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 Sixth Edition

A History of the
Roman People

Allen M. Ward
University of Connecticut

Fritz M. Heichelheim

Cedric A. Yeo
First published 2014, 2010, 2003 by Pearson Education, Inc.

Published 2016 by Routledge

2 Park Square, Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxon OX14 4RN
711 Third Avenue, New York, NY, 10017, USA

Routledge is an imprint of the Taylor & Francis Group, an informa business

Copyright © 2014, 2010, 2003 Taylor & Francis

All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reprinted or reproduced or utilised in
any form or by any electronic, mechanical, or other means, now known or hereafter
invented, including photocopying and recording, or in any information storage or
retrieval system, without permission in writing from the publishers.

Notice:
Product or corporate names may be trademarks or registered trademarks, and are
used only for identification and explanation without intent to infringe.

Credits and acknowledgments borrowed from other sources and reproduced, with permission, in this
textbook appear on appropriate page within text.

Cover Designer: Suzanne Duda

ISBN-13: 978-0-205-84679-5 (pbk)

Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data

Ward, Allen Mason.

A history of the Roman people/Allen M. Ward (University of Connecticut), Fritz M. Heichelheim,
Cedric A. Yeo.—Sixth Edition
pages cm
Includes bibliographical references and index.
ISBN-13: 978-0-205-84679-5
1. Rome—History. I. Heichelheim, Fritz M. (Fritz Moritz), 1901–1968. II. Yeo, Cedric A. III. Title.
DG209.W33 2014
937—dc23
2013008137
 Contents

Maps and Illustrations    xv

Preface    xvii

I   Roman History: Its Geographic and Human Foundations 1

Introduction to Roman History 1 The Peoples of Italy ca. 750 to 400 b.c. 7
Geography 1 The Greater Picture 10
The Peoples and Cultures of Pre-Roman Italy 4

II   Phoenicians, Greeks, and Etruscans in Pre-Roman Italy 11

The Phoenicians 11 Etruscan Cities and Their Sociopolitical
Tyre and Its Colonies 13 ­Organization 19
Greek Colonization 14 Women and the Etruscan Family 20
Decline of the Greek Cities in Italy and Sicily 15 Etruscan Culture and Religion 20
The Etruscans 15 Etruscan Art and Architecture 22
The Land of the Etruscans 17 The Role of the Etruscans in Roman History 26
Sources for Etruscan History 18 The Fate of the Etruscans 26
Etruscan Economic Life 18 Overview 27

III   Early Rome to 500 b.c. 28

The Ancient Literary Tradition and Its Sources 28 The Early Roman State 35
Reconstructing Early Roman History 30 The General Picture 39

v
vi  Contents

IV   Early Roman Society, Religion, and Values    40

The Principle of Hierarchy 40 The Openness of Early Roman Society to
The Family 40 Outsiders 48
Patrons and Clients 45 Early Roman Religion 48
Slaves and Freedmen 45 The State, Religion, and War 53
Roman Names and the Gens 45 The Values of Early Roman Society 53
Classes in Roman Society 47 Overview and Significance 55

V   From Tyrant Kings to Oligarchic Republic, 509 to 287 b.c.    56

Sources of Information for Early Republican
History 57
From Kingship to Republic, ca. 510 to
ca. 490 b.c. 58
The Early Form of the Republic 59
The Priesthoods and Priestly
Colleges 61
The Dynamics of Change, 509 to 287 b.c. 63
Growing Plebeian Identity and Rights, ca. 500 to
ca. 400 b.c. 64
A New Period of Reform, 367 to 287 b.c. 68
The Oligarchic Realities of the
Roman ­Republican Constitution
after 287 b.c. 72

VI   The Roman Conquest of Italy and Its Impact, 509 to 264 b.c.    75
Conflicts with Immediate Neighbors 75 The Pyrrhic Wars and the Conquest of Peninsular
The Gallic Sack of Rome 77 Italy 81
Up from Defeat 77 The Manipular Army 83
Initial Conquests in Central Italy 78 The Economic, Social, and Cultural Impact of
The Roman System of Alliances and Citizen Roman Expansion in Italy by 264 b.c. 84
Communities 79 Rome’s Rise Surveyed and Explained 88
Renewed War and Conquests in
Central Italy 80

VII   The First Punic War, Northern Italy, and Illyrian Pirates, 264 to 219 b.c.    90
Sources for Roman History from 264 to
133 b.c. 90
A New Chapter in Rome’s Expansion 92
Carthage 92
Sicily and the Outbreak of the First Punic War,
264 b.c. 94
Initial Carthaginian Setbacks, 263 and
262 b.c. 96
Expansion of the War 96
A Titanic Struggle, 260 to 241 b.c. 96
The Truceless War and Roman Trickery, 241 to
238 b.c. 99
Roman Conquests in Northern Italy 99
The Pirates of Illyria, 229 and
228 b.c. 100
Renewed War with the Gauls,
225 to 220 b.c. 100
Pirates Again, 220 to 219 b.c. 101
Rome’s Rise as a Mediterranean Power
Surveyed 101
 Contents  vii

VIII   War with Hannibal: The Second Punic War, 218 to 201 b.c.    102
Carthaginian Recovery after 238 b.c. 102
The Ebro Treaty 103
Hannibal and the Outbreak of the Second Punic
War 103
Causes of the Second Punic War 104
Hannibal’s War Strategy 105
Roman War Plans 105
Hannibal’s March to the Alps 105
Hannibal’s Early Victories, 218 and 217 b.c. 106
Fabius Maximus, Cunctator, 217 b.c. 107
The Battle of Cannae, 216 b.c. 107
Further Carthaginian Successes 108
The Roman Recovery 108
The First Macedonian War, 215 to 205 b.c. 108
The War in Spain, 218 to 211 b.c. 109
Scipio Africanus 109
The Battle at the Metaurus and the Death of
­Hasdrubal, 207 b.c. 109
The End Approaches 110
The Battle of Zama (Naraggara), 202 b.c. 111
Peace Terms 111
Overview and Reasons for Roman Success 111
Aftermath and the Fate of Hannibal 111

IX   Roman Imperialism East and West, 200 to 133 b.c.    112
Provincial Governors 112
Roman Imperialism in the East 113
Antiochus III (the Great) of Syria and Philip V of
Macedon 114
The Second Macedonian War, 200 to 196 b.c. 115
The Aggressions of Antiochus III (the Great), 196
to 192 b.c. 117
The War with Antiochus III (the Great), 192 to
188 b.c. 118
The Third Macedonian War, 171 to 168/167 b.c. 119
Rome and the Hellenistic East after Pydna
(168 b.c.) 120
Roman Imperialism in the West, 200 to
133 b.c. 122
Northern Italy 122
Successes and Failures in Spain 123
The Third Punic War, 149 to 146 b.c. 124
The Viriathic and Numantine Wars in Spain,
151 to 133 b.c. 127
Overview and Assessment 127

X   The Transformation of Roman Life, 264 to 133 b.c.    129

The Impact of War and Overseas Expansion on Social Change and Discontent 133
Small Farmers 129 Political Developments 139
Coinage and the Monetization of the Overview and Assessment 142
Economy 131
The Growth of Trade, Cities, Industry, and
­Commerce 132

XI   The Great Cultural Synthesis, 264 to 133 b.c.    143

Architecture and Art 143 Law 150
Literature 144 Religion 151
Specialization in Genres 146 Education 152
Prose Literature 147 Overview and Prospect 152
Philosophy 149
viii  Contents

XII   The Gracchi and the Struggle over Reforms, 133 to 121 b.c.    154
Sources for the Period of the Gracchi, 133 to Gaius Gracchus, Tribune of the Plebs, 123 to
121 b.c. 154 122 b.c. 160
Mounting Problems 154 The Reforms of Gaius Gracchus 161
The Tribuneship of Tiberius Gracchus, Livius Drusus 163
133 b.c. 155 The Fall and Death of Gaius Gracchus 163
Tiberius’ Motives 157 The Popularis Political Legacy of the
The Land Commission and Its Impact 159 Gracchi 164
Rome’s Allies and the Death of Scipio 159

XIII   Destructive Rivalries, Marius, and the Social War, 121 to 88 b.c.    165
Sources for the Period from 121 to 88 b.c. 165
Populares and Optimates 165
The Senatus Consultum Ultimum 166
Post-Gracchan Land Legislation 167
Other Internal Matters 167
The Imperial Background to Domestic
Politics 167
The Popularis Rise of Gaius Marius (157 to
86 b.c.) 169
The Slave Revolt in Sicily, 104 to 100 b.c. 171
Piracy in the Eastern Mediterranean 171
The Political Fall of Marius 172
A Decade of Optimate Domination 173
The Explosive Reforms of M. Livius Drusus the
Younger, 91 b.c. 174
The Italian, or Social, War, 90 to 88 b.c. 174
The Aftermath of the Social War 175

XIV   Civil War and Sulla’s Reactionary Settlement, 88 to 78 b.c.    176

Sources for the Years 88 to 78 b.c. 176
Mithridates VI Eupator (134 to 63 b.c.) 176
The Rise of Sulla (138 to 78 b.c.) 177
Cinna’s Consulship, 87 b.c. 178
Marius and His Reign of Terror 178
The Significance of Marius 179
Cinna’s Time (Cinnanum Tempus) 179
Sulla and the East, 87 to 84 b.c. 179
Sulla’s Return to Italy, 83 to 82 b.c. 180
Sulla’s Reign of Terror, 82 b.c. 180
Sulla’s Dictatorship and Political Reforms 181
The Failure of Sulla 183

XV   Personal Ambitions: The Failure of Sulla’s Optimate Oligarchy,

78 to 60 b.c. 184
Sources for Roman History from 78 to 30 b.c. 184
The Rise of Pompey the Great (106 to 48 b.c.),
78 to 71 b.c. 185
The Great (Third) Mithridatic War (74/73 to
63 b.c.) and Lucullus’ Bid for Glory, 74 to
66 b.c. 187
Crassus Seeks Advantage in the Slave War against
Spartacus in Italy, 73 to 71 b.c. 188
The Consulship of Pompey and Crassus,
70 b.c. 189
Cicero Gains Fame in the Trial of Verres,
70 b.c. 190
Tribunes Make Their Marks, and Pompey
Takes Control of the East, 67 to 62 b.c. 191
Rome in the Absence of Pompey 194
After Pompey’s Return, 62 to 60 b.c. 198
 Contents  ix

XVI   Caesar Wins and Is Lost, 60 to 44 b.c.    200

Caesar Partners with Pompey and Crassus, 60 to
58 b.c. 201
Gaul and the Foundation of Caesar’s Might,
58 to 56 b.c. 203
Disorder at Rome and a Renewed Partnership,
58 to 56 b.c. 204
Caesar Overcomes Challenges in Gaul, 56 to
52 b.c. 205
Caesar’s Partners Strive to Keep Up, 56 to
53 b.c. 206
Rivalry and Civil War between Caesar and
Pompey, 53 to 48 b.c. 207
Caesar’s Dictatorships and Final Victory,
48 to 45 b.c. 210
Caesar’s Work of Reconstruction 213
The Assassination of Julius Caesar, March 15,
44 b.c. 215
The Question of Monarchy 215
The Significance of Caesar 216

XVII   The Last Years of the Republic, 44 to 30 b.c.    217

Marcus Antonius Tries to Take Control, 44 to The Approach and Renewal of Civil War, 32 to
43 b.c. 217 30 b.c. 227
The Triumvirate of Octavian, Antonius, and The End of the Republic 229
Lepidus, 43 to 36 b.c. 221
Antonius and Cleopatra Rule the East, 37 to
32 b.c. 226

XVIII   S ocial, Economic, and Cultural Life in the Late Republic,

ca. 133 to ca. 30 b.c.    231
Land, Veterans, and Rural Life 231
Industry and Commerce 232
The Concentration of Wealth 234
Life for the Urban Poor 235
Slaves and Freedmen 236
Italians and Provincials 237
Women in the Late Republic 238
New Waves of Hellenization 240
Education 240
Law and the Legal System 241
The Religious World of the Late Republic 242
Greek Philosophy and the Roman Elite 243
Art and Architecture 244
Late Republican Literature from the Gracchi to
Sulla 245
The Novi Poetae 246
Catullus (ca. 85 to ca. 54 b.c.) 246
Lucretius (ca. 94 to ca. 55 b.c.) 247
Cicero (106 to 43 b.c.) 247
Sallust (86 to ca. 34 b.c.) 247
Caesar (100 to 44 b.c.) 248
Scholarship and Patriotic Antiquarianism 248
The Cultural Legacy of the Late Republic 249

