé son nominalisme. Il fut ainsi conduit à
expliquer certaines affirmations qui, prises trop à la lettre, avaient été
mal comprises et utilisées dans un dessein dont il n’avait aucun
souci.
 Si l’on voulait toutefois caractériser d’un mot les idées de
Poincaré, on pourrait dire que sa philosophie est la philosophie de la
commodité. Dans quelques unes de ses pages, le mot commode
revient constamment et constitue le terme de son explication.
D’aucuns pensent qu’il faudrait donner les raisons de cette
commodité, et, parmi eux, les plus pressants sont les biologistes
toujours guidés par l’idée d’évolution. La commodité résultera pour
eux d’une longue adaptation, et, ainsi approfondie, deviendra un
témoignage de réalité et de vérité. A l’opposé des évolutionnistes,
d’autres ne voient que l’esprit humain tout formé et sa fonction la
pensée. A certaines heures au moins, Poincaré fut de ces derniers,
et cet idéalisme lui a inspiré des pages d’une admirable poésie qui
resteront dans la littérature française; telle cette dernière page de
son Livre sur la valeur de la Science, qui débute par ces mots «Tout
ce qui n’est pas pensée est le pur néant». Entre des doctrines si
différentes toute communication est impossible, et l’on arrive à se
demander si l’on peut discuter de l’origine des plus simples notions
scientifiques, sans avoir à l’avance une foi philosophique à la
formation de laquelle auront d’ailleurs concouru d’autres éléments
que des éléments proprement scientifiques.
Pour ne pas rester uniquement dans les généralités, arrêtons-
nous un moment sur les principes de la Géométrie. Poincaré part
d’un esprit humain, dans lequel l’idée de groupe préexiste et
s’impose comme forme de notre entendement. L’esprit, après un
travail d’abstraction aboutissant aux premiers concepts de la
Géométrie (point, droite, etc.), cherche à exprimer les rapports de
position des corps; il le fait au moyen de l’idée de groupe, prenant le
groupe le plus commode et le plus simple qui est le groupe de la
géométrie dite euclidienne. Les propriétés géométriques ne
correspondent, pour Poincaré, à aucune réalité; elles forment un
ensemble de conventions que l’expérience a pu suggérer à l’esprit,
mais qu’elle ne lui a pas imposées. L’évolutionniste dont je parlais
plus haut voit là de grandes difficultés, non pas seulement pour la
raison banale que la dualité ainsi posée entre l’esprit et le milieu
extérieur est contraire à sa doctrine, mais parce que, cherchant à
retracer la genèse des origines de la Géométrie dans l’espèce
humaine, il lui paraît impossible de séparer l’acquisition des notions
géométriques et celles des notions physiques les plus simples, la
Géométrie ayant dans des temps très anciens fait partie de la
Physique. Sans changer l’ensemble de ces notions, on ne peut,
semble-t-il, remplacer le groupe euclidien par un autre, et les
exemples cités de transport d’un homme dans un autre milieu (où
cet homme commencerait par mourir) sont plus pittoresques que
probants. On retombe ainsi, sous un autre point de vue, sur les
idées de Gauss qui considérait comme un fait expérimental que la
courbure de notre espace est nulle, et regardait, contrairement à
Poincaré, que la géométrie euclidienne est plus vraie que les
géométries non euclidiennes. Il y a sans doute bien des hypothèses,
ne disons pas des conventions, en Géométrie. C’en est une par
exemple, oubliée quelquefois, que notre espace est simplement
connexe. Peu importe quelle est la connexité de l’espace, quand on
se borne à envisager une partie assez petite, celle-ci s’étendît-elle
jusqu’aux lointaines nébuleuses, mais il pourrait en être autrement
quand on considère l’espace dans son ensemble.
Tous les esprits élevés trouveront, dans l’œuvre philosophique et
littéraire de Poincaré, matière à longues réflexions, soit qu’ils se
laissent convaincre par sa dialectique, soit qu’ils cherchent des
arguments contraires. Certaines pages sont d’une austère grandeur,
comme celle où la pensée est qualifiée d’«éclair au milieu d’une
longue nuit». Non moins suggestive est la parenthèse ouverte un
peu avant «étrange contradiction pour ceux qui croient au temps»,
où l’on est presque tenté de voir un demi-aveu. Les inquiétudes
qu’on peut concevoir au sujet de la notion même de loi furent-elles
jamais exprimées avec plus de profondeur que dans l’étude sur
l’évolution des lois? J’ai déjà fait allusion au prétendu scepticisme de
Poincaré. Non, Poincaré ne fut pas un sceptique; à certaines heures,
il fut pris, comme d’autres, d’angoisse métaphysique, et il sut
éloquemment l’exprimer. Mais tournons le feuillet, et le savant,
confiant dans l’effort de l’esprit humain pour atteindre le vrai, nous
apparaît dans des pages admirables sur le rôle et la grandeur de la
Science. Les plus belles peut-être forment cet hymne à l’Astronomie
qu’il faudrait faire lire aux jeunes gens à une époque où tend à
dominer le souci exclusif de l’utile. Aucune des préoccupations de
notre temps ne fut d’ailleurs étrangère au noble esprit de Poincaré;
c’est ce dont témoigne une de ses dernières études sur la morale et
la science, où l’argumentation est irréprochable, si par morale on
entend la morale impérative de Kant.
On ne ferme pas sans tristesse ces volumes d’un contenu si riche
et dont quelques parties auraient été l’objet de nouveaux
développements, si la plume n’était tombée des mains de leur
auteur. Tous ceux qui ont le culte de la Science pure et
désintéressée ont été douloureusement émus par sa mort
prématurée, mais ce sont surtout les sciences mathématiques qui
sont cruellement frappées par cette disparition. Poincaré fut, avant
tout, un profond mathématicien, qui, pour la puissance d’invention,
est l’égal des plus grands. L’heure n’est pas venue de porter un
jugement définitif sur son œuvre que le temps grandira encore, ni de
le comparer aux plus célèbres géomètres du siècle dernier: peut-être
Henri Poincaré fût-il encore supérieur à son œuvre?
[1] On sait qu’un savant Finlandais M. Sundmann vient de donner
une solution complète du problème des trois corps. Il serait injuste
de ne pas reconnaître que les travaux antérieurs de Poincaré ont
eu une grande influence sur les recherches de l’astronome
d’Helsingfors. J’ai fait une étude des Mémoires de M. Sundmann
dans un article récent de la Revue générale des Sciences (15
octobre 1913) et dans le Bulletin des Sciences Mathématiques
(octobre 1913).
[2] C’est en approfondissant cette idée, et en ne craignant pas de
comprendre dans son analyse le cas des chocs que M.
Sundmann est arrivé à une solution du problème de trois corps
(voir la note ci-dessus).

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