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Berhanu Abegaz
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Advances in African Economic,
Social and Political Development
Berhanu Abegaz
A Tributary
Model of State
Formation
Ethiopia, 1600-2015
Advances in African Economic, Social
and Political Development
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CREPOL - Center for Research on Political Economy, Dakar, Senegal
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Berhanu Abegaz
A Tributary Model of State

Formation
Ethiopia, 1600–2015
Berhanu Abegaz
Department of Economics
The College of William & Mary
Williamsburg, VA, USA
ISSN 2198-7262 ISSN 2198-7270 (electronic)

Advances in African Economic, Social and Political Development
ISBN 978-3-319-75779-7 ISBN 978-3-319-75780-3 (eBook)
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Foreword
A Tributary Model of State Formation: Ethiopia, 1600-2015 by Berhanu Abegaz

addresses an issue that is at once topical and pivotal to Ethiopia. It also offers a
broad analytical survey of the question in the Afroasiatic world. The author’s pur-
pose is to find out why these countries, Ethiopia in particular, are still struggling to
build well-functioning, capable, and accountable modern nation-states. Some mea-
sure of success has been obtained in countries like India, but for the most part, the
task is far, far from being achieved. Why are these countries latecomers to the game?
Have there been impediments? If so what, and how grave, are they?
This book opens with a chapter examining the key elements of a modern nation-
state: (i) a capable and effective governing entity with an adequate fiscal base, (ii)
the prevalence of the rule of law, and (iii) accountability of officers of the state to the
governed. This is followed by a broad historical analysis of how each of these ele-
ments has evolved. Various theories of the natural process of state formation (and
deliberate efforts of state-building) are examined. In Europe, successful state for-
mation was the outcome of efforts to create buoyant revenue bases to fund a defense
against external attacks. And making it sustainable required an environment which
encouraged economic growth. Afroasiatic polities built states whose revenue bases
consisted of tributes and where no environment existed for sustained productivity
growth in agricultural and non-agricultural activities. This, says the author, goes a
long way to explain “why tributary empires tend to be exclusionary and are impelled
to be expansionist to capture tributary peripheries after pauperizing core provinces.”
Despite significant shifts in the political economy of Afroasiatic countries in the
subsequent colonial and postcolonial era, the tendency to be exclusive persisted
with the emergence of new power elites, preventing in the process the formation
today’s modern nation-states.
A more in-depth discussion of state formation in the Afroasiatic world is offered
in the chapter that follows where the author surveys the Ottoman, the Safavid, and
the Mughal empires. Of the three, the Ottomans had the most extensive bureaucratic
apparatus with military districts run by officers who acted as tax collectors. Revenues
were largely obtained from taxes on agriculturalists, pastoralists, and long-distance
traders. Yet, there was no secure revenue base underpinned by economic growth.
vii
viii Foreword
The Safavids and the Moguls broadly followed the Ottoman template. While Islam
provided a universalist ideology which most subject peoples in the three empires
shared (the Hindus under the Moguls being an exception), the system was essen-
tially tributary in character with an alien power elite holding sway over disparate
peoples and cultures. A brief discussion of precolonial African states (Gondar in
Ethiopia, Dahomey, Asante, Mali, and Kongo in West and Central Africa) concludes
the survey.
Gondar is addressed in much greater detail in its own terms. A successor state of
the Kingdoms of ancient Axum, Zagwe, and the Solomonid States, Gondar (1555–
1770), it perfected the tributary-military model of state formation but ultimately
succumbed to internal strife. Why, asks the author, was this robust state unable to
transform itself into a tax-based, territorial, national state? In search of an answer,
he posits the following hypothesis: “[T]tributarism is self-limiting since it relies on
an indirect rule and puts a high premium on extractive contests over smallholder
surpluses. By undermining the emergence of an autonomous farmer class and a
business class, endemic predation stunts the fiscal basis of the state and undermines
the legitimacy of the state in the eyes of its hapless subjects.”
An excellent account of Gondar’s complex land tenure system is provided, dem-
onstrating persuasively how the interplay of economic and political constraints mili-
tated against economic growth and thereby forestalled the emergence of a secure
revenue base so crucial for a modern nation-state. It is perhaps useful to add here
that the Ethiopian tributary state had succeeded in establishing the rudiments of the
rule of law, one of the defining attributes of a modern nation-state. According to the
Kibre Negest, an iconic text which served as the basis for key aspects of Ethiopia’s
jurisprudence down the centuries, the law comes down from God. The King is his
supreme magistrate on Earth, given the sacred mandate of administering God’s law
faithfully and impartially. In the universe of the Kibre Negest, priests kept an eye on
the King and interceded whenever he deviated from the law. Accountability, another
attribute of a modern nation-state, was also a feature of the Kibre Negest. The King
was accountable not only to God but also to those he governed. Despite this enabling
heritage, the Ethiopian State was for the most part hamstrung by the double whammy
of tributary tax collection and autocracy.
Gondar ultimately gave way to an incident that had the potential of being
Ethiopia’s Magna Carta, but sadly ended up triggering an era of competing princi-
palities (zemene mesafint) during which the emperors were rendered impotent. The
incident was provoked by the last effective emperor, Tekle Giorgis (1770–1777),
who came upon the idea of imposing a new kind of tax. A mass gathering was called
by the inhabitants of the immediate vicinity at which the new tax was rejected, and
a laconic message sent to the emperor: govern us in the manner of your fathers and
we, like our fathers, shall support the Crown. We render our bare feet to thorns and
our chests to the lances of adversaries. But we render no taxes. To which the emperor
replied ruinously: if I go by what you say, wherein lies my royal authority? He was
immediately suspended from power and was restricted to the palace. The rebellious
gathering appointed a prince to act in its name. No one thought of designating some
authority to oversee the prince: a critical act that might have altered Ethiopia’s
Foreword ix
h istory. In time, the prince evolved into an autocrat, setting an example for other
princes and plunging Ethiopia into fractious principalities.
In 1847, a visionary military leader named Kassa, consumed by the idea of
restoring the country’s historic unity, power, and renown, embarked upon a military
campaign to unseat every prince, one at a time, beginning with the Prince of Gondar,
the primus inter pares. He succeeded and was crowned emperor. With remarkable
determination, he set out to create a modern nation-state where a strong central
government had the power to tax, establish a standing army, curb the power of the