XIX   The Principate of the Early Roman Empire Takes Shape, 29 b.c. to a.d. 14    250
Sources for the Augustan Principate 250 Octavian’s Advantages 251
Hopes for Peace 250 The Evolving Constitutional Arrangements of the
Problems to be Faced 250 Principate 252
x  Contents
The Nature of the Principate 256
The Creation of a Central Administration 257
Social Reforms 260
XX   Imperial Stabilization under Augustus    263
Military Reforms 263
Protection of the Emperor 265
Fiscal Reforms 265
Provincial Reforms 266
Conquests in the West 267
Solidifying Control of the Balkans, Crete, and
Cyrene 270
Holding the East 270
XXI   The Impact of Augustus on Roman Imperial Life and Culture
The Population and Economic Impact
of Rome 279
Agriculture 280
Agricultural Wealth and Urbanization 280
Cities of Italy and the Empire 280
Nonagricultural Trade and Industry 281
The Roman Imperial Coinage 283
Architecture and Art 284
Literature 288
XXII   T he First Two Julio–Claudian Emperors: Tiberius and Gaius (Caligula),
a.d. 14 to 41    294
Sources for the Julio–Claudians 294
Tiberius (a.d. 14 to 37) 296
Germanicus and Agrippina 297
Livia 298
Sejanus 299
The Law of Treason (Maiestas) 299
Tiberius and the Senate: The Increasing Power of
the Princeps 300
Tiberius the Administrator 301
Tiberius’ Last Years and the Succession 302
XXIII   Claudius, Nero, and the End of the Julio–Claudians, a.d. 41 to 68    306
Claudius (a.d. 41 to 54) 306
The Political Philosophy and Policies of
Claudius 307
Religious Reforms 261
Overview and Assessment 262
Road Building 272
The Imperial Post (Cursus Publicus) 272
Colonization 272
Urbanization of the Provinces 274
Growth of the Imperial Cult 274
The Problem of Succession 274
The Death of Augustus 278
279
Vergil (70 to 19 b.c.) 288
Horace (65 to 8 b.c.) 289
The Latin Elegists 290
Latin Prose Writers 291
The Impact of Augustus on Latin Literature 292
Greek Writers 292
Scholarly and Technical Writings 293
Law and Jurisprudence 293
The Augustan Achievement 293
Gaius Caligula (a.d. 37 to 41) 302
A Popular Princeps at First 303
Problems in the Palace 303
Tensions with the Senate 304
Caligula’s Military Operations 304
Fiscal Problems 304
Caligula’s Foreign and Provincial Policies 304
Caligula’s Religious Policies 305
Caligula’s Assassination 305
Overview and Prospect 305
Foreign Policy and Imperial Defense 309
Colonization, Urbanization, and Romanization in
the Provinces 310
 Contents  xi

Claudius’ Wives 310 Growing Hostility Toward Nero 313

Claudius’ Death and the Succession of Nero Plots against the Throne 315
(a.d. 54 to 68) 311 Prelude to a Fall 315
Nero Surveyed 311 The Jewish Revolt and the Fall of Nero 316
The Darker Side of Nero’s Early Reign 312 Afterword 316
Nero Asserts Himself 313

XXIV   T he Crisis of the Principate and Recovery under the Flavians,

a.d. 69 to 96    317
Sources 317 The Expansion of Executive Power 322
Galba (68 to 69) 318 Fiscal Administration 322
Otho (69) 318 Public Expenditures 323
Vitellius (69) 318 The Opposition to Vespasian 323
Vespasian (69 to 79) 319 Vespasian’s Death, 79 323
The Restoration of Peace 320 Titus (79 to 81) 324
Reform of the Army 321 Domitian (81 to 96) 324
Provincial Policy 321 War and Rebellion, 82 to 93 325
The Near East 322 Fear, Purges, and the Murder of Domitian,
Vespasian’s Relations with the Senate 322 89 to 96 326

XXV   The Five “Good” Emperors of the Second Century, a.d. 96 to 180    327
Sources 327
Nerva (96 to 98) 328
Trajan (98 to 117) 328
A Model Emperor 329
Trajan’s Wars 329
The Death of Trajan, 117 330
The Empress Plotina 331
The Effects of Trajan’s Wars 331
Hadrian (117 to 138) 331
The Early Years of Hadrian’s Principate
Hadrian’s Travels 332
The Jewish Revolt 333
New Directions under Hadrian 333
The Last Years of Hadrian 336
Antoninus Pius (138 to 161) 336
Faustina the Elder 337
Maintaining the Status Quo 337
The Legacy of Antoninus 338
Marcus Aurelius (161 to 180) 338
Marcus Aurelius as Emperor and Soldier 339
332 The Question of Succession 341
Problems for the Future 342

XXVI   Culture, Society, and Economy in the First Two Centuries a.d.    343
Post-Augustan Imperial Literature 343 Resurgence of Literature under the Five “Good”
Poverty of Literature under Tiberius and Emperors 348
Caligula 344 Resurgence of Greek Literature 350
The Blossoming of the Silver Age in Literature The Second Sophistic 351
under Claudius and Nero 345 Christian Writers 351
Technical Writing and Scholarship 346 Philosophy 352
Science and Medicine 347 General Religious Trends 352
Philology and Literary Scholarship 348 Judaism 353
Lack of Great Literature under the Flavians, Mystery Cults 353
a.d. 69 to 96 348 Christianity 354
xii  Contents

Roman Architecture in the First Two Mosaics, Coins, and Medallions 361
Centuries a.d. 356 Social Developments 361
Architecture in the Provinces 359 Economic Trends 364
Sculpture 359 Inherent Economic and Fiscal Weakness of the
Painting 360 Roman Empire 365

XXVII   Conflicts and Crises under Commodus and the Severi, a.d. 180
to 235    367
Sources for Roman History, a.d. 180 to 285 368
Commodus (180 to 192) 368
Pertinax (January 1 to March 28, 193) 372
Didius Julianus (March 28 to June 1, 193) 372
The Accession of Septimius Severus
(193 to 211) 372
New Sources of Imperial Authority and
Legitimacy 373
Systematic Reform 374
Imperial Wars and Defense, 197 to 201/202 376
Roman Interlude, 203 to 207 377
The War in Britain, 208 to 211 377
Caracalla (211 to 217) 377
Macrinus (217 to 218) 379
Impressive Syrian Queens 379
Elagabalus (218 to 222) 380
Severus Alexander (222 to 235) 380

XXVIII   The Third-Century Anarchy, a.d. 235 to 285    382

Reasons for the Crisis 382
The Emperors of Troubled Times 384
The Nightmare Begins, 235 to 253 384
The Age of Gallienus, 253 to 268 385
The Reforms of Gallienus 387
An Assessment of Gallienus 389
Initial Recovery under Illyrian Soldier Emperors,
268 to 275 389
The Nightmare Resumes, 275 to 285 390

XXIX   Changes in Roman Life and Culture during the Third Century    392
Economic Life 392 Science and Philosophy 400
Social Trends 394 Education and the World of Letters 401
Third-Century Cultural Life 397 Art and Architecture 405
Religion 397 Summary and Prospect 407

XXX   Diocletian: Creating the Fourth-Century Empire, a.d. 285 to 305    408
Sources for Roman History during the Fourth Diocletian’s Other Initiatives 414
Century a.d. 408 The Persecution of Christians 417
The Rise of Diocletian 410 The Abdication 418
The Tetrarchy: A New Form of Imperial Rule, Prisca and Valeria 418
293 to 312 410 Problems Left by Diocletian 419
 Contents  xiii

XXXI   Constantine the Great and Christianity, a.d. 306 to 337    420
The Rise of Constantine, 306 to 312 420 Constantine’s Secular Policies 427
A Victory for Christianity 423 The Founding of Constantinople,
Constantine and Licinius: The Empire Divided, 324 to 330 429
313 to 324 424 The Death of Constantine the Great, 337 429
Constantia and Her Sisters 426 Overview 431
The Council of Nicaea, 325 426

XXXII   F rom Constantine’s Dynasty to Theodosius the Great,

a.d. 337 to 395    432
Murder and Civil War 432 Gratian (375 to 383) and Theodosius the Great
The Empire under Constantius II 433 (379 to 395) 436
Julian the Apostate Emperor (361 to 363) 434 The Death of Theodosius and the Division of the
Jovian (June 363 to February 364) 435 Empire, 395 438
Valentinian I (364 to 375) and Valens
(364 to 378) 435

XXXIII   The Evolving World of Late Antiquity in the Fourth Century a.d.    439
Economic Conditions 439 Private Life 448
The Social Context 441 Overview 453

XXXIV   C hristianity and Classical Culture in the Fourth Century    454

Christianity and the Expansion of Classical Christian Literature of the Fourth
Culture 454 Century 461
The Educated World of Letters 458 Fourth-Century Art and Architecture 463

XXXV   G ermanic Takeover in the West and Imperial Survival in the East,
a.d. 395 to 518    472
Sources for Roman History from 395 to 518 472
Western Weaknesses and Eastern Strengths 474
Stilicho and Alaric, 395 to 410 475
The Visigothic Migration and Settlement after
Alaric 476
The Vandals, Alans, and Suevi 477
Galla Placidia, Valentinian III (423 to 455), and
Aetius 477
Attila and the Huns, 443 to 454 477
The Burgundians 478
The Franks 478
Angles, Saxons, and Jutes 478
The Vandals in Africa 479
The End of Imperial Power in the West,
454 to 500 479
Weak Men and Powerful Women: The Theodosian
Dynasty in the East, 395 to 450 481
Persians and Huns, 408 to 450 482
Christian Controversies and Imperial
Politics 483
xiv  Contents

German and Isaurian Generals 483 Religious Controversies Continued 484

Pulcheria and Marcian (450 to 457) 483 Anastasius (491 to 518) 485
Leo I (457 to 474) 484 Overview and Prospect 486
Leo II (473 to 474) and Zeno (474 to 491) 484

XXXVI   J ustin, Justinian, and the Impossible Dream of Universal Empire,

a.d. 518 to 602    487
Sources for the Period of Justin and
Justinian 487
The Reign of Justin (518 to 527) 488
Justinian (527 to 565) 488
Theodora (508 to 548) 489
Religious Policies of Theodora and
Justinian 489
Legal Reforms 490
Administrative Reforms 490
John the Cappadocian 490
The First Persian War, 527 to 532 491
The Nika Rebellion of the Blue and Green Circus
Factions, 532 491
The Rebuilding of Constantinople 492
Reconquest of the North African Provinces,
533 to 534 493
Italy Is Invaded, 536 to 540 493
Troubles in North Africa 495
The Second Persian War, 540 to 562 496
Resumption of War in Italy, 541 to 543 496
Troubles Everywhere 496
Internal Conflicts and Administration 497
Belisarius Returns to Face Totila in Italy,
544 to 549 497
The Lazic War, 549 to 557 498
Peace in the East 498
Disaster in Italy, 549 to 551 498
The Recovery of Italy, 552 to 562 498
Wars on Other Fronts, 544 to 561 499
Justinian’s Legacy and His Successors,
565 to 602 499
Final Judgment 501

XXXVII   The Transformation of the Late Antique Roman World,

a.d. 395 to 600    502
The Economy 502 Classicizing Greek Poets 511
Social and Demographic Changes 503 The Late Greek Historians 511
Religion 506 Philosophy 512
The New Cultural Spirit 508 Theology 513
Latin Poetry 508 Art and Architecture 514
Latin Prose 509

XXXVIII   The Church and the Legacy of Rome    517

Transmitting the Roman Classical Legacy 517 The Rise of Rome 521
The Imperial Church 519

Bibliography 522

Index 538
 Maps and Illustrations
Maps
Ancient Italy i
Provinces of the Roman Empire to 117 c.e.
Site of Ancient Rome 3
Peoples of Early Italy 8
The Mediterranean, ca. 600 b.c. 12
Italy about 256 b.c. 85
The Mediterranean World,
ca. 264–200 b.c. 91
Northern Italy 106
The Roman Empire under the
Principate (Provincial Boundaries
ca. a.d. 180) 268
Illustrations
Biconical cinerary urn, Villanovan
period 6
Temple of Concordia at Acragas
(Agrigentum) 16
Clay Etruscan Sarcophagus from
Caere (Cerveteri) 20
Wall painting, Tomb of the Lionesses at
­Tarquinia 21
Wall painting, Tomb of the Augurs at
­Tarquinia 21
Bronze statue of the Capitoline Wolf with
Romulus and Remus 23
East Africa, Arabia, and the Far East 273
ii Cities of the Roman Empire 276
Products and Trade of the Roman Empire 282
Imperial Rome 285
The Dioceses and Provinces of the Roman
Empire in a.d. 314 412
Constantinople (Hills: I–VII) 430
Christian Rome 471
Germanic Kingdoms about a.d. 562 473
Justinian’s “Reconquest,” a.d. 533–565 494
Etruscan bronze statue of the Chimaera 24
Etruscan bronze statue of Mars of Todi 24
Floor plan and artist’s reconstruction of a
­Roman atrium house 25
Artist’s reconstruction of an Etruscan temple
at Veii 25
Terra-cotta Etruscan statue of Apollo 26
Statue of Junius Brutus with busts of his
ancestors 41
The Ficoroni Cista 86
Bust of the Empress Livia, wife of
Augustus 225
xv
xvi  Maps and Illustrations
The Street of Abundance at Pompeii 233
The funerary monument of the baker
­Eurysaces at Rome 234
The funerary monument of the freedman
­physician A. Clodius Metrodorus 237
Wall painting of a young woman with stylus
and writing tablets at Pompeii 238
Remains of the Sanctuary of Fortuna
­Primigenia at Praeneste 245
The Maison Carrée at Nîmes 286
The Pont du Gard near Nîmes 286
Sculptured relief panel of mother and babies
from the Ara Pacis 287
The statue of Augustus from Prima Porta 288
Model of an apartment block (insula)
at Ostia 308
Sculptured relief of the spoils from the Temple
at Jerusalem on the Arch of Titus 320
The Temple of Trajan at Pergamum 330
Relief of Antinous from Hadrian’s Villa 331
A bust of Faustina the Younger, wife of Marcus
Aurelius 338
The Colosseum, Rome 356
Plan of Trajan’s Forum, Rome 357
The Pantheon, Rome 359
The city of Thamugadi (Timgad), North
Africa 360
Wall paintings in a dining room of the House
of the Vettii, Pompeii 361
A statue of the Empress Livia depicted as
Ceres 362
A bust of Melitine, priestess of Cybele 363
A bust of Geta, brother of Caracalla 376
A bust of the Empress Julia Domna 379
Floor plan of the Baths of Caracalla Rome 406
Diocletian and the other tetrarchs, St. Mark’s,
Venice 464
Large head of Constantine 465
Statue of C. Caecilius Dogmatius 466
Marble sarcophagus of Junius Bassus 467
Silver dish depicting Theodosius I, Arcadius,
and Valentinian II 467
A Panel from the ivory Diptych of the
­Symmachi 468
Hagia Sophia at Constantinople (Istanbul) 492
Icon of Bishop Abraham from Egypt 514
Egyptian sculpture of Isis suckling her son,
Horus 514
Painting of Mary suckling Jesus 515
Mosaic of Justinian and his attendants from
San Vitale, Ravenna 516
Mosaic of Theodora and her attendants from
San Vitale, Ravenna 516
 Preface
Teachers and students may wonder why a sixth
edition of A History of the Roman People is
needed so soon after the fifth. My own experi-
ence in teaching from the fifth convinced me
that there was still much room for improvement
in both style and content. I realize that today’s
students usually do not bring much background
knowledge of the subject to a course in R ­ oman
history. Therefore, it is difficult for them to
­absorb a lot of new information in complex sen-
tences. Indeed, they are not even used to the lev-
el of grammatical complexity that students were
once expected to have mastered before college.
Accordingly, I have striven throughout this edi-
tion to pare down the length and complexity of
sentences. Information or arguments are provid-
ed in more discrete units so that a reader is not
confronted with several pieces of new material
before getting to the end of a sentence.
Despite diligent attempts to avoid them in the
fifth edition, numerous errors of fact have been
identified and corrected in the sixth. It is vain
to hope that in covering 1400 years of Roman
history, I have caught all old errors or avoided
new ones. Any such defects notwithstanding, I
have tried to remain true to the goals of Fritz
Heichelheim and Cedric Yeo in the original edi-
tion: giving students a solid grasp of the main
problems and issues in Roman history as well as
the information needed to address them. That
approach seems to have stood the test of time. I
hope that it will in this edition, too.
New to This Edition
• Can be ordered in separate volumes, the
first covering everything through the estab-
lishment of the Principate to the death of
Augustus; the second beginning with the
­
establishment of the Principate and ending
with the death of Maurice in 602.
• New archaeological material, texts, and
scholarship taken into account
• Individual women given a bigger share of the
stage alongside the usual cast of men promi-
nent in the ancient sources.
• More on the evolution of arms, military or-
ganization and structures, and the social,
economic, and political impact of these
changes and war in general
• Chapters on the Julio-Claudian, Flavian, and
Antonine periods significantly updated and
given more narrative coherence
• Clearer presentation of dynastic complexi-
ties in chapters on Diocletian, Constantine,
and the Christian Empire
• Sections on religious changes and divisive
theological issues updated and clarified
• Chapter summaries and overviews expanded
or added where space allowed
xvii
xviii  Preface
Unfortunately, there was not enough space
to accommodate more pictures, maps, illus-
trations, ­
genealogical charts, and selections
from original sources. Each instructor, how-
ever, will have her or his favorites that would
not have been included and would have to
be assigned or presented in one way or an-
other throughout the course being taught.
It is hoped that this textbook will provide
the depth of knowledge and understanding
needed to make full use of those additional
assignments and materials.
As always, I could not have had whatever
success I may have achieved without the as-
sistance of many. Rob DeGeorge, Nicole
Suddeth, Ashley Dodge, and Kathleen
­ wife for sainthood.
Sleys of Pearson and Allison Campbell and
George Jacob of Integra have been unfailingly
cooperative and helpful. Outside evaluators
­ University of Connecticut, Storrs
Alison Futrell of University of Arizona; Tracey
Marx of Marian University; Rosemary Moore
of University of Iowa; Luca Grillo of Amherst
College; and Neil Hackett of St. Louis Uni-
versity, who critiqued the fifth edition, have
provided extremely valuable guidance. That
I have not followed all of their suggestions or
acceded to every request means only that time
and resources were ­limited.
Most of all, however, I must thank Carol
Maturo Ward for her infinite patience and lov-
ing devotion as she again combined the roles of
wife, critic, proofreader, and cheerleader. She
has been through this grueling process twice in
five years of marriage. That would qualify any
Allen M. Ward
 I
Roman History: Its Geographic
and Human Foundations
Introduction to Roman History When most
people think of Rome, they envision the Rome
of Julius Caesar and the Roman Empire that
succeeded him. That is the Rome entertainingly,
but not always accurately, portrayed in shows
and films like the HBO series Rome, the
Masterpiece Theater production of I Claudius,
or famous Hollywood sword-and-sandal epics
like Cleopatra, Ben Hur, Quo Vadis, The Fall
of the Roman Empire, and Gladiator. Prior to
Caesar, however, the history of Rome extends
back from the Republic to foundations laid in
prehistoric Italy. The prehistoric foundations will
be outlined briefly in this chapter. Subsequent
chapters will cover the full scope of Roman
history from the beginnings of the city of Rome
in primitive villages on some hills beside the
Tiber River to the disintegration of the Roman
Empire about 1300 to 1400 years later.
To understand this whole complex history,
it is necessary to begin with its geographic,
demographic, and ethnic context. That con-
text shaped the development of Rome from a
collection of prehistoric villages to the urban
republic whose citizens and allies embraced
all the peoples of Italy. That accomplishment
gave the Romans the resources and outlook
that helped them conquer a vast overseas em-
pire. They eventually united the greater part
of western Europe, much of the Ancient Near
East, and most of North Africa, whose free
inhabitants became a single entity, the populus
Romanus, the Roman People. This expansion,
however, eventually carried Roman power so
far beyond its advantageous Italian base that it
could no longer maintain the cohesion achieved
at its height. It eventually disintegrated in the
face of both internal and external pressures.
Geography Modern technology often seems
to have given human beings mastery over the
physical world. Therefore, many people overlook
geographic factors in historical developments.
Also, modern historians rightly wish to avoid the
simplistic fallacies of geographic determinism.
Nevertheless, geography and the physical
environment are important in shaping the course
of human events and should not be ignored
in trying to explain the past. For example, the
reason why Italy, unlike Crete and mainland
Greece, did not reach a high level of civilization
in the Bronze Age is that the latter were closer
to the even earlier centers of civilization in the
Near East and Egypt. It simply took longer for
the influence of older civilizations to spread
farther west to Italy. Nevertheless, once Italy
had achieved an internal level of development on
par with that of the older centers of civilization
in the eastern Mediterranean basin, a number of
geographic factors contributed to its becoming
the center of a Mediterranean-wide empire
under the control of Rome.
1
2  CHAPTER I Roman History: Its Geographic and Human Foundations
Maritime Orientation and Advantages
Separated from the rest of Europe by the Alps to
the north, Italy is naturally oriented toward the
sea. The west coast has access to the Tyrrhenian
Sea, the southeast coast overlooks the Ionian
Sea, and the east coast from the “heel” of
the peninsula’s “boot” northward fronts the
Adriatic. Italy juts out like a giant pier from
the continental mass of Europe southeastward
750 miles into the middle of the Mediterranean
proper. Also, the island of Sicily is separated
from the “toe” of Italy by only the narrow Straits
of Messana (Messena, Messina) and from North
Africa by only ninety miles of water. Therefore,
Italy and Sicily naturally dominate the sea lanes
that link the eastern and western Mediterranean
basins and the lands around them. Before the
rise of greater powers to the north and west,
the power that controlled Italy was in an ideal
strategic and economic position for dominating
the whole Mediterranean world.
Natural and Human Resources Bounded
by the Alps to the north and northwest and by
the Apennines to the south, the northern part
of Italy is a vast alluvial plain watered by the Po
and Adige rivers. On the west coast, between
the Apennines and the Tyrrhenian Sea, are
the wide lowland plains of Etruria, Latium,
and Campania. They are fertilized by a layer of
volcanic ash and weathered lava ejected by the
many volcanoes that had been active in earlier
geologic times. The Arno, the Tiber, the Liris,
and the Volturnus river systems provide them
water. The fertile and well-watered plains of
northern and western Italy are among the largest
and best agricultural areas in the Mediterranean
world. They supported dense populations and
made Italy, in Vergil’s words, the “mother of
men,” the main source of ancient military might.
Ancient Italy also had other valuable re-
sources. Although it was not rich by modern
standards, it was for its time. Extensive forests
provided abundant wood for fuel and timber
for ships and buildings until they were over-
cut in the late first millennium b.c. The most
abundant mineral resources were stone build-
ing materials: hard stones like marble, granite,
basalt, and flint; softer, more easily worked
types like sandstone and various kinds of tufa
(cappellaccio, Peperino, Grotta Oscura, and
travertine); and volcanic pozzolana for making
cement. Etruria not only possessed these re-
sources but also was rich in valuable metals. It
produced lead, zinc, copper, silver, and tin. On
the off-shore island of Elba (Ilva), it controlled
most of ancient Italy’s iron ore.
No Serious Physical Barriers to Internal
Unity Topography made it possible for a
single, centrally located, and populous city
to unite Italy and utilize its great resources
and strategic position to expand in the wider
Mediterranean. Although the Apennine
Mountains cut through Italy in a great arc
swinging out from the northwest southeastward
along the Adriatic coast and then back to the
southwest coast along the Tyrrhenian Sea, they
are not a serious barrier to internal unity. On
average, they are 4000 to 6000 feet high and are
pierced by numerous easy passes. Moreover,
most of Italy is easily accessible by water,
the most efficient avenue of transport and
communication in ancient times. With its long
coasts and a width no greater than 150 miles
south of the Po valley, much of Italy could be
reached directly by ancient ships. Navigable
rivers like the Po, Arno, Tiber, Liris, and
Volturnus provided convenient water routes
between the sea and the interior. The Tiber
River, its tributaries, and their valleys were
particularly helpful to Rome in uniting the
peoples of central Italy under its control. After
that, Rome had the resources to dominate the
rest of Italy.
The Site of Rome As the Roman historian
Livy noted, Rome occupied “a site uniquely
adapted to the growth of a great city” (Book
5.45.5). Rome was centrally located in the
fertile plains of western Italy fifteen miles from
the mouth of the Tiber River on the northern
edge of Latium. Here the Tiber River makes a
big eastward bend and is slowed somewhat by
Tiber Island midstream. Near this same spot,
seven hills ranging from 200 feet to 700 feet
above sea level rise near the east (left) bank of
the river. They make the site easily defensible.
The hills nearest the Tiber are the Capitoline,
the Palatine, and the Aventine, which are
separated from one another by intervening
 CHAPTER I Roman History: Its Geographic and Human Foundations   3