Church and the local princes, and introduce land reform to relieve the peasantry of
its many miseries.1 He encountered fierce resistance and was finally brought down
by a British military expedition for his refusal to release British citizens he had put
behind bars. The Emperor committed suicide rather than bow in submission to the
enemy.
The seat of empire later moved southwards to Shewa where Menelik II was
crowned Emperor in 1882. Abegaz picks up the story from there and introduces the
reader to a new vista of Ethiopia’s political evolution: the modern Shewan State
covering the nine decades to the end of 1974. The global environment had changed
dramatically: it was the age of industry and the colonial scramble for Africa.
Menelik’s response was to launch a military campaign to reclaim the lost provinces
of bygone times. This turned out to be a major challenge, for massive demographic
shifts had occurred following an extended civil war in the sixteenth century. But
Menelik persisted and succeeded in reclaiming regions lost during the civil war,
adding fresh territory to pre-empt Italian, French, and British colonial incursions. A
military encounter was bound to occur with one of these at one point or another. In
1896, the Italian Army crossed Ethiopia’s northern border and occupied consider-
able territory. Emperor Menelik’s army went to war. To the astonishment of the
colonial powers and the wider world, he emerged victor.
A vigorous modernization program ensued. By the middle of the twentieth cen-
tury, the Shewan state (first under Menelik and later under Haile Selassie) suc-
ceeded in transforming the historic tributary state into a territorial state double its
previous size. And, in Abegaz’s words, “it [had] laid down a reasonably secure fiscal
base which was strung together from different sources, and developed links with the
global economy.” This was no mean accomplishment, but the project of building a
modern political order with a strong, accountable, and growth-promoting state
remained incomplete.
Abegaz asks why and provides a two-part answer. Internally, Shewa (like Gondar)
was beleaguered by the self-limiting nature of tribute-seeking which discouraged
agricultural modernization and economic integration, especially in the historic
northern and central provinces. External factors also came into play. The fall of
Axum came fast on the heels of the rise of hostile Arab communities on the littoral
of the Red Sea during the seventh century, followed by the emergence and domi-
nance of the Ottomans in the ensuing centuries. Ethiopian emperors had to devote a
good bulk of their resources to fending off these adversaries. And the forced isolation
1
The Meiji Restoration of Japan, with leaders harboring a similar vision, was launched in 1868.
x Foreword
of more than a thousand years further blocked the country from the centers of com-
merce and learning to which it had access previously and had greatly benefited
from.
As with Gondar, Abegaz proceeds to provide an extensive analysis of the com-
plex system of land tenure and tribute collection in Shewa, demonstrating at each
stage how the system effectively shut out any prospect of sustained growth and the
emergence of a productive farmer and merchant class. He supplements this with an
excellent account of the taxes, tributes, and revenue from the slave trade of the
short-lived Kingdom of Jimma Aba Jiffar.
The latest variant is the Revolutionary State represented by the two revolutionary
regimes from 1974 to the present. Shewa had managed to develop three of the build-
ing blocks of a modern state: a common language, a legitimizing ideology, and
monopoly over the instruments of violence. And Shewa’s genius of fusing the lega-
cies of Axum and Gondar with the new demography of the diverse cultures of the
southern provinces had been key to its success as a trailblazer of a modern state.
When all is said and done, however, Shewa fell short of evolving into a full-fledged
modern nation-state capable of providing popular participation in public affairs,
basic services to all, decentralization, adequate accountability, separation of Church
and State, and fundamental freedoms. And in 1974, a small politically conscious
segment of the population precipitated a revolution.
Over a relatively short period, Marxist students succeeded to undermine the old
regime. In the end, however, it was the military that usurped power. The soldiers had
no vision or coherent strategy for change. And before long, they embarked upon
mass arrests, summary executions, and a Stalinist type police state. As soldiers long
trained to uphold national unity and inviolable borders, they wore the mantle of
nationalism—not realizing that their version was purely of the cartographic variety.
Increasingly, they found it difficult to manage the nation’s affairs, long term or short
term. And they failed spectacularly when their extensive military superstructure
imploded in the face of sustained secessionist resistance. The young radical victors
were initially perceived as liberators from the military. Rather than building on this
enabling sentiment and fashioning less repressive and more inclusive policies, they
opted for an even more radical version of Marxism (that of Enver Hoxha of Albania)
made worse by a pernicious breed of ethnocentric nationalism.
Abegaz applies to these two regimes the same analytical tools he had earlier used
with such good effect and concludes that the classical extractive tributary system of
raising revenue persists. Under these regimes (especially under the latter) land has
been turned into state property. And the new governing elites extract what amounts
to rent from exploiting that asset (supplemented by huge resource transfers from
donor countries to support development) and deploy them for advancing the inter-
ests of their political class. Much more is said in the chapter in this regard that gives
depth and meaning to these observations. In the concluding chapter, the author
spells out the implications of his analysis for reforming the Revolutionary State.
A key question that has dominated the debate on Ethiopian nation-state forma-
tion is which of the two factors, the external or internal, was the more determinant?
This book contains a fairly exhaustive exploration of the balance between the two,
Foreword xi
with the author favoring the internal as the more decisive factor. I lean towards the
view that external factors have been the more formidable inhibitors of the nation-
building process. Imagine the countless missed opportunities for the cross-
fertilization of ideas in science, technology, the arts, governance, and the like that
might have paved the way for the emergence of a modern nation. Ironically, when
the isolation ended during the reign of Emperor Haile Selassie I, the flood of new
ideas (which started with Italy’s occupation in the mid-1930s and culminated in the
mindless adoption of an exclusivist foreign ideology in 1974) disrupted the process
of nation-building that the Emperor had finally set in motion.
Reading Abegaz’s book reminds one of Why Nations Fail, a similar but more
ambitious book published in 2012, by Acemoglu and Robinson. Those who have
read it will recall how tangentially, and perhaps inevitably, Ethiopia’s case was
treated. We all owe a debt of gratitude to Abegaz for rectifying the situation and for
enhancing our understanding of a subject of such consuming and abiding interest to
Ethiopians. It goes without saying that there is also much that will be of interest to
scholars and specialists of Ethiopia.
Philadelphia, PA, USA Tekalign Gedamu