valleys. Farther to the east and enclosing the
three foregoing hills in a kind of arc, stand
the other four: the Quirinal, the Viminal, the
Esquiline, and the Caelian. On those seven
hills eventually stood the city of Rome. Two
other hills across the river, the Janiculum and
the Vatican, were ultimately incorporated, too.
Although the importance of the Tiber River
for Rome’s growth and success as a city can
be exaggerated, it was great. Opposite Tiber
Island, the river’s slowed current and gently
inward-curving left bank provided an ideal
landing place for ancient merchant ships and
river boats. The island also provided the first
convenient ford and bridgehead nearest to the
river’s mouth. Sandbars at the Tiber’s mouth
and Rome’s location some distance upstream
protected the city from attack by large war
ships and sudden sea raids by smaller vessels.
Eventually, Rome became Italy’s largest river
port as Greek, Phoenician, and Etruscan mer-
chants took advantage of its ideal location for
trade.
The Tiber River and its valley provided
Rome with communications north into central
Italy. Possession of the bridgehead nearest to
the mouth of the Tiber also gave the Romans
easy access to the coastal route between Etruria
and the plains of Latium and Campania. Thus,
Rome’s geographic position in Italy made it
the focal point of the natural communication
routes running up, down, and across the pen-
insula. Even in early times, the Tiber and its
valley were major routes for bringing salt from
the coast into central Italy.
Control of crucial water and land routes
for communications in Italy also permitted
Rome’s armies to strike in almost any direction
at will with minimum expenditure of effort.
The seven hills made possible the observation
of enemy movements, and the proximity of the
hills to one another facilitated the fusion of
several village communities into a single city.
Ultimately, it became the largest in area and
population not only in Italy but also, perhaps,
in the whole premodern world.

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Site of Ancient Rome

4  CHAPTER I Roman History: Its Geographic and Human Foundations
Strategically located for both defense and
offense, Rome was a river port, bridge town,
road center, and magnet of trade and popula-
tion. It was thus favored by nature in ancient
times to be the capital of a unified Italy. Then,
given Italy’s central location, natural resources,
and large population, Rome became the seat
of a Mediterranean empire.
The Peoples and Cultures of Pre-Roman
Italy Demographic factors are another
source of economic, social, political, military,
and cultural strength. The population of Italy
by the beginning of the Roman Republic
(ca. 500 b.c.) was the product of a diverse
ethnic and cultural heritage that stretched back
thousands of years. Although later Roman
myths and legends are not literally historical,
they do reflect an understanding that the early
Romans had heterogeneous origins. They
stand in sharp contrast with the ethnically
exclusive myths of origin embraced by ancient
Greek city-states. Conflict and violence not
withstanding, the Romans were more willing
to assimilate other people. They united Italy
into a strong federation based on a degree of
equality and fairness unusual for ancient times.
From Paleolithic Times to the End of the
Bronze Age: 700,000 to 1000 b.c. Human
habitation in Italy goes back to at least
700,000 b.c. during the Lower Paleolithic
period (2,500,000–200,000 b.c.). Numerous
finds from the Upper Paleolithic period
(40,000—10,000 b.c.) are associated with
human beings of the present type, Homo
sapiens sapiens. How much, if at all, groups
from these periods contributed to the later
population of Italy is not known, but from
the Mesolithic (10,000–6000 b.c.) and the
Neolithic (6000–2500 b.c.), there seems to
have been a continuous development of
peoples and cultures within Italy from both
internal growth and external influences.
Changes occurred rapidly in early Neolithic
times. Genetic evidence supports the the-
ory that Neolithic farmers, building on the
“Agricultural Revolution” that had originated
in Southwest Asia, migrated from Anatolia and
the Levant to the Balkans and then to Italy. In
central Italy at Lake Bracciano, about twenty
miles northwest of Rome, a large Neolithic
village dated to ca. 5700 b.c. has been discov-
ered under the present water level. It seems
to have been settled by people who brought
with them a fully developed Neolithic farming
culture. Their large seaworthy canoes may in-
dicate that they originally came some distance
by sea, perhaps from previously settled south-
eastern Italy, which had large concentrations
of Neolithic villages.
Painted Neolithic pottery from southern
Italy has links eastward to Dalmatia and the
Peloponnese and westward to Capri and the
Lipari Islands. In northern Italy, there were peo-
ple who produced small clay female figurines
and dark, polished, square-mouthed pottery
decorated with incised geometric designs. They
had cultural links with people on the northeast-
ern Adriatic coast and possibly eastern central
Europe. People in northwestern Italy, however,
had stronger connections with peoples of west-
ern Switzerland and eastern France.
It is clear that there were flourishing internal
and external trade networks during the middle
and late Neolithic periods. Southeastern vil-
lages obtained obsidian from the Lipari Islands
in the southwest. Stone axes of polished ser-
pentine and jadeite came from both south-
western and northwestern Italy. In northern
Italy, during the transition to the Bronze Age
from around 2500 b.c. onward, artifacts first of
copper and then of bronze have parallels with
those from central Europe. Southern Italian
copper and bronze goods from the same period
have similarities with those from the Aegean.
Material culture and the technology of metal-
working advanced more rapidly in the Italian
North. There, the trade in amber from northern
Europe crossed the Alps into the Po valley on
its way to the Aegean world via the Adriatic.
By ca. 1700 b.c., Bronze Age culture was
flourishing throughout Italy. It can be seen in
the substantial villages of the Peschiera and
Terramara cultures in northern Italy. They were
built on pilings beside Alpine lakes and in the Po
valley. There are several contemporary sites in
Campania in the vicinity of Mt. Vesuvius. One
of them, near Nola, is a Bronze Age Pompeii.
It is preserved to an amazing degree by the ash
 CHAPTER I Roman History: Its Geographic and Human Foundations   5
and mud that buried it during a massive erup-
tion of Vesuvius ca. 1700 b.c. Another major
site was recently discovered at Poggiomarino on
the Sarno River It is ca. fifteen miles south of
Nola and only six miles northeast of Pompeii.
Settled ca. 1500 b.c., it was continuously inhab-
ited during the rest of the Bronze Age and the
early Iron Age. Then, it was overwhelmed by a
flood ca. 500 b.c. and buried in mud. The houses
were built on pilings, as at the Peschiera and
Terramara sites and the even earlier Neolithic
site at Lake Bracciano. The pilings were used
to create artificial islets linked together by a so-
phisticated system of canals. The site seems to
have been a center of manufacturing connected
with the long-distance trade in high-status goods
like bronze and Baltic amber.
Indo-European-Speaking Peoples and the
Late Bronze Age: 1300 to 1100 b.c. The late
Bronze Age seems to have witnessed the arrival
of Indo-European-speaking peoples into Italy.
The term Indo-European has no biological
significance. It has replaced earlier labels like
Aryan, Indo-Aryan, and Indo-German, which
are associated with untenable nineteenth-
and early-twentieth-century racist ideas.
Indo-European is primarily a linguistic label
used to identify the family of closely related
languages that include Sanskrit in India, Persian,
Armenian, the Slavic tongues, Greek, the Celtic
dialects, the Germanic languages, English, Latin,
and all the Latin-derived Romance languages.
Linguistic scholars have reconstructed a hy-
pothetical Indo-European mother tongue from
the common characteristics of these languages.
It seems to have originated among people liv-
ing between the Black and Caspian seas in
what is now southern Russia. Probably in the
third millennium b.c., various groups of Indo-
European speakers began to migrate. Some
headed south. Others went north and west.
They resettled and intermingled—sometimes
peacefully, sometimes violently—with the ex-
isting inhabitants of territories into which they
migrated. Their language and culture became
modified in ways that gradually distinguished
them from other Indo-European-speaking
groups. Eventually, some people from the new
groups would undergo a similar process of
physical and cultural assimilation and modifi-
cation as they migrated to new regions. Thus,
new Indo-European tongues arose.
The various Indo-European-speaking groups
that evolved over time seem to have shared some
other important cultural characteristics besides
the linguistic. Words relating to weapons, horses,
and cattle are prominent in their vocabularies,
but there are few terms relating to farming and
even fewer connected with seafaring. Probably,
therefore, early Indo-European-speaking people
originated as warlike, seminomadic pastoral-
ists. They appear to have had a patriarchal so-
cial structure, often organized in tribal kinship
groups. A king and his council usually provided
leadership, but ultimate sovereignty often re-
sided in an assembly of adult males. A polythe-
istic religion that prominently featured a patriar-
chal sky god also seems to have been common.
At the beginning of the late Bronze Age
(ca. 1300 b.c.), the first Indo-European speak-
ers to enter Italy may have crossed the Alps and
mixed with the existing inhabitants of the Po
valley. At the very least, major cultural changes
took place that could be associated with an
influx of Indo-European speakers: domestic
horses and certain types of pottery appear for
the first time in the archaeological record of
Italy. Also, representations of chariots and
four-wheeled wagons that many scholars associ-
ate with Indo-European culture were carved in
Alpine rocks on the borders of northern Italy.
As yet, however, no actual remains of such ve-
hicles from that period have been found in Italy.
At the same time, the fairly uniform spread
of what is called the Apennine culture through-
out the Apennine range may reflect an influx of
other Indo-European speakers. They could have
come from the Balkans and entered Italy on the
east and southeast coasts by way of the Ionian
Sea. Their pottery is similar in style and decora-
tion to that from the same period in Greece and
the Balkans. On the other hand, the Apennine
culture could also have grown out of the previ-
ous Bronze Age cultures and been influenced
through trading contacts with Greece and the
Balkans. The people of the Apennine culture
and the other Bronze Age peoples of Italy had
access to late Bronze Age trade goods, such as
pottery and metalware that were brought from
6  CHAPTER I Roman History: Its Geographic and Human Foundations

Greece by Mycenaean traders along the Italian name from the ancient town of Ateste (Este)
coast. In fact, the stimulus of Mycenaean trade ca. fifty-five miles northeast of Bologna. In
created a common style of bronze artifacts from much of the rest of Italy, the Villanovan culture
central Europe, across Italy, and around the marks the transition from the Bronze to the
Aegean. Iron Age during the tenth century b.c. in Italy.
The spread of what is called the Urnfield cul- The term Villanovan does not signify any ethnic
ture from central Europe across the Alps into group. It comes from Villanova, a small hamlet
Italy around 1100 b.c. much more clearly rep- five miles east of Bologna, where many of the
resents an influx of Indo-European speakers artifacts typically associated with Villanovan
than does the spread of the Apennine culture. culture were first discovered. The earliest
This development probably was associated with examples of Villanovan culture have been
the widespread disturbances and movements of found farther south, in southern Etruria and
peoples that characterized the late Bronze Age northern Latium, including the site of Rome.
all over central Europe and the eastern half of The peoples who produced the Villanovan
the Mediterranean. The name Urnfield is taken culture probably evolved from interaction
from the distinctive practice of cremating the between those associated with the earlier
dead and placing their ashes in urns that were Urnfield culture and various other peoples with
buried close together in cemeteries. These urns whom they traded and intermingled.
were all variations of a general design called bi- The Villanovan culture carried on many of
conical because they were tapered toward the the traditions associated with the Urnfield cul-
top and bottom. The upper part was usually ture. People continued to live in curved-sided
covered with a top shaped like a bowl or helmet.
The Indo-European Celtic languages
evolved north of the Alps in association with the
later stages of the Urnfield culture. The Italic
Indo-European dialect group evolved south of
the Alps in the areas where Urnfield material
culture appears even later. Both groups have
certain common linguistic elements that they do
not share with other Indo-European languages.
Therefore, it is hard to deny some significant
influx of Indo-European-speaking people into
Italy from north of the Alps. In the predigital
age, people did not adopt significant elements
of a new language through mere cultural con-
tact nearly so readily as they adopted a new ma-
terial culture to which they were exposed.
The Urnfielders, as they are called, spread
rapidly from the Po valley to the southern lim-
its of Italy. They seem at times to have taken
over existing communities and at other times
to have been assimilated into them. While
Urnfield settlements were numerous, they in
no way replaced or overwhelmed previous
populations. Instead, they and the older inhab-
itants interacted to produce several distinctive
local cultures and populations in the Iron Age.
Early Iron Age Italy: 1000 to 750 b.c. In A typical biconical cinerary urn for cremation
northeastern Italy, the Iron Age culture of the burials in the Villanovan period. (Courtesy SEF/
Atestines emerged around 950 b.c. It takes its Art Resource, NY)
 CHAPTER I Roman History: Its Geographic and Human Foundations   7
huts made of wattle and daub on a frame of
poles, cremated their dead, and buried their
ashes in tall, biconical urns placed in round
holes or rectangular stone-lined tombs. Various
metal tools, weapons, and small ornaments,
such as brooches, bracelets, and razors, were
placed inside or around the tombs. In the South,
the ashes of the dead were sometimes placed in
clay hut-urns, which were miniature versions of
the curved-sided huts used by the living.
Evidence of the kinds of cultural interac-
tions that took place can be seen at or near
southern Villanovan sites where some people
did not cremate their dead but buried them in
long, rectangular pits or trenches, fossae (sing.
fossa), lined with stone. This tradition is prob-
ably derived from the Apennine culture that
appeared earlier in this region. Nevertheless,
to distinguish so-called Fossa People from
Villanovans as different ethnic groups on the
basis of their different burial practices is meth-
odologically unsound.
The Peoples of Italy ca. 750 to 400 b.c.
The various prehistoric cultures of Italy are
known only from archaeological evidence. They
eventually evolved into a number of distinctive
groups identified in the written sources of
Roman history and further understood through
archaeological research. Numerous factors
contributed to their evolution: first, specific
local conditions; then, commercial contact with
outsiders like the Phoenicians, Greeks, and
emerging Celtic peoples north of the Alps; and,
eventually, the heavy immigration of newer
settlers, such as the Greeks in the South and
the Celts in the North. The Romans themselves
came into existence through this same process.
The process would continue as the Romans
interacted with and absorbed (often violently)
the peoples identified in ancient historical
sources. The names of these peoples will occur
frequently in the next few chapters. It will be
helpful to give a brief overview of them now
(see map, p. 8).
Ligurians (Ligures) The Ligurians were
composed of several different subgroups. They
inhabited the northwest corner of Italy between
the Alps, the Ticinus River, and the western
flank of the Apennines down to the Arno
River. Their linguistic affiliations are unclear.
They were probably descended in large part
from the early Neolithic inhabitants of the area.
In their predominantly mountain terrain, most
of the Ligurians never reached a high level of
development. In the second century b.c., they
were often the convenient targets for Roman
commanders looking for easy triumphs. On the
coast, however, several fine harbors like Genua
(Genoa), Savo (Savona), and Albingaunum
(Albegna) offered their inhabitants the chance
to become skilled sailors and merchants and to
establish prosperous communities.
Etruscans To the east and south of the
Ligurians were located people collectively known
as Etruscans. Like their Greek contemporaries,
they shared a common language and general
culture but were politically fragmented and had
many local differences. They spoke a non-Indo-
European language. The words of surviving
texts can be read because they are written
in an alphabet borrowed from the Greeks.
On the other hand, these texts (long ones in
particular) cannot be fully understood, because
the language has no identifiable connection with
any better-known language. The Etruscans were
concentrated in Etruria, between the Arno and
the Tiber rivers. Some extended north across the
Apennines into the Po valley from the Rubicon
River to Lake Maggiore. Others moved
southward into Campania. They all developed a
rich, powerful urban culture and will be treated
more fully in the next chapter.
Veneti In the northeast, bounded by the
Atesis (Adige) River, the Alps, and the Adriatic
eastward to Histria (Istria), were the Veneti.
They eventually gave their name to Venice.
They were descended from the Atestines, and
were excellent metalworkers, horse-breeders,
and merchants. Their language was an Indo-
European dialect closely related to Latin but
originally written in an alphabet borrowed
directly from the Etruscans.
Gauls (Celts) By the late fifth century
b.c., the central part of the Po valley, between
the Ligurians and the Veneti, had been heavily
settled by Gauls (Galli). They overwhelmed
the earlier Etruscan inhabitants and eventually
caused the Romans to call this area Cisalpine
 Ligurians Phoenicians
Gauls (Celts) Faliscans-Latins
Greeks Oscans
Veneti Iapygians
Etruscans Piceni (Picentes)

R.
Umbro-Sabellians Sicels

ise)
VENETI

(Ad
IN CE

sis
Tici

NO

Ate
SU
MA
nus

BR
ES NI
R.

Po R.
FR
IN
LIG IA

LINBOII
TE
UR S
AP

GO
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NI UA S
AU

NE
NI A
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S
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E T

Ariminum
I

SE

d
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Arno R.

r
BR NE
R U

IA S

i
Pisa NS

a
Tibe
S C

Arretium

t
rR

PI
.

i
A

CE

c
Populonia
N

SA

S S
N
BI

I
VE e
NE

ST a
IN
S

FALISCANS I
M
AE

AR FR
EN
Q

Rome S
HE I TAN
U

SA I
I

LATINS RN
IC I M
NI
VO L TE
LS iris R. S
CI Volturnus R.

ETRUSCANS OS IA
CA
LUCA
PY
N NI GI
PITHECUSAE S AN
(AENARIA, ISCHIA) S
Tarentum
CAMPANI
Metapontum
Heraclea Gulf
of
Sybaris
Tarentum
Ty r r h e n i a n Thurii

Sea Petelia

Croton

LIPARI Ionian
ISLANDS Messana
Naulochus Sea

Mt. Eryx Locri

Drepana Rhegium
M AEGATES
e ISLANDS
d Lilybaeum
N S SICELS
i N I C I A
O E t
H e Agrigentum
(Acragas)
P Carthage r Syracuse
r
COSSURA a
n
e
0 50 100 150 MILES a
n
MELITA
0 50 100 150 KILOMETERS
(MALTA) S e a

Peoples of Early Italy

8
 CHAPTER I Roman History: Its Geographic and Human Foundations   9
Gaul, “Gaul this side of the Alps.” The Gauls
were a branch of the Indo-European Celts.
The Celtic family of languages and the Italic
dialects seem to share a common origin among
the Indo-European-speaking people of the
Urnfield culture of the late Bronze Age (p. 6).
Spreading out from central Europe, the Celts
had first moved west into France, the British
Isles, and Spain. Then they moved south and
east into Italy, the Balkans, and finally Asia
Minor, where they became known as the
Galatians.
Latins On the west coast of central Italy
south of the Tiber lies the fertile, well-watered
plain of Latium, home of the Latins. They
were another Indo-European-speaking group
that had evolved out of the general spread of
such speakers throughout most of Italy in the
late Bronze and early Iron Ages. Their Italic
dialect and that of the neighboring Faliscans
to the north made up one of the two major
Italic dialect-groups that predominated in
the central Apennine region. The foothills
of the Apennines in eastern Latium and the
rolling central plain were ideal for herding
and the cultivation of grain. Latium was well
forested until late in the first millennium b.c.
and provided an abundant supply of wood for
building and fuel. Accordingly, the Latins grew
in numbers and developed many prosperous
individual towns—Alba Longa (destroyed
ca. 600 b.c.), Antium, Ardea, Aricia, Cora,
Lanuvium, Lavinium, Praeneste, Rome,
Tibur, and Tusculum. Rome would eventually
unite all of the Latins. Through Rome, their
Italic dialect would become one of the most
important languages in the world.
Umbro-Sabellians Throughout the ­central
Apennines, from the Rubicon in the North,
where the mountains come close to the Adriatic
at Ariminum (Rimini), and down through
Campania and Lucania, dwelt various tribes of
people called Umbro-Sabellians. They spoke
related Italic dialects previously called Osco-
Umbrian and now often referred to as Sabellic.
Among these tribes were the Umbrians,
Vestini, Frentani, Sabines, Aequi, Marsi, Volsci,
Campani, Lucani, and Samnites. Although their
family of Italic dialects was Indo-European,
each dialect retained a large element of the non-
Indo-European language spoken by earlier in-
habitants of the region. The tribes represented
by these dialects were primarily pastoralists and
peasant farmers. They constantly needed more
land to support their growing populations. The
wealthier, more urbanized people of the neigh-
boring plains, especially Latium and Campania,
also often sought to expand their own territo-
ries. The result was frequent and bitter conflict.
Thus, the external history of Rome during the
early Republic (509–264 b.c.) revolves primarily
around wars with neighboring tribes, particu-
larly the Aequi, Marsi, Volsci, and Samnites.
Oscans and Iapygians The Oscans origi-
nally dwelt in the part of Lucania around
Campania. They were largely descendants
of an earlier, non-Indo-European-speaking
people. Sabellic speakers, particularly the
Samnites, gradually moved into their terri-
tory and superimposed their Sabellic, Indo-
European dialect. Even before that, however,
the Oscans already may have been influenced
by earlier Indo-European-speaking migrants.
Across the Apennines, along the lower
Adriatic and around the Gulf of Tarentum,
were several tribes known collectively as
Iapygians. They had evolved in close cultural
and commercial contact with Mycenaean and
post-Mycenaean Greece. There may well have
been some admixture of migrants from the
Balkans, but certainty on this matter is impossi-
ble. The Massapii were one of these tribes. They
gave their name to Massapian, the language of
the Iapygians. It, too, was Indo-European but
was not part of the two Italic dialect-groups.
Piceni (Picentes) Various subgroups gen-
erally identified as Piceni or Picentes inhab-
ited the mid-Adriatic coast north and south
of Ancona between the Aesis and Pescara
(Aternus) rivers. Their culture is not so uniform
as once thought, but there are enough similari-
ties to continue to treat them together. They had
a long tradition of stock raising supplemented
with hunting and fishing. From the ninth cen-
tury b.c. onward, they maintained active trade
networks: across the Adriatic, north and south
along the Italian coast, and even west into
10  CHAPTER I Roman History: Its Geographic and Human Foundations
Etruscan territory. The abundance of weapons
found in early graves is compatible with their
later reputation among the Romans as tough
and warlike people. Linguistic evidence for the
northern area is not clear, but the people in the
southern region seem to have spoken a tongue
firmly linked to the Sabellic dialects. A number
of leading men from Picenum became impor-
tant at Rome in the second and first centuries
b.c., the most important of whom was Pompey
the Great.
Greeks All around the coast of southern
Italy from the Bay of Naples to Tarentum,
Greeks had established important colonies
since the end of the ninth century b.c. Several
were prosperous trading centers and exercised
significant cultural and economic influence
upon the other peoples in Italy. They will be
discussed further in the next chapter.
The Greater Picture Geographic and de-
mographic factors greatly benefitted the
Romans. First, Rome’s strategic location on
the Tiber in west-central Italy enabled them
to create a powerful city. Then, Italy, which
was rich in natural resources, posed few seri-
ous topographical obstacles to control from
Rome’s central location. Also, by the fifth
century b.c., Italy’s land supported an exten-
sive population of diverse ethno-linguistic
groups. Their disunified descendants were
absorbed by the centrally located Romans
through either peaceful alliance or, more
often, violent conquest. By the end of the first
century b.c., they had all become citizens of
Rome, members of the populus Romanus. By
the same time, Roman armies had used Italy’s
manpower, natural resources, and central lo-
cation in the Mediterranean Sea to conquer a
Mediterranean-wide empire.
 II
Phoenicians, Greeks, and Etruscans
in Pre-Roman Italy
Before Rome could unite Italy or create a
Mediterranean-wide empire, the primitive vil-
lages from which it grew had to become a city
and a state. The emergence in Italy of complex
urban communities and organized states must
be seen in the context of developments that
began with the collapse of high Bronze Age
civilizations in the eastern Mediterranean and
the Aegean between 1200 and 1000 b.c. The
first important developments took place on
the coast of the Levant in several commercial
cities inhabited by people known in English as
the Phoenicians. They carried on much of what
post-collapse trade remained in the eastern
Mediterranean world. As peace and stability
returned between 1000 and 800 b.c., an increase
in population and commerce promoted the
growth and spread of complex urban societies.
They appeared among the Phoenicians first and
then the Greeks, who were heavily influenced
by contact with the Phoenicians and other Near
Eastern people between 800 and 600 b.c.
By 800 b.c., Phoenician traders looking for
metals like silver, copper, lead, tin, and iron were
active along the west coast of Italy. They found
significant sources in Etruria and on the island
of Elba (Ilva). Greek traders soon joined the
Phoenicians. Not long afterward, Greek settlers
established numerous colonies in southern Italy
and Sicily. Both the Phoenicians and the Greeks
brought the native peoples of Italy into contact
with the advanced cultures and economies of the
eastern Mediterranean. That contact stimulated
the growth of correspondingly complex societ-
ies in Italy, particularly in Etruria, Latium, and
Campania. Its impact was strongest on those
who inhabited the region of Etruria and came to
be known in English as Etruscans.
The Phoenicians The Phoenicians were those
whom the Greeks called Phoinikes and the
Romans called Poeni. From the noun Poeni
comes the Latin adjective Punicus (Punic) in ref-
erence to the Phoenicians who settled Carthage.
They were descendants of the Canaanites de-
scribed in the Hebrew Bible. During the second
millennium b.c., the Canaanites inhabited the
Syro-Palestinian coast of the Levant. It stretched
from just above the city of Ugarit to the Egyptian
frontier in the south, near the city of Gaza (map,
p. 12). The Canaanites spoke one of the Semitic
languages, which include ancient Akkadian,
Assyrian, and Amorite (Babylonian); biblical
and modern Hebrew; and Arabic. Just as Indo-
European and Indo-European-speaking people
are cultural and linguistic terms with no bio-
logical or racial significance, so are Semitic and
Semitic-speaking people. They merely indicate
people who speak one of a number of linguisti-
cally similar languages.
Under Egyptian hegemony from 1900 to 1200
b.c., Canaanite ports prospered as vital entrepôts.
They linked together Egypt, Crete, Cyprus,
Mycenaean Greece, Anatolia, Syria–Palestine,
11
12
Rhi
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GERMANY