November 2017
Ato Tekalign Gedamu is a retired economist who held a number of cabinet positions under two
Ethiopian governments, was Vice President for Finance at the African Development Bank where
he served for some 16 years, and was Chairman & CEO of the Bank of Abyssinia
Preface
With respect to cognitive categories, the KN (Kibre Negest]

assumes the equivalence of land ≈ people ≈ nation ≈ polity.
Thus, it speaks of the rejoicing which took place in behere
Ityopia, a phrase that connotes land, country, and people alike.
Donald Levine (2009: 314)
[T]he Ethiopian emperors and the rest of the landed nobility
lived poorly. Their best dish and best drink required little or no
skill. Their houses were not only poorly constructed but also
hardly furnished. They not only dressed poorly but did not even
enjoy the comforts of sandals, to say nothing of shoes or boots.
Merid Wolde Aregay (1984: 127)
Economic transformation and socio-political modernization, we now know, are

strongly associated with two sets of widenings. The first, political widening, entails
a transition from narrowly primordial collective decision-making institutions to
pan-ethnic, pan-faith, and territorially shared notions of authority and governance.
The other is economic widening (and later deepening) which entails a non-
discriminatory pan-territorial and trans-sectoral mobility of people, capital, goods
and services, and ideas. A modern social order then is one where the fundamental
rights of citizenship are honored, property rights are well defined and enforced, and
a viable state imposes the rule of law and provides basic public services.
A modern political order, a subset of a modern social order, rests on a tripod of
distinctive institutions. One is a state with competent officials who are not prone to
egregious nepotism, cronyism, or clientelism. A second pillar is the rule of law that
fosters limited government by imposing binding restraints on the rulers. The third is
the accountability of elites to nonelites, assuming a paternalistic form out of a sense
of noblesse oblige or preferably a democratic form.
Definitions are in order. The term state generally refers to the set of administra-
tive and coercive institutions which enjoys sovereignty (domestic and interna-
tional). The term regime refers either to a ruling clique in control of the state or the
rules and norms for the exercise of power. A government, on the other hand, denotes
xiii
xiv Preface
the leadership that is in control of state institutions. As they say, if the state is a
computer, the regime is the software, and the government is the programmer or the
operator.
By state formation, I mean the drawn out, nonlinear, and endogenous evolution
of the institutionalization of the power of a supra-society political entity which
eventually enjoys a monopoly of large-scale violence. State-building is a deliberate
action by elites to develop the machinery of the state to enhance technocratic and
coercive capacity, and to gain the legitimacy to rule.
Nation-building, on the other hand, is the deliberate fostering of a strong
sense of a common political identification with the state by a culturally, and eth-
nically, or racially diverse populace to undergird the resiliency of state institu-
tions. State resilience is understood here as the capability of the state to absorb
internal as well as external shocks while preserving stability, adapting to unavoid-
able radical changes, and even transforming itself into a nation-state by consoli-
dating the requisite resource base to underwrite political centralization (OECD,
2008; Fukuyama, 2014).
The processes of class formation, nation formation, and state formation have
historically been profoundly shaped by war (interstate and intrastate), migration,
and long-distance trade. This means, state formation is a product of the terms under
which the producer and the appropriator classes control the means of production as
well as the distribution of the economic surplus already produced.
How only a handful of societies (roughly 1.5 billion people out the 7.5 billion
worldwide) managed to transition from closed-order societies (doubly exclusionary
economic and political institutions) to open-order societies (doubly inclusionary eco-
nomic and political institutions) continues to be a hotly debated issue (NWW 2012;
Acemoglu and Robinson 2012). These contingent outcomes (or radical turns) obvi-
ously involve luck, farsighted leadership, and critical moments of opportunity. One
possible avenue of extrication begins with economic growth which is presumed to
pave the way for inclusive institutions. A second path reverses the sequence. A third
path imagines the co-evolution of inclusive political and economic institutions.
The literature on the microhistory of economic and political institutions (the
trees) in Africa is sparse but rapidly growing. Drawing credible meanings from it for
the macrohistory (the forest) has, however, lagged far behind. The latter has, in fact,
given way to ideological (Marxist, liberal, or communitarian) or self-servingly
political (ethnolinguistic or parochially religious) interpretations of the past and the
future alike. The need for theoretical clarity about cause and effect, empirical sub-
stantiation of competing claims, and careful identification of the options for crafting
resilient institutions remains as great as ever.
The search for the ultimate causes of underdevelopment of Ethiopia, despite its
impressive historical pedigree, often ends with the recognition of the centrality of its
inability to forge an effective modern state to mount a robust industrialization drive.
I, therefore, take up here this vexed question of why the Christian civilizational state
found it so elusive to complete the project of transforming itself into a unified
nation-state through robust processes of modernization and assimilation of kindred
polities within its cultural reach. I offer a line of thinking that, while Ethiopian
Preface xv
exceptionalism may be justified by some features of its statecraft, the basic p rocesses
of state formation and nation formation are widely shared by many precolonial
African and Asian societies.
In other words, the most important aspect of the question of prolonged underde-
velopment ultimately turns on the effectiveness of the Ethiopian state in managing
three things: land, people, and trade. Furthermore, since state-building and nation-
building often come bundled, a vital issue that must be addressed pertains to the
conditions of existence for managing progressive cultural homogenization.
Many parts of Africa—Islamic, Christian, or Indigenous—had developed states
and empires at least as far back as the Middle Ages. In the cases of Egypt and
Ethiopia, the antiquity of the state and even the nation is remarkably long (Levine
2009). To show that Africa did not lack in the antiquity of state formation, one need
only mention the various Caliphates in North Africa and Sahelian Africa, the vari-
ous Ethiopian states, and other African states such as Ghana, Mali, Songhay, Asante,
Kongo, Oyo, and Dahomey. Nearly all precolonial African states, however, tragi-
cally succumbed to varying combinations of crises which were at least as internal as
they were products of global pressure.
Ken Post (1972) provides one interesting line of thinking to explain the demise
or the enfeeblement of the precolonial African state. He rightly notes (Post 1972:
237):
Who is extracting labor power in the form of agricultural products from whom, and how?
This analysis will involve such matters as the influence of land tenure, the extent and nature
of absorption into the world market system, relations with the State apparatus and those
who control it, and class differentiations and relations with the rural populations.
In this sense, there appears to be a persistent failure of collective action in much