R.
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Rhône
Ebr ITA LY
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LC

Do us) Nicea Sea

R.
R. Arno .
Massilia Populonia R D an u b e R . ack
HI

Bl
S

A
Tejo (
S PAIN Vetulonia Sinope

d
Tagus
) R. Emporiae ri
IL LY R IA
at Trapezus

Tiber R.
a( CORSICA ic
ian A n as) R. Tarraco Heraclea

d
Aleria Tarquinia
Se
a Pontica

ua
Rome
(Alalia)

G
Pyrgi Cumae Byzantium R.

S
Guadalquivir (Baetis) R. Epidamnus ys
al

D
Ibiza Pithecusae Naples
H

TARTESSUS Tharros Tarentum GREECE

L AN R
Malaka Sexi S SARDINIA Elea A SIA MI NO R Tigris .
Gades BALEARIC I Carales (Cagliari)
Abdera Sybaris Corcyra Aegean Phocaea
Straits of Gibraltar Bithya Nora
Tingis (Tangier) Croton Sea
EUBOEA Ly di a S YRI A
Lixus Messana
Mogador Hippo Regius Rhegium Chalcis
SICILY Samos Al-Mina Euphrates
Utica Corinth Athens R.
Carthage Miletus Orontes R.
Syracuse Sparta Ugarit
Hadrumetum
Salamis Tell Sukas
A

MELITA (MALTA) Kition

RHODES Arwad
NICI

CYPRUS Gebal (Bylos)

M e Sidon
d i t CRETE Tyre
PHOE

e r r a n S e a
e a n Akko
Jordan R.
Samaria
N ORT H A F R ICA Leptis Magna Cyrene Jerusalem
Ashdod Dead
Ashkelon Sea
Gaza
Naucratis

EGYPT

Utica Phoenician colonies

0 250 500 750 1000 MILES
Re

Ni

Elea Greek colonies

le
d

R.

0 250 500 750 1000 KILOMETERS

Se
a

The Mediterranean ca. 600 b.c.

Another random document with
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"No fear of that, sir," replied Trulock grimly.

Mr. Cloudesley found that the aged cab which was maintained at the
little hospital in High Fairford was fortunately at home, and so without
loss of time the two Garlands were carried off to Lady Mabel's Rest. The
crowd seemed rather disappointed when the children appeared at the
door, apparently uninjured; but the truth was now be coming generally
known, and there was great excitement in the town. One woman was
heard by Mr. Cloudesley to say with great solemnity,—

"And I bought a loaf from her only a week ago—think of that now, and
there she lies dead now!"

Mr. Cloudesley failed to see how the purchase of that particular loaf
affected the matter one way or the other, but he was very glad that he
had not allowed his pretty May to enter the house.

CHAPTER IX.
RALPH'S LETTER.

BY the time the cab reached Lady Mabel's Rest, Ruth Garland had quite
regained both her senses and her self-command. She was even ready
to lift Ollie out of the cab, but this Mr. Cloudesley would not allow her to
do.

"Why, Ruth," he said, "the boy is nearly as big as yourself; but you're an
ambitious little party, and think you can do everything. I'll whisk him into
the house before he can say Jack Robinson."

"But why should I say Jack Robinson?" inquired Ollie, laughing.

"Little boy," said Mr. Cloudesley, setting him gently on his feet in the hall,
"your education has been dreadfully neglected! You are seven years old,
and you never heard of Jack Robinson!"

"No, sir; is he in English history, or in Roman? No, he can't be in Roman

history; I suppose I have not come to him yet."

"Let me know what you think of him when you do," said Mr. Cloudesley.
"Now I must take the old cab back to the hospital; so good-bye, all of
you. Mr. Trulock, don't let Ruth sit up late to-night. Indeed, I am not sure
that I would not send her to bed, as well as Master Curlypate here."

Ollie was soon disposed of, Ruth contriving a comfortable bed for him by
the help of sundry pillows and a big chair cushion. Then the question
arose, where was a bed for poor Ruth herself?

However, Ralph bethought himself of kind Miss Jones, and never

remembered, in his anxiety to make Ruth comfortable, that he was
actually asking a favour of his neighbour! Miss Jones was delighted to
be appealed to, and lent everything that was wanted. She begged Ralph
to allow her to provide a nice meal for the two children that afternoon,
that he might have nothing to do but to take care of Ruth. Ollie was soon
fast asleep, and then it was that Ruth told her story. Ralph was rather
unwilling to let her speak of it at all, but she declared she should feel
better when she had told him.

"Poor Mrs. Cricklade!" she said; "you don't know what a kind-hearted
woman she was. When we first came to Fairford, she took so much
trouble about us, and let us live there rent-free. But when she found that
you were helping us, she began to drink again; she had never quite left
it off, but she only drank on Sunday, or quite late at night for some time;
now she began to drink much more. She made me pay rent, and yet
more than once she gave me back the shilling, and said, 'It's not me,
Ruthie, it's the devil that has possession of me that makes me take your
hard-earned shilling.' That was after she found out that you didn't pay
the rent for me."

"But I never knew that you paid rent, Ruth."

"No," she said, colouring. "You did too much for us already. But though
she gave me back the shilling, she generally came for it again at night,
and was so noisy and angry that she frightened me very much. Then
Ollie got ill, you know; and I pawned poor father's clothes to keep us
until I could get work again."

"But, Ruth, you had money laid by, dear," interrupted Ralph anxiously.

Ruth grew crimson, and tried to answer carelessly. "Very little of it was
left: the rent came out of it, and—other things."

"That wine for me," groaned Ralph, "and I never paid you. Oh, Ruth, you
ought to have told me."

"How could I, sir? you had been ill, you are nearly as poor as I am, and
you had given us so much help. I knew you had not the money, and that
you would pay me when you had it."

"I had plenty, dear child. Oh, I have been a fool! Never mind, Ruth, finish
your story now, and I can explain some other time."

"Well, you know the man could only give me a very little for father's
clothes, because of the risk of infection. I got five shillings the first day;
then I got three for other things. But after that, Ollie was so poorly that I
did not like to leave him, and I asked Mrs. Cricklade to go for me; and,
poor thing, she never would have done this if she had been quite
herself, but she came home quite tipsy, and told me she had lost all the
money except one shilling. And I had no coal left! I was so vexed that I
said, Oh, Mrs. Cricklade, you will not keep it from me! Do give me my
money, please.' But she was terribly angry, and she struck me and drove
me upstairs before her. I had to bolt our door to keep her out; and she
stood on the landing-place for ever so long, calling to me that I had
accused her of stealing. And after all, perhaps I was mistaken, and she
had really lost it. That was yesterday."

"Yes, and you had no fire, and it was a bitter night."

"I had no fire and no food, for I was afraid to go down again. But Ollie
was beginning to get well, you know; and this morning he said he was
hungry. I knew he ought to get food, so I ventured down. I had no water
left besides, and I thought she would be in bed, because it was very
early, quite dark still. I found the place all shut-up, and though I looked
about I could see no food of any kind (I knew she would not mind if I
borrowed from her for Ollie); so I went up again and coaxed Ollie to wait
until it was light. I thought that if I found the poor thing was not yet quite
recovered, I should not be so much afraid if it were light and people
were moving about, because I could call from the window."

"I think we both fell asleep, and when we awoke it was quite light, and I
ventured down again. I went to her door and knocked again and again,
but there was no answer. Then I went in, and she was asleep, I thought.
I spoke to her, shouted to her, but she never stirred; so I was frightened,
and was going away, when it struck me that she was very, very still. I
went back and took her hand. Oh, Mr. Trulock, it was so cold! I ran
upstairs to Ollie then; I was so frightened I did not know what I was
doing. And the next thing I knew was that you were giving me water.
How did you come there?"

"I should have come to see you before, my dear, only I had another
sharpish turn,—not so bad as the first, but I was afraid to be out, and I
little knew how things were with you. When I did get so far, I found the
place all shut-up. We had to get help to open it; and it was well that I
was able to go that morning, for—there's a knock. No, dear, don't you
stir. It is Miss Jones, I'm sure, and I'll let her in."

Ralph was so sure that the person who knocked was Miss Jones, that
he opened his door wide, standing aside to let her pass in with the
expected tray; and the visitor did pass in, but there was no tray, and, to
his horror, it was Mrs. Short! Taking advantage of his mistake, she
waddled up the little hall as fast as her rapidly increasing size would
permit, and was actually in the little parlour before Ralph had recovered
his senses. He rushed after her, and found her embracing Ruth with
every appearance of affection.

"You poor, unfortunate, ill-used child!" she panted out. "To think that to-
day, of all the days in the year, I should have gone to Derby to buy a
warm shawl; for as to choice of colours, there's no such thing at Price's,
but dum-ducketty-mud colour and greys, that looks like poorhouse folk.
My 'art bleeds for you, Ruth Golong. I'm that good-natured, I never could
bear malice. I know you behaved rude-like when you turned me out, as
one may say, when Mr. Trulock was so bad. But truly he was over the
worst of it by that time, and so it did him no harm getting a
unexperienced nuss instead of me. But there, I forgive and forget, Ruth,
my dear. I'm full of sympathy with you. And now tell me all about it. I'm
told the wicked old creetur beat you and half killed Ollie, and then killed
herself a-purpose; is that true, child? Is it true, Ruth Golong? Can't you
speak, child?"

"Ruth," said Ralph, "I think this noise may waken Ollie; you'd better go
and have a look at him."

"Mrs. Short," continued Ralph, "there will be an inquest to-morrow, and

Ruth will be the principal witness. So she must not be talked to about
the matter now. And Ollie has the measles, ma'am; did you ever have
them?"

"Oh yes, when I was a little gel."

"I've known several people have them a second time," remarked Ralph
thoughtfully; "and they go hard with people of a full habit, and not so
young as they have been."

Mrs. Short grew red with fear and anger mixed. "Good evening," said
she, "and I only hope you won't take 'em yourself, Mr. Trulock; for full
habit or no full habit, you're little or no better than a walking skelington,
and can't have it in you to throw out a rash handsome."

With this cutting remark she tossed her head and left the house, Ralph
laughing to himself as she disappeared. Before he could call Ruth down
again, Miss Jones and her tray made their appearance, and Ruth was
kissed and fed and put to bed, with the utmost tenderness, to a running
accompaniment of scolding that was wonderful to listen to.

The inquest took place next day. Ralph took Ruth to the house, and
Miss Jones sat with Ollie during their absence. Ruth's evidence was
given with such modest self-possession, and was so clear and plain,
that it did not matter that no one else could give any evidence at all,
except to the fact that the woman was dead. The verdict was "Died of
alcoholic poisoning;" and then the inquest was over, and nothing
remained but for the parish authorities to bury the poor remains of one
who had once been a kind-hearted, honest, hard-working woman. Ruth
had spoken so gratefully of her kindness, that the memory of a time
when Mrs. Cricklade was a pleasant neighbour was revived among the
listeners, and one woman said, as they all watched the funeral going up
the hill next morning,—

"Poor soul! She was a good creetur, for sure,—a kind body; no fault but
the drink."