of precolonial Africa. Each political unit was coherent on its own but unable to
coordinate to be able to mount sustained defense against external threats through
continual institutional innovations. This inability to form resilient states exposed a
large part of the continent to internecine warfare, chattel slavery, brutal settlement
colonies, and eventually the Scramble for Africa.
An enigmatic Ethiopia was somehow spared many but not all of these depreda-
tions. It produced able leaders, most of whom were long in memory and short on
vision. Despite a 400-year experimentation with various models of modern state
formation, a noncolonial Ethiopia, not unlike many of its African peers, failed to
produce a robust state that is at once capable and accountable.
Ethiopia’s journey in post-medieval statecraft has had remarkable ups and downs.
It started around 1600 and underwent a post-Jihad consolidation by Serse Dengel in
1563, fragmentation beginning with Tekle Haymanot II in 1770, and ended with the
restorationist drive by Tewodros II beginning in 1855. It received a boost, in the
form of territorial expansion and modernization under Menelik II and successors
(1890–1974), after which it underwent radical institutional changes in the ensuing
40 years to 2015.
During the revolutionary period of hyper-statism, the ideology of the primacy of
class over ethnicity transmogrified into the primacy of ethnicity over class. A new
xvi Preface
cosmopolitan diaspora also emerged from the social dislocation, and in the age of
the information-communication revolution, which predictably garnered a substan-
tial impact on domestic politics in the realms of both ideas and money.
Since then, the ruling coalition of ethnic fronts has been facing internal dissen-
sion and nation-wide uprisings against its misrule. Fomenting inter-communal con-
flict, over-reliance on large-scale state violence, institutionalized grand corruption,
ethnic discrimination, and a systematic de-building of national institutions seem to
usher in yet another strident popular struggle to establish inclusionary state institu-
tions (The Economist 2017).
Several ideas have certainly been advanced to shed some light on the question of
why Ethiopia has not yet completed its longstanding state-building project (see,
e.g., Tibebu 1995; Tegenu 2007). Compelling explanations have so far eluded us.
Crummey (1990), for example, provides a useful review of the recent historiogra-
phy of Ethiopia—the literature which is rich in description but poor in theoretical
construct, and one that has yet to bring the state in from the cold. More recently, the
political discourse on the contested Ethiopian state has fallen victim to distortion-
ary revisionism in the service of those who have captured it or are vying to take
their turns.
Tantalizing hints can also be gleaned from the uneven and surprisingly sparse
political economy literature with various takes on the interplay between internal
forces and external forces. Factors invoked include centuries-old isolation born of
encirclement by a hostile Ottoman Empire and later European colonialists (mainly
Italy and Great Britain), political fragmentation produced by non-navigable rivers
and erosion-prone watersheds bordered by unforgiving hot and dry steppes, and a
predominantly landed peasantry defensively resisting unbridled rent-seeking by
state elites who self-interestedly and ineptly squandered scarce resources on inter-
necine warfare and extravagant communal feasts to the detriment of wealth
accumulation.
One particular line of argument, which provoked me enough to offer what I hope
is a more credible alternative explanation, is the passing remarks made in Acemoglu
and Robinson (2012) to Ethiopia’s social formation. In their big-picture and pro-
vocative book, they forcibly fit Ethiopia into an unhelpful straightjacket of absolut-
ist feudalism. Though not for lack of trying, very few Ethiopian emperors managed
to impose an absolutist rule on a predominantly landed peasanty. Zero-sum tribu-
tarism holds a better explanatory power.
Melding relevant insights from economic history, institutional economics, devel-
opment economics, and development politics, I offer here one novel and counterin-
tuitive line of thinking about the internal forces which profoundly shaped Ethiopian
state formation. I make a case for the pivotal role, in state-building, of control over
tribute in the land-trade-power nexus of the non-feudal world of the Afro-Asian
region.
To put it rather provocatively, the lackluster record in nation-state formation in
Ethiopia is a product of the fact that the Ethiopian landed peasantry was not, and
could not have been, exploited as much as its European counterparts and for the
meager surplus to be productively invested. Even after the Ethiopian state managed
Preface xvii
to monopolize large-scale violence, and prematurely over-centralized after the 1974

Revolution, a deceptively vanquished society continually rebels against state
overreach.
The absence (perhaps for agro-ecological reasons) of an independently wealthy
producer-cum-appropriator feudal class in Ethiopian history has meant that monar-
chical elites were impelled to employ rational strategies for extracting wealth from
a predominantly landed peasantry. High vulnerability to foreign domination and the
siege mentality it produced were in the final analysis domestically rooted weak-
nesses. Going against the grain, I will argue that external constraints, though impor-
tant and a constant challenge for state formation elsewhere in the world, are
proximate rather than ultimate causes of the Ethiopian failure to enforce raison
d’état.
This notable feature of the history of the Ethiopian state, in fact, endures. Political
relations in the Ethiopian highlands were shaped primarily by non-feudal tributary
relations anchored in the division of income between landed smallholders and an
effectively prebendary class of soldier-administrators.1 A peasant economy of set-
tled cultivators and mobile transhumants in a diverse biogeography supported
poorly-integrated polities headed by ruling elites who were inevitably preoccupied
with redistributive rather than productive contests. Ethiopia appeared to have transi-
tioned from a tributary state (based on landedness, common religion and language,
and a Crown as a symbol of unity) to a territorially defined state by World War I. In
other words, it was a latecomer in the transition from an arm’s-length tributary state
(ye’gebbar sir’at) to a tax-reliant state (ye’gibir sir’at) bereft of a well-defined
territory.2
Unlike most precolonial African states, the Ethiopian state was legitimate and
certainly capable enough to defeat myriad existential threats to domestic order and
its international borders. It even flirted with a semblance of a constitutional order
with written constitutions in 1563, 1931, 1955, 1987, and 1994. It turned out,
though, that tributarism is a low-income politico-economic trap.
Resiliency in orderliness but weakness in public-service delivery was ultimately
a product of an inadequate fiscal base. Enfeebled endogenously by ossified tech-
nologies and squandered by patrimonial politics, the pedigreed tributary state lacked
the capacity to generate the requisite resources and leadership to make an irrevers-
ible transition to a modern nation-state.3
1
I chose to focus on the period 1600–2015 partly to facilitate international comparison and partly
to take a manageable bite of a rich political and economic history. The post-Axumite Ethiopian
state is at least a millennium old, counting from Zagwe to Shewa. In its current territorial reach, it
is a little over a century old. For politicians and polemical historians who wish to draft history in
the service of partisan politics, the choice of longevity apparently matters greatly. It should not.
2
There is no standard for transliterating Amharic into English. So, spellings may vary for names of
people, concepts, or places between my rendering and those of the cited references.
3
Ethiopia is somewhat of a political enigma. Census figures show that its 100 million people are
two-thirds Christian and one-third Sunni Muslim. Though there are 80 linguistic groups, Ethiopia
is one of the least ethnically diverse countries in Africa. Some 68% of the population is accounted
for by equally sized ethnic Amara and ethnic Oromo. The next two largest groups (the Tigreans and
xviii Preface
The motivation for this line of thinking is provided by my desire to provide an

analytical framework for making sense of the evolution of the various Ethiopian
states and the strategies employed by various state elites to build and sustain them.
That is, the ultimate project is to solidify not just any national-state but a nation-
state. We must then identity the determinants of the speed as well as the trajectory
of state formation by identifying continuities and breaks, including drawing on the
experiences of comparable traditional societies.
A thorough synthesis of the literature was undertaken to identify the mechanism
that generates a modern political order: state formation, nation formation, peasan-
tization, proletarianization, and territoriality. The conceptual entry points for our
analytical foray include tributarism, rent-seeking, geopolitics, ethnicity, class,
developmentalism, political traps, and poverty traps. Though historical data series
are very limited, we will deploy the available evidence to buttress the central
argument.
This book is an exercise in grand theorizing about the economic and political
history of a pedigreed but ill-understood African state, seeks:
(a) To critically synthesize insights from the ongoing debates on competing models
of state formation—European, Afroasiatic, colonial, and postcolonial
(b) To clear up the notable misconceptions about the achievements and limitations
of Ethiopian state formation
(c) To reframe the conventional mental model of the precolonial African state for-
mation and tease out the implications for transforming the extractive postcolo-
nial state onto a trajectory of inclusiveness, accountability, and
developmentalism
(d) To compensate for the sparseness of reliable time-series data with well-chosen
conceptual frameworks and granular case studies of institutions and countries
Strictly speaking, this is neither a historical work nor a political analysis. It is
rather an exercise in a historically informed politico-economic analysis that takes
Ethiopian state formation as an organic one that evolved from embeddedness in
society to one of autonomy or even a pathological domination of society (Skocpol
1985). It throws a much-needed light on why Ethiopia, with a pedigreed state and
an early home of the three Abrahamic religions to build on, is still contending with
atavistic political ethnicity and a subsistence-oriented economy. What appears to be
a technocratically strong state is structurally weak, having been captured by politi-
cal actors who respect neither the rule of law nor a meaningful sense of account-
ability to the larger society (Abegaz 2015).
This book consists of six chapters organized into three parts. Part I provides the
theoretical framework in two chapters. Chapter 1 discusses the foundations of mod-
ern political order, the drivers of the transition to it, and the relationships between
political order and economic prosperity. Chapter 2 takes a comparative look at what
the Somali) add another 6% each. This means that 80% of the population is accounted for by four
ethnolinguistic groups. The historical political faultline, as we will see, was instead between a
multiethnic Christian-Highlander state and a multiethnic Muslim-Lowlander state.
Preface xix
I call the Afroasiatic tributary model of state formation which is contrasted with the
European, Eurasian, African, and Chinese models.
Part II presents case studies of the three variants of the Ethiopian state as it
evolved since 1600 leveraging three mobilizational ideologies in Christianity, Islam,
and Marxism-Leninism. Chapter 3 explores, in some detail, the Gondarine state
which built on Axumite political traditions and provided a template for the Shewan
state that supplanted it. The latter, presented in Chapter 4, turned out to be one of the
most successful in modern Ethiopian history. Chapter 5 explores the nature of the
Revolutionary State which succeeded Shewa this time with a socialistic pretention
of an abiding commitment to universalistic class conflict and an abiding commit-
ment to internationalism. In the end, it fell back on the short-termist unleashing of
passion by an atavistic tribalism.
Part III, which comprises Chap. 6, summarizes the main arguments. It offers
some ideas for escaping the political and economic trap to which the postcolonial
African state seems to have been most prone (World Bank 2017). It also offers some
guiding principles for a post-EPRDF political order.
A lot of confusion is generated by the loose language in large parts of the litera-
ture on the subject. Our attempt to provide a corrective has rendered parts of our
analytical narrative unavoidably didactic. The excurses in the boxes, the glossary,
and the chronology of Ethiopian emperors are intended to provide a common frame
of reference that will help to sharpen the focus squarely on the debate on the internal
and external drivers of power in Ethiopia. Terms included in Glossary are bolded
the first time they are used in the text.
References
Abegaz, B. (2015). Aid, accountability and institution building in Ethiopia: The

Self-limiting Nature of Technocratic Aid. Third World Quarterly, 36(7):
1382–1403.
Acemoglu, D., & Robinson, J. (2012). Why Nations Fail. New York: Crown.
Chole, E. (1990). Agriculture and surplus extraction: The Ethiopian experience. In
S. Pausewaung, et al. (Eds.), Ethiopia: Rural development options. London: Zed
Books.
Crummey, D. (1990). Society, state, and nationality in the recent historiography of
Ethiopia. Journal of African History, 31: 103–119.
Fukuyama, F. (2014). Political order and political decay: From the industrial revo-
lution to the globalization of democracy. New York: Farrar, Straus and Giroux.
Levine, D. (1999). Ethiopia’s Nationhood Reconsidered. Analise Social, 46:
311–327.
North, D., et al. (NWW). (2012). Violence and social orders. Cambridge University
Press.
xx Preface
Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD). (2008).

Concepts and dilemmas of state building in fragile situations: From fragility to
resilience. Paris: OECD.
Post, K. (1972). ‘Peasantization’ and rural political movements in Western Africa.
European Journal of Sociology, 13(2): 223–254.
Skocpol, T. (1985). Bringing the state back: Strategies of analysis in current
research. In: P. Evans, D. Rueschemeyer, and T. Skocpol, (Eds.). Bringing the
state back in (pp. 3–43). Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
Tegenu, T. (2007). The evolution of Ethiopian absolutism. Hollywood, CA: Tsehai
Publishers.
The Economist. (2017). Unity v Diversity: Ethiopia’s Ethnic Federalism is Being
Tested. The Economist, Print Edition, October 7.
Tibebu, T. (1995). The making of modern Ethiopia, 1896–1974. Lawrenceville: Red
Sea Pres.
Wolde Aregay, M. (1984). Society and technology in Ethiopia, 1500–1800. Journal
of Ethiopian Studies, 17: 127–47.
World Bank. (2017). World development report 2017: Governance and the Law.
Washington, DC: World Bank Group.
Williamsburg, VA, USA Berhanu Abegaz

Acknowledgments
Ethiopia is a country of great beginnings and great unfinishings. Too few have so far
been foolhardy enough to try to answer the complex question of why pioneers in
state formation such as Ethiopia often suffered a reversal of fortune. The genesis of
this monograph is a paper I published in 2005 in the Journal of Agrarian Change.
There, I made a novel linkage among Ethiopia’s land institutions, the country’s
mode of patrimonialism, and the concomitant economic underdevelopment.
With a tinge of hubris, I subsequently came to the realization that the notion of a
“tributary mode of production” may very well offer a deep-veined understanding of
the evolution of Ethiopia’s political economy and those of many of its African and
Asian precolonial peers. Given the pivotal role of the state in overcoming anarchy
and mounting an industrialization drive, a comparatively historical approach to its
formation has much to offer.
I am indebted to a number of people, some subscribing to the feudal thesis or the
colonial thesis of African state formation, for challenging me to make a case for
tributarism. They include Alemante G. Selassie, Shumet Sishagne, Daniel Kendie,
and Mulugeta Petros. The late Donald Crummey encouraged me to stretch the tribu-
tary thesis to the limit of its fruitful application for understanding the enigma that is
Ethiopia’s agrarian political economy.
I am especially indebted to Ato Tekalign Gedamu who urged me to turn the
working papers I shared with him into this book. He also kindly provided the
Foreword which outlines his take on this timely subject.
I also wish to thank Kiel Kinkaid, my graduate assistant, for a lot of grunt work.
Kira Holmes of the Center for Geospatial Analysis at William & Mary kindly pre-
pared the maps for me. Lorraine Klimowitz ably coordinated the work with the
Series Editors and the Copy Editors.
My greatest debt, as always, is to Fernus who understandingly endured my pro-
longed shirking from family duties.
Williamsburg, VA (USA) Berhanu Abegaz
December 30, 2017
xxi
Contents
Part I The Theoretical Framework