"Ah, Mrs. Jeffars," said Miss Jones, who had been collecting Ruth's few
possessions, and was now at the door, "there's the misfortune. That one
fault swallows up all the good qualities one may happen to have. She
was a kind woman, as you say, and yet she took rent from that poor
child, and struck and abused her more than once. And she was an
honest woman too, and yet you see she took the child's money that she
was trusted with, to get drink. Whatever a person may have been, never
reckon on them, once they take to drinking; for the one thing that's
certain about a drunkard is, that he'll do anything to get the means of
drinking."

Miss Jones walked off down the hill, followed by a man carrying Ruth's
big trunk.

Mrs. Jeffars looked thoughtfully after her.

"She couldn't have known that I take it sometimes," she thought; "but I'll
never touch it again. I might go on and on, by degrees, until I ended like
that, and disgraced my Paul that's at sea. I'll go this very evening, God
helping me, and take the pledge—and I'll take the bottle, and leave it
with Mrs. Francis for the use of the hospital."

And she kept her word, and kept the pledge too; so Miss Jones had said
a word in season for once, at all events.

Ruth was far from well for some days, and Ralph felt very miserable.
The girl had been so badly fed, and so thoroughly chilled, that the shock
found her weak and nervous, and therefore had more effect upon her
than it would have had some weeks before. She could not sleep, and
every noise made her start violently, and turn quite sick and faint. The
doctor said, however, that there was nothing seriously wrong, and that
with care and quiet she would soon be quite herself again. And after
about a fortnight she was much better; and as to Ollie, he was as well as
ever again.

"Mr. Trulock," said Ruth, "don't you think I may go to Price's for work
again now? Ollie is quite well, and I think he may begin to go to school.
And—I wonder where I could find a lodging?" she asked slowly.

"Ollie had better not go back to school until after the Christmas holidays,
I think," said Ralph; "and as to the other matters, I will talk to you to-
morrow, Ruth."

And taking his hat, Ralph opened the hall door and was passing out,
when Ruth ran after him.

"Won't you put on your great-coat, sir, and your comforter? You don't
take a bit of care of yourself, Mr. Trulock!"

"I have a good caretaker in you," said he, coming back to her.

Ruth helped him to put on the coat, mounting on a chair for that
purpose, and wrapped the comforter round his neck, tucking in the ends
snugly.

"Now you may go," said she; "but don't stay out very late, please."

"Bless the child's sweet face!" muttered Ralph. "She certainly grows
more like my Annie every day, or else I fancy it as I grow fonder of her.
Well, the time has come for me to decide. I can't let things drift any
longer, for she won't, the little creature. I must do either one thing or the
other, and I'll make up my mind before I eat another meal. I'll go into the
Forest—it will be quiet there—and think."

He walked along the forest road until he reached the place where he
had found the children on that bright sunny Sunday when he first
brought them to his home. This was a still, grey day, very unlike that
other, but it was not very cold, here among the trees. Ralph clambered
up the bank, found the fallen tree, and seated himself upon it. There he
remained deep in thought for some time: then he rose and paced to and
fro, then sat down again. At last, he covered his face with his hands and
groaned aloud, "I can't! I can't do it!" But even as he said the words he
knew and felt that he could do it.

Ralph had been reading his Bible to better purpose lately than when he
only searched for texts wherewith to confound Mrs. Cloudesley. He had
learned many lessons during the last few months. To distrust himself; to
fear that he might be mistaken, and May Cloudesley right; to wish
earnestly to do what God would have him do, and to ask for help to do it;
—all this and more had Ralph Trulock learned, partly from May, partly
from Ruth, but still more from his Bible, which had begun to take such
new meanings lately. And now he asked for guidance, and felt that he
had it—that he knew what he ought to do; now he asked for strength to
do it, and even while he said aloud, "I cannot," he felt that he could. And
when at last, he walked home, very tired and worn with the conflict, he
went up to his own room and, without waiting to take off his great-coat,
wrote the following letter:

"Lady
Mabel's Rest,"
"
Fairford."

"MY DEAR ARNOTT,—"

"I never wrote to thank you, and those who joined you,
in writing to Mr. Barton on my behalf; but I hope you will
forgive me, and let me explain why I did not write, and
thank you all now."

"When I first came here, I had no intention of accepting

your kindness except for a time. My health was broken,
and I was unfit for work; but I had made up my mind to
save every penny I could until I had paid off the small sum
still remaining due to all of you with whom I used to have
dealings; and then, if my strength would permit, leave this
place, and look out for some small situation as clerk or
caretaker, which would support me. With these plans
 before me, I did not write. I felt sore and angry at needing
even temporary help, and soothed my pride by continually
telling myself that in the end you, and not I, should be the
gainer."

"But God in His mercy has led me, by means into which
I cannot enter (as it would take up so much of your time)
to see that such a state of feeling is not right in His eyes. I
am old and feeble now, and you all meant to secure
peace and comfort for one whom you had known long,
and who had been unfortunate. It was nothing but pride
that made me resist this kind feeling, as I acknowledge I
once did, and determine not to profit by it. I see this now."

"So I write to thank you, and through you, if you will

allow me, my other creditors, for your kind consideration,
which I thankfully accept; and the benefits which you
have secured to me I hope henceforth to share with
others even more helpless than I am myself."

"I remain,"
"Very faithfully
yours,"
"RALPH
TRULOCK."

Ralph put his letter into a cover and addressed it, but did not close it.
Next day he went to the garden and asked if he might keep Ollie,—Ruth
he had a right to keep, as his housekeeper, or "gel," as Mrs. Short put it.
The warden said he was sure there would be no difficulty about it, and
promised to arrange it all, for him. Then Ralph toiled up the hill to High
Fairford, and went to see Mrs. Cloudesley.

"Madam," said he, "as long ago as last Christmas you said a few words
to me, to which I would scarcely listen at the time, but which I could not
forget, though I surely did my best. You spoke to me of my pride, of
which up to that time I had been very proud; you spoke to me of love
and kindness—things I had hardly thought of for years. You advised me
to help some one, and that I should find my heart growing softer—and
you were right, madam. I began to search the Bible for something to
justify my own opinion, and I could not find what I wanted; but I found a
great deal about love and humility. And Ruth Garland, madam, has
taught me much. If you will kindly look over this letter, you will see that I
am in earnest."

May, with tears in her eyes, took the letter and read it. Then she looked
up at him with a smile upon her pleasant face, though the tears were
there still.

"Now that is what I like in you so much!" she said heartily. "I always
knew that you would do what was right the moment you saw it. You don't
know how happy you have made me by telling me all this. In trying to
help people, one fails so often—and the worst failure of all is, when they
acknowledge that they are in the wrong, but won't make any change.
One gets sadly disheartened then. It's quite delightful to know a person
who no sooner sees what is right, but he goes and does it."

"You must not think that of me," Ralph said sadly. "I think I saw it some
time ago, but I would not acknowledge it: and how nearly I lost my
children by that delay!"

"Well, it was not a very long delay," said May kindly. "I like your little
Ruth so much. I'm sure you will never repent having befriended her: and
as to the boy, he is a darling."

"Yes, madam, a fine boy. I will ask you to tell Mr. Cloudesley that Ollie
will not attend the Greatrex School any more. I shall send him to Mr.
Hawthorne as a day boy, and, when he is older, get him into the
Commercial school in Foxton. I think I could do that."

After a little more conversation, Ralph went home, to have a talk with
Ruth.
 CHAPTER X.

RALPH'S CHRISTMAS ROSES BLOOM AT LAST.

A BRIGHT little fire burned that evening in Ralph Trulock's parlour, and
at one side of it sat Ralph, in the easiest chair the house contained (and,
with the help of pillows, Ruth had made him very snug, though the chair
was by nature angular and uncompromising). Opposite him, in a low
wooden chair, sat Ruth, her small fingers plying her knitting-needles with
great zeal, while her eyes rested fondly on Ollie, who was stretched at
lazy length upon the little rug between the other two, reading a book lent
him by Miss Jones. Ollie lay face downward, his round chin propped up
on his two hands, and the firelight playing upon his dark hair and bright
face, made him "quite a picture," as Ruth privately told herself. Oh, if
Ollie could always have such a fire as that to bask before! For the child
loved warmth like a little cat.

"Ruth, do you remember what you said to me yesterday about getting

work?" said Ralph.

Ruth started and blushed, half afraid that he had discovered what was in
her thoughts at the moment.

"Oh yes," she said hurriedly; "do you think people would be afraid of the
measles now?"

"No, I don't suppose they would. But, Ruth, I don't want you to work for
Price's any more. I want you and Ollie to stay here with me."

"Always?" exclaimed Ollie, turning over on his back suddenly, and

gazing up at the speaker. "Oh, Mr. Trulock! Never go back to Mrs.
Cricklade again! That would be so lovely!"

Ollie did not know, even yet, that Mrs. Cricklade was dead. He had not
been told at the time because he was still weak, and Ruth had shrunk
from the subject afterwards.
"Mr. Trulock," said Ruth, "you are good—too good. You would only have
to pinch yourself for us: it could not be. Ollie, don't say any more, dear."

"Listen to me, Ruth," said Ralph earnestly. "You think I am very poor,
and I don't wonder at that, because I have given you good reason to
think so. But I am not really poor. I have as much to live on as any one
else in the Rest: as much as Mrs. Short, or Mrs. Archer, and you know
she has six children."

Ollie gave a quick look round the room, mentally contrasting it with Miss
Jones's and Mrs. Short's parlour; but Ruth shook her head and
answered,—

"You told me once, you know, that there was a claim upon your money. I
remember it, because it was what father used to say when people told
him he ought to send me to a better school."

"Yes, I told you so, and I thought so at the time. But I was wrong, Ruth. I
was too proud to accept a kindness, but I have made up my mind to
accept it, and to spend my money in making us all happy and
comfortable. You shall keep house for me, my dear, and I can teach you
in the evenings,—I'm a fair scholar in a plain way. And Ollie shall go to a
good school, and get a good education."

"Oh! Oh, Mr. Trulock! if I were only sure that you would not be making
yourself poor for us."

"I shall be richer, Ruthie, than I ever thought to be, for I shall have a
daughter and a—"

He stopped short. He could not say the word "son." Poor lost Fred!

"You mean me," said Ollie. "But, Mr. Trulock, we ought to be called your
grandchildren," he added after a little reflection. "We're too little to be
your children, don't you think? Ruthie, what makes you cry? I think it is
too good to be true. You know how cold it is at Mrs. Cricklade's, and she
is very often cross too! She hit you often, I know she did. Oh, Ruthie, do
say you will stay here. It can't be wrong—is it, Mr. Trulock?"

"It would be wrong and unkind to leave me," replied Ralph quickly.
"Oh, I am only too glad to stay—you know that," Ruth cried, springing up
and running to his side. "I only feared—"

"Have no fears, my dear child. We shall be very comfortable, and I hope

very happy too. I thank God for my two dear children."

So the question was settled, and the little Garlands stayed with Ralph.
Ollie had a holiday, as we know, but he was not allowed to be idle, for
Ruth found employment for him. She set to work, with a charwoman to
assist, to clean the house from top to bottom, and Ollie was as busy as
any one. What a polishing and brightening that house got, to be sure!
Ralph bought a little additional furniture too; and altogether his abode
quite lost the poverty-stricken air which had so distressed May
Cloudesley.

Christmas Eve came round again, and Mr. and Mrs. Cloudesley betook
themselves to Lady Mabel's Rest, to pay a short visit to each house.
May had persuaded her mother to send her a great hamper of apples,
nuts, pears, gingerbread, and jam tarts, that she might have little
presents for the children, for she knew them all now, and loved nothing
better than giving them pleasure. She had some small gift for every one,
mostly made by her own hands, and that intended for Mrs. Short was a
pretty woollen mat to ornament her table. Mrs. Short liked the mat better
than the flowers of last year, but she was intensely curious to know what
Mrs. Cloudesley was taking next door, to Mr. Trulock and the Garlands,
and May was quite determined that she should not find out. Mrs. Short
had a long list of grievances to mourn over, and was not nearly so alert
and lively as she had been on that day last year. A whole year of eating
more than enough for two had told upon her.

"Mr. Trulock never was much of a neighbour," she said, "as you know,
Mrs. Cloudesley; but when he was tramping the country from morning till
night, and never had a bit or sup in his house that a proper-minded
person would care to eat, it did not matter so much. But now, ma'am,
things is very different, and they set down to as good meals in a plainish
way as any one could desire, and Ruth is learning cooking from Miss
Jones, and she's learned her to make coffee, and cakes, and things
tossed up in the frying-pan—and I must say the smell is most tempting
—and it's all one gets of them. And if I want anything off the common, I
may just turn to and cook it, which gets to tire one, somehow; but never
once, ma'am, has they said, 'Mrs. Short, will you step in to tea?' and I
that nussed Trulock when every one else forsook him!"