1 The Making of the Modern Political Order�� 3
1.1 Social Order�� 4
1.1.1 The North–Wallis–Weingast (NWW) Thesis�� 5
1.1.2 The Acemoglu and Robinson (AR) Thesis �� 7
1.2 Political Order�� 9
1.3 Theories of State Formation�� 13
1.4 Transition to Modern Political Order�� 17
1.4.1 State Formation�� 17
1.4.2 Nation-State Formation�� 24
1.5 Political Order and Prosperity�� 26
References�� 28
2 The Tributary-Civilizational State �� 31
2.1 The Feudal European Model of State Formation�� 33
2.2 The Tributary Afroasiatic Model of State Formation�� 37
2.3 The Islamic Empire State: Ottomans, Safavids, and Mughals�� 39
2.4 The Precolonial African State I: Gondar�� 42
2.5 The Precolonial African State II: Asante, Kongo, and Dahomey �� 45
2.5.1 The Kingdom of Kongo�� 48
2.5.2 The Kingdom of Dahomey �� 49
2.5.3 The Asante Union �� 49
2.6 Tributarism and Underdevelopment�� 50
References�� 52
Part II Three Ethiopian Tributary States

3 The Gondarine Tributary-Military State�� 57
3.1 The Weight of Triple Legacies�� 57
3.2 Gondar as a Tributary-Military State�� 61
xxiii
xxiv Contents
3.2.1 Competition for Officeholding�� 64

3.2.2 The Fiscal Base of the Gondarine State�� 67
3.2.3 Land Institutions 1: The Rist Sireet�� 67
3.2.4 Land Institutions 2: The Gult Sireet-Sir’at �� 73
3.2.5 A Game-Theoretic Perspective on Tributary Statism �� 74
3.3 Unstable Equilibrium: The Era of the Warring Princes�� 79
Appendix 3.1: Chronology of Ethiopian Emperors, 1563–1974
(from the 28th Emperor to the 56th Emperor)�� 82
References�� 83
4 The Shewan Fiscal-Territorial State�� 85
4.1 Colonialism’s Rude Encounter with an Indigenous State�� 86
4.2 The New Fiscal Base and Governance�� 93
4.3 The Jimma State: Landlordism, Slavery, and Free Trade �� 101
4.4 The Limits of Tributarism for Nation-State Formation�� 107
4.4.1 Land Institutions and Political Culture �� 107
4.4.2 Impact on Economic Development�� 109
References�� 117
5 The Ethiopian Revolutionary State�� 121
5.1 Anachronistic Statism and Atavistic Tribalism�� 122
5.2 The Legacies of Shewa Inform a Revolution�� 126
5.3 The Garrison-Populist Regime �� 131
5.4 The Ethnocentric-Capitalist Regime�� 134
5.5 The Paradox of State-Building and Nation-Debuilding
Under RS�� 147
Part III A Modern African Political Order

6 Implications for Reforming the Postcolonial State �� 159
6.1 The Postcolonial African State�� 161
6.2 Institutionalizing Restraints on Powerholders�� 163
6.3 Re-imagining the Post-Revolutionary Ethiopian State �� 166
6.4 The Virtues of Decentralization�� 170
6.5 Concluding Thoughts�� 173
Glossary�� 179
Index�� 185
List of Appendices
Appendix 3.1 Chronology of Ethiopian emperors, 1563–1974�� 82
xxv
List of Boxes
Box 1.1 Polity, Nation, State, and Nation-State�� 25

Box 2.1 The Civilizational State �� 32
Box 2.2 Feudalism�� 35
Box 2.3 Tributarism�� 36
Box 2.4 Absolutism�� 48
Box 3.1 Fetha Negest and Kibre Negest �� 75
Box 3.2 Tragic reformers: Ze-Dengel and Tewodros II�� 78
Box 4.1 The self-reinvented: Ali the Great of Yeju and
Mohammed Ali of Wollo �� 89
Box 4.2 Two contrasting models of governance: Sahle Selassie
of Shewa and Abba Jiffar of Jimma�� 104
Box 5.1 The Developmental State�� 144
Box 5.2 Addis Ababa: The Big Prize�� 153
xxvii
List of Figures
Fig. 1.1 Drivers of state formation and state robustness�� 14

Fig. 2.1 The Afroasiatic empire states, c. 1700�� 38
Fig. 2.2 Precolonial African kingdoms, c. 1700 �� 47
Fig. 3.1 Solomonic Ethiopia, c. 1600 �� 63
Fig. 4.1 Class hierarchy of the Sireet-Sir’at system
of the Shewan State �� 87
Fig. 4.2 The making of Menelikean Ethiopia, circa 1900�� 96
Fig. 4.3 Endogeneity of output shares and
production level under tributarism�� 111
Fig. 5.1 Ethiopia: income and fixed capital per head, 1950–2014�� 135
Fig. 5.2 Ethiopia: population and income per head, 1950–2014�� 136
Fig. 5.3 Equality-in-poverty: density of the bottom
40% of the income distribution �� 150
Fig. 5.4 Two contrasting conceptions of Ethiopian political order�� 151
Fig. 6.1 Exclusionary identity and political consciousness�� 174
xxix
List of Tables
Table 1.1 Transition to open-access social order by taming violence�� 6

Table 1.2 Transition to doubly-inclusionary institutions�� 7
Table 1.3 Threat sources, fiscal capacity, and militarization of states�� 15
Table 1.4 Modes of control over production and appropriation�� 18
Table 1.5 Affinity between modern economic
and political institutions �� 22
Table 2.1 Sequences of the elements of modern political
order and economic order�� 33
Table 2.2 Land and water institutions in the medieval
Afroasiatic world�� 39
Table 3.1 Three Ethiopian states: Gondarine,
Shewan, and Revolutionary�� 58
Table 3.2 The population of medieval and modern
Ethiopia, 1000–2015�� 65
Table 3.3 Fiscal, military, and administrative systems of Gondar
and its successors�� 65
Table 3.4 Ethiopia: major external and civil wars fought,
circa 1600–2000 �� 69
Table 3.5 A mixed game with nobility constantly testing
the limits of imperial provocation�� 76
Table 3.6 Cautious nobility with emperor facing incessant
external invasion�� 77
Table 3.7 Aggressive nobility incessantly challenging
a weak emperor�� 77
Table 4.1 Rights in land in the old and new provinces, 1900–1974�� 95
Table 4.2 Shewa: modes of land ownership and surplus extraction �� 97
Table 4.3 Correlation between factor endowment
and mode of surplus extraction�� 98
xxxi
xxxii List of Tables
Table 4.4 A profile of the land tenure systems of imperial

Ethiopia, c. 1970�� 101
Table 4.5 Features of political order under three
post-axumite states �� 114
Table 4.6 Ethiopia: indicators of regime and authority
characteristics, 1855–1973 �� 115
Table 5.1 Systemic stability and fragmentation
of political communities�� 125
Table 5.2 Features of political order under three Ethiopian States�� 127
Table 5.3 Ethiopia: indicators of regime and authority characteristics,
1974–2016�� 145
Table 5.4 Ethiopia: Population History and Life
Expectancy, 1950–2017�� 145
Table 5.5 Wealth per capita in Ethiopia and comparator
countries, 2014 (in US$)�� 147
Table 5.6 Indexes of state fragility, effectiveness,
and legitimacy�� 154
Table 6.1 Trajectories of nation-building and state-building
in diverse societies�� 160
Table 6.2 The roads to Denmark�� 164
Part I
The Theoretical Framework
Chapter 1
The Making of the Modern Political Order
[The] territorial aspect of statehood arguably preceded the

other characteristics associated with modern states, such as
rational administration, fiscal ability, and national loyalty.
Indeed, from purely a territorial perspective, states preceded
nations and high-capacity modern administrations by several
centuries. Hendrik Spruyt (2015: 2–3)
State institutions emerged in history not as a voluntary contract
between society members (such as producers willing to pay
taxes in exchange for protection from the local bandits), but
rather because some groups imposed their coercive power on
others…. As a result, institutions and the outcomes of the
bargains within those institutions reflect the power structure of
a given society. World Bank (2017: 62)
A modern political order stands on three interlocked legs that are hard to put in
place simultaneously: a centralized state authority to contain widespread private
violence, the rule of law to restrain abuse by powerholders, and an acceptable mech-
anism for the accountability of the rulers to the ruled. Precolonial political orders
emerged in an environment where external threats loomed large, internal political
fragmentation and contestation were high, and a weak incentive to build a solid fis-
cal base to support a viable state. The forms state formation assumed varied widely
across time and among world regions. We need to identify, without falling into the
trap of historicism or Eurocentrism, the conditions under which a given pathway
can lead to the emergence of a viable modern political order.1
1
Haldon (1993: 13) rightly notes: “Description alone explains neither how social formations work,
nor how change occurs—although the effects of these processes can be observed. In short, it can-
not reveal by itself the structural and causal relationships referred to already. And history is, if
anything, about explaining change, not merely describing the fact that it happens.”
© Springer International Publishing AG, part of Springer Nature 2018 3

B. Abegaz, A Tributary Model of State Formation,
Advances in African Economic, Social and Political Development,
https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-75780-3_1
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Chapter XX.
THE ORDER OF THE LESSER SANCTIFICATION
OF WATER.
A table covered with brocade is placed in the middle of the church

in the customary place, and water in a stoup. And the priest, having
put on epitrachelion and phelonion, and holding in his hand the
honourable cross with an aspergillus, is preceded by the deacon with
the censer, and by two light-bearers with tapers. And having come
before the table, he layeth thereupon the cross, and, taking the
censer, he censeth the water crosswise, and beginneth as
customarily. And the priest having blessed, we begin psalm cxlii.
O Lord, hear my prayer....
Then, God is the Lord, and hath manifested himself unto us....
thrice, in tone iv.
And the present troparia, tone iv.
To the God-bearing one we now earnestly hie, we, sinful and lowly
ones, and bow down, crying in penitence from the depth of the soul,
Help us, O Queen, being pitiful unto us: make speed, we are undone
by the multitude of iniquities: turn not thy servants empty away; for
thee we hold indeed an only trust. Twice.
At no time, will we, unworthy ones, be silent, God-bearing one, to
tell of thy mighty acts; for, hadst thou not prevented with
intercession, who would have delivered us out of so many dangers?
and who would have kept us free until now? We will not turn away
from thee, O Queen; for thou ever savest thy servants from all ills.
Then, psalm l. Have mercy upon me, O God....
Then we sing these troparia, tone vi.
Thou that didst receive the salutation of the Angel, and didst bring
forth thy Creator, save, O Virgin, them that magnify thee.
The first troparion is said twice.
We sing praises unto thy Son, God-bearing one, and cry, O most
pure Queen, deliver thy servants from every danger.
Thou art the boast of kings, of prophets and apostles, and of
martyrs, and the mediatress of the world, All-undefiled one.
Every tongue of the orthodox praiseth, and blesseth, and glorifieth
thy most pure childbirth, O god-wedded Mary.
Grant even unto me, an unworthy one, O my Christ, forgiveness of
trespasses, I beseech thee, through the prayers of her that bore
thee, as being compassionate.
I have put my trust in thee, God-bearing one: save me by thy
prayers, and grant me forgiveness of iniquities.
Quicken me, O thou that didst bring forth the life-giver and
Saviour: save me, by thy prayers, thou blessed trust of our souls.
All-undefiled Virgin, who didst conceive in thy womb the Creator of
all things, save our souls by thy prayers.
God-bearing one all-praised, who by word didst above word bring
forth the Word, pray him to save our souls.
Propitiate towards me the judge and thy Son, me, above every
man most iniquitous, effecting this by thy prayers, O thou Queen.
As it is meet we cry to thee, Hail, God-bearing one, pure ever-
virgin! entreating to be saved by thy prayers.
Deliver me from the everlasting fire and the torments that await
me, O parent of God, that I may bless thee.
Despise not the supplications of thy servants, O Queen all-
extolled, we beseech thee, that we may be delivered from every
besetment,
From ailments, and from all afflictions, and from dangers deliver
us, even us who fly to thy sacred protection.
Strange is the wonder appertaining thee, God-conceiving one; for
the creator of all things, and our God, for our sake and like us, was
born of thee.
Thy temple, God-bearing one, is declared a free hospital for the
sick, and a place of consolation for afflicted souls.
Most holy God-bearing one, who didst bring forth the Saviour,
save thy servants from dangers, and from every other necessity.
Deliver thy servants from every approaching menace, O most pure
Queen, and from every spiritual and bodily harm.
By thy prayers, O God-bearing Virgin, save all them that betake
themselves to thee, and deliver them from every want and affliction.
Who hieth to thy temple, O most pure God-bearing one, and
receiveth not quickly a spiritual and also a bodily healing?
O Compassionate One, who art besought by all saints and by
hosts on high, cleanse me through her that bore thee.
Spare, O Saviour, the souls of our brethren, who have died in
hope of life, and pardon and forgive their iniquities.
Hail, Virgin, propitiation of the world! hail, vase of divine manna
and golden candlestick of light, O Bride of God!
We sing thee, one God in Trinity, uttering the thrice-holy voice, and
praying that we may obtain salvation.
Glory.
O Virgin, who didst bring forth the Saviour, and Master, and Lord
of the world! beseech him to save our souls.
Both now.
Hail, mountain! hail, bush! hail, gate! hail, ladder! hail, divine table!
hail, Queen, aid of all!
Through the prayers, O Gracious One, of thy most pure Mother,
and of all thy Saints, bestow thy mercies upon thy people.
Through the prayers of the glorious Archangels and Angels, and of
the hosts on high, safeguard thy servants, O Saviour.
Through the prayers of thine honourable and glorious Baptist, the
prophet, the forerunner, O Christ, my Saviour, preserve thy servants.
Through the prayers of glorious apostles and martyrs, and of all
thy Saints, bestow thy mercies upon thy people.
Through the prayers of the glorious unmercenary ones, O God-
bearing one, preserve thy servants, as being the protection and
stablishing of the world.
Glory.
Let us glorify the Father, and the Son, and the Holy Ghost, saying,
O Holy Trinity, save our souls.
Both now.
Thou that unspeakably to the uttermost didst conceive and bring
forth thy Creator, save, O Virgin, them that magnify thee.
Then,
Open unto us the gates of mercy, O blessed God-bearing one, that
we perish not who put our trust in thee, but through thee may we be
delivered from dangers; for thou art the salvation of the christian
race.
Then, Let us pray to the Lord.
Priest. For holy art thou, O our God....
Choir. Amen.
Then the present troparia, tone vi.
Now present is the time that halloweth all, and the just Judge
awaiteth us. Then turn thyself to penitence, O soul, exclaiming, as
the harlot did, with tears, O Lord, be merciful to me.
Thou, who to-day the healing fountain in the Virgin’s all-revered
temple hast with waters shower’d, dost with the sprinkling of thy
blessing quell the ailments of the weak, O Christ, physician of our
bodies and our souls.
A virgin who no nuptials knew thou didst bring forth, and thou,
unwedded mother, virgin didst remain, God-bearing Mary: O pray
Christ our God that we be sav’d.
Most pure God-bearing Virgin, do thou direct our works, and pray
for pardon of our trespasses, as we the angelic song upraise,
Holy God, holy mighty one, holy immortal one, have mercy upon
us.
And it is sung as customarily, and, after the trisagion, the deacon
saith, Let us attend.
Priest. Peace to all.
Choir. And to thy spirit.
Reader, the prokimenon, tone iii.
The Lord is mine illumination and my Saviour, whom shall I fear?
Verse. The Lord is the defence of my life, of whom shall I be
afraid?
The epistle to the Hebrews, section cccvi.
Brethren, he that sanctifieth ... ending, them that are tempted[51]
Priest. Peace to thee.
Alleluia, tone vi.
Verse i. My heart uttereth a good word.
Verse ii. I speak of my works unto the King.
The gospel from John, section xiv.
At that time Jesus went up ..., ending, whatsoever disease he had.
[52]
Then the deacon the ectenia.