"You should have a servant, Mrs. Short," said May, for want of
something to say. "She would be company for you."

"Gels eat so much," said Mrs. Short pensively. "I've a good appetite,
ma'am: I re'lly don't see how I could afford a gel. When I say a good
appetite, I don't mean a appetite as can eat anything, but if I gets what I
like I can pick a good little bit; but anything in the way, say of a
sweetbread, now, or mutton kidneys, or a Yorkshire 'Am, or a veal pie or
the like,—which I re'lly require such food, ma'am,—they cost a deal, and
no common gel can be expected to cook 'em. I can't afford a gel, and
that's the truth."

"Oh, Mrs. Short, you are no worse off than your neighbours, you know."

"Well, I don't know how they manage," said Mrs. Short thoughtfully.

"I think," said silent Mr. Cloudesley suddenly, "that by thinking a little of
other people, and not spending every penny they have upon themselves
alone, they seem to get more comfort out of this life even, to say nothing
of a life beyond this. Come, May, it is getting late."

Mrs. Short was offended, and showed them to the door in silence. Her
"Good-afternoon, ma'am," was the stiffest thing imaginable.

"That poor woman! She always depresses me, Gilbert. Why did you not
say more to her? It is so very sad."

"There was no use in saying more, my dear. One can't say more than
one sharp thing, and anything less sharp would not get through the poor
thing's coating of fat. Now, perhaps that small harpoon may stick."

The door of Ralph's house was opened by Ollie whose cheeks were
crimson with excitement.

"Please come into the parlour, ma'am, and I'll tell them. We're all in the
kitchen mixing the pudding."
"Ah, Ollie! Let me go into the kitchen and see the fun," said May. "Ruth
won't mind."

"Indeed she won't mind," said Ollie. "Come along. Will you come, sir?
You've no idea, ma'am, how many things have to go in a pudding, a real
English plum-pudding. We never saw one in France. Ruth wrote the list
and went to the shops, but when she came home, she had forgotten
both the suet and the nutmeg, and I had to run for them. Ruthie, here's
Mrs. Cloudesley, she wants to see the fun,—I suppose she means the
pudding; and Mr. Cloudesley came too."

May stood to look at the scene before her, with all the pleasure and
sympathy she so truly felt, looking out of her sweet eyes. Standing
before the fire with a cookery book in his hand, was Ralph Trulock; at
the table, mixing the various ingredients in a basin, was Ruth, her hand
in no state to be shaken. Her face was very grave. It was a great
undertaking. Ralph, on the contrary, looked amused and happy. What a
contrast to the man May had seen for the first time that day last year!

May helped to finish the mixing, and then to tie the pudding in a cloth;
and it was well she was there, as otherwise the due flouring of the cloth
would have been forgotten, and Ruth's pudding would not have
presented the handsome appearance it did present the next day. May
had brought Ollie some apples and Ruth a little book; but for Ralph she
produced a bunch of Christmas Roses, saying:

"I hardly think you want these now, Mr. Trulock?"

"Truly, madam, they grow by my own fireside now; and for great part my
thanks are due to you. You first told me how to grow them."

"I expect that's a parable," said Ollie, gravely. "Isn't it, Mr. Trulock?"

"It is, Ollie."

"And we are the flowers?" said the boy with a nod of his curly head.

"You! You are a weed, Master Ollie!" cried May laughing; "And an ill
weed too. Don't you know the old saying that 'Ill weeds grow apace'?"
Mr. Cloudesley's sharp harpoon stuck fast, but the effect was not exactly
what he wished!

A day or two after Christmas, Ruth was running home from Miss Jones's
house, where she had been having a lesson in clear starching from that
notable lady, when she was surprised to hear Mrs. Short calling to her,
in very dulcet and amiable tones.

"Where are you, ma'am?" inquired Ruth, after looking round in vain.

"In my own kitching, Ruth, and the 'all door is open. You just step here, I
want a word with you."

"Oh dear!" thought Ruth, "And I can't venture to talk French to her, like
that saucy Ollie. What can she want?"

She found Mrs. Short sitting in a well-padded beehive chair before the
kitchen range. A basket at her feet contained various brushes, saucers,
and bits of rag, and her face beamed with complacency and self-
satisfaction.

"Good-day, Ruth Golong," said she. "I've been thinking how kind Miss
Jones is, teaching you so much and having you there so constant; and I
feel I ought to help both you and her a bit."

"Yes, ma'am," said Ruth doubtfully.

"Yes, indeed, Ruth; which I am a very notable woman, my dear, and can
teach you even better than Miss Jones can, though the gentry do think
such a heap of her. My Matthew, that's dead and gone, poor fellow, used
to say that for cleanly ways and housekeeping generally, there was not
a woman to equal his wife in England; and if not in England, where? For
it's not to be thought that amongst poor benighted furriners and sich,—
black, some of 'em, I'm told, and copper-coloured others,—would be as
nice in them respects as a English woman. So I've made up my mind as
it's selfish in me to keep all that knowledge locked up in my own
buzzom, and take it, as one may say, out of the world with me when the
time comes as I must leave all my little comforts and go to a better
place, and therefore I'm going to teach you, Ruth Golong. And as it's
best to begin at the beginning, we'll begin by learning to black up the
kitching range. I've everything ready; so now, my dear, you begin. Here's
a rag, rub the rust off first with ile—this bottle's the ile."

"But, ma'am," said Ruth, "I have learned to do all this, and my dinner is
in the oven, and no one is there to look to it; for Mr. Trulock and Ollie are
gone for a walk."

"Well, you know, Ruth, there's the comfort of a oven, your dinner is a-
cooking all the same and will never miss you. Here, child, take the rag."

Ruth, unwillingly enough, took the proffered rag and removed the rust as
directed. She was rather vexed, but being shy could think of no way of
escape.

"Now here's the blacklead, child, and this is the brush. Rub it on well,
dear—oh, that won't do at all—rub hard—harder—quick now, up and
down the bar. That's more like it. Good, my dear!"

In this manner did the good creature keep her pupil to the task until the
grate was polished to her liking, and Ruth in a glow with heat and
vexation.

"Now," said she, "that's not bad, my dear, for a beginning. A few more
lessons, and you'll black a grate with any one living, you will indeed.
Now there's a great art in lighting of a oven. Some folks will take an hour
or more to do it. Very disconvenient these here little ovens are, as have
a fire all to themselves. You take a shovel full of lighted coal, my dear,"
etc., etc.

Again poor Ruth found herself unable to escape, the fire was lighted
under Mrs. Short's directions.

"That's enough for one day, my dear," said the old woman. "I'll call you in
again whenever I can make time to give you another lesson. Good-day,
Ruth Golong; you're a handy gel, and will do us credit yet."

Ruth escaped as fast as she could, and ran home, half angry, but more
than half amused. Mrs. Short rose from her chair and got her neatly
made veal pie from her cupboard.

"Sich a comfort," she murmured, "to get the grate done. Mrs.
Cloudesley's sure to hear of it. It will be nearly as good as having a gel,
and it's no more than good-natured to teach that poor orphian to get a
living, as that crusty old feller may turn her out to do for herself any day."

Mrs. Cloudesley did hear of it, and so did Mr. Cloudesley; and what a
laugh May had at her husband about his "harpoon!"

For some time after this Ruth's life was rendered a burden to her by the
exactions of her "good-natered" neighbour; but at last she was obliged
to rebel, and told Mrs. Short that she had not time to do the work of two
houses. Mrs. Short characterized this as an act of the basest ingratitude,
and was never tired of telling any one who would listen, how she tried to
befriend that set-up-thing, Ruth Golong, and how the gel turned upon
her with langwich which was too violent to be repeated!

In consequence of Ruth's vile ingratitude, it became plain to Mrs. Short

that she must do one of three things, none of which she entirely liked.
She might return to doing the work herself, which her rapidly increasing
size rendered both difficult and distasteful to her. Or she might leave the
work undone—cease to keep her place so beautifully clean, and attend
merely to her cooking; to do her justice, this idea only suggested itself to
be rejected. Or again, she might get a "gel." This she would do, she
decided, after much deliberation.

The next point was, to get a "gel" for as little wages as possible—for
none, if it could be managed. She therefore wrote to her son, offering in
the handsomest manner to take "his Mary Kate" off his hands, educating
her to be a notable woman like herself, and leaving to her such sums as
she should have saved before her death. But Mat Short was very fond of
his children, and they were not fond of their grandmother! Moreover Mat
did not believe in the savings, for as he said to his wife, "Mother'd eat
five hundred a year if she had it!" This obliging offer was declined. Mary
Kate howled from the moment she heard her grandmother's letter read
until the reply was safely posted. Then, and not till then, did Mrs. Short
bethink herself of her long-lost daughter.
Now, though she always spoke of Jane as lost, Jane might more
properly be said to be merely mislaid. Mrs. Short did not know where
she was, simply because she had never inquired! Jane had offended
her mother while very young, by going out as a servant, owing to what
Mrs. Short called "competition of temper" at home. Then she had
married, and Mrs. Short, then a widow, had cast her off: people were
unkind enough to say that she feared lest Jane might expect a little help
occasionally. Now, however, the case was different, and Mrs. Short
caused a little quiet inquiry to be made about Jane, and discovered that
she was a widow, with one son, who was at sea. Mrs. Short piously
declared that it was "quite a Prominence," and forthwith wrote to Jane
whose name, by way of a joke, was Mrs. Long,—to invite her to be a
comfort to her mother's declining years.

Mrs. Long, who was again in service, thought she might as well try, in
spite of the "competition" I have mentioned; or perhaps she knew that
her temper had improved since the last competition, and wished to try
again. At all events, she came, and great was Ollie's amusement at the
queer contrast presented by Mrs. Long and Mrs. Short when he first saw
them, on their way to church together, on the first Sunday after Mrs.
Long's arrival. Mrs. Short, broader than she was long, waddling up the
hill in her handsome tartan shawl, the tartan of some clan which was
addicted to colour, and did not mind being seen a good way off. Mrs.
Long, a very tall, thin woman, with an expression of meek obstinacy in
her face, stalking beside her mother in a shabby, rusty black cloak, and
a bonnet which looked as if she had accidentally sat down upon it.

But before long (I don't mean that for a pun) Mrs. Short found that she
had made a great mistake, and, what was worse, one that could not be
un-made. Jane's temper had quite the best of the competition now! She
did not scold or storm, she seldom even answered again; but she smiled
sourly when her affectionate mother tried to feed her upon bacon and
cabbage, while she herself dined upon various costly delicacies. After a
brief struggle, Jane had her own way, and her full share of such good
things as were going. But these were not as plenty as of old.

Mrs. Long remarked that it was her mother's plain duty to save a certain
sum weekly, to form a little fortune for her when she should be again left
homeless by the old woman's death. She not only pointed out this duty,
but she saw that it was done. She made the old woman fairly
comfortable, however, and nursed her carefully when she required it; but
she ruled her completely, and altogether things were not to Mrs. Short's
mind, and she sometimes mournfully wished that she had "got a gel."

"But there," she said, "that's me all over; I couldn't get Jane out of my
head, thinking she might be actially in want, and I in comfort; I'm too
good-natured, that's the truth, and Jane don't take after me!"

"That's the Long and the Short of it!" As saucy Ollie Garland remarked
when he heard this lament.

CHAPTER XI.
MONSIEUR OLIVER.

A YEAR passed very quietly and happily in Ralph Trulock's house. Ollie
was going to school now, and Ruth was a busy and a happy little
woman, and had grown much stronger and less nervous than she had
been when she first came to Lady Mabel's Rest. Ralph gave her lessons
every evening, when the day's work was over, and was making a good
scholar of her in a plain, old-fashioned way. Mrs. Cloudesley taught her
various kinds of fancy-work, and Miss Jones made her a first-rate cook
and a capital housekeeper in every way. So Ruth bade fair to be an
accomplished woman, according to my notions. If a woman can do with
her own hands, and do well, everything that is needed for the comfort of
her household; can read and enjoy books on a variety of subjects in two
languages; can keep accounts well, and write a good hand, and has,
moreover, an employment for her leisure hours which she likes and
excels in,—I call her an accomplished woman, though she may never
have learned to torture my ears with "a tune" on the piano, or to paint