In peace let us pray to the Lord.
For the peace that is from above....
For the peace of the whole world....
For this holy temple....
For the Most Holy Governing Synod....
For our Most Pious....
That he would assist them and subdue under Their feet....
For this city.... (if it is a monastery)
For this holy habitation....
For healthiness of weather....
For them that voyage, that journey....
That this water may be hallowed by the might, and operation, and
visitation of the Holy Ghost.
That there may come down into this water the cleansing operation
of the supersubstantial Trinity.
That this water may be to the healing of soul and body, and to the
turning aside of every opposing might.
That the Lord God may send down the blessing of Jordan, and
hallow this water.
For all them that need help and assistance from God.
That we may be illuminated with the illumination of understanding
by the consubstantial Trinity.
That the Lord God may declare us sons and inheritors of his
kingdom, through partaking of this water, and through being
sprinkled therewith.
For our deliverance from every affliction....
Help us, save us, have mercy on us....
Commemorating our most holy, most pure....
Choir. To thee, O Lord.
Exclamation.
For to thee is due all glory....
Then this prayer.
O Lord our God, mighty in counsel, and wonderful in works, Maker of
all creation, who keepest thy covenant and thy mercy towards them
that love thee and that keep thy commandments, who acceptest the
piteous tears of all them that are in need; for for this cause thou didst
come in the form of a servant, not terrifying us with phantoms, but
vouchsafing true bodily healing, and saying, Behold, thou art made
whole, sin no more: yea, thou didst with clay restore the eyes of the
blind, and didst bid him wash, and by a word didst make him see, O
thou that breakest the waves of adverse passions, and driest up the
salt sea of this life, and quellest the billows of lusts that are hard to
be endured; do thou thyself, O man-loving King, who hast given unto
us to be invested with a snow-white robe by water and the Spirit, by
the partaking of this water, and by being sprinkled therewith, send
down upon us thy blessing, which taketh away the defilement of
passions. Yea, O Blessed One, we pray thee to visit our infirmities,
and to heal our spiritual and bodily weaknesses by thy mercy:
through the prayers of our altogether most pure, most blessed Lady,
the God-bearing ever-virgin Mary; through the might of the
honourable and life-effecting cross; through the intercessions of the
honourable heavenly bodiless hosts; of the honourable glorious
prophet, forerunner, and baptist, John; of the holy glorious and all-
praised apostles; of our venerable and god-bearing fathers; of our
fathers in the saints, the great hierarchs and ecumenical doctors,
Basil the great, Gregory the theologian, and John Chrysostom; of our
fathers in the saints, Athanasius and Cyril, patriarchs of Alexandria;
of our father in the saints, Spyridon, wonderworker of Trimythes; of
our father in the saints, archbishop Nicolas, wonderworker of
Myrlicia; of our fathers in the saints, Peter, Alexis, Jonas, and Philip,
wonderworkers of all Russia; of the holy and glorious great martyr,
George, the triumphant; of the holy and glorious great martyr,
Demetrius, the myrrh-emitter: of the holy and excellently victorious
martyrs; of the holy and righteous god-progenitors, Joakim and
Anna; of the holy glorious and unmercenary wonderworkers,
Cosmas and Damian, Cyrus and John, Pantelimon and Hermolaus,
Sampson and Diomed, Mocius and Anicetus, Thalaleus and
Tryphon; and of the holy, name, whose memory we keep, and of all
thy Saints.
And preserve, O Lord, thy Servant, our Most Pious, Autocratic,
Great Lord, THE EMPEROR ALEXANDER ALEXANDROVITCH, of
all Russia. Thrice.
And His Consort, the Most Pious Lady, THE EMPRESS MARIA
THEODOROVNA.
And His Heir, the Right-believing Lord, the Cesarevitch and Grand
Duke, NICOLAUS ALEXANDROVITCH, and all the reigning House.
Save, O Lord, and have mercy upon the Most Holy Governing
Synod, give unto them spiritual and bodily health, and be gracious in
all things to this thy ministration of the christian polity. Remember, O
Lord, every episcopate of the right-believers, that rightly divide the
word of thy truth, and every priestly and monastic order, and their
salvation. Remember, O Lord, them that hate and them that love us,
our ministering brethren here present, and them that for a blessed
cause are absent and have desired us, unworthy ones, to pray for
them. Remember, O Lord, our brethren that are in bonds and
afflictions, and have mercy upon them according to thy great mercy,
delivering them from every need. For thou art the fountain of healing,
O Christ our God, and to thee we ascribe glory, with thine
unbeginning Father, and with thy most holy, and good, and life-
creating Spirit, now and ever, and to ages of ages.
Choir. Amen.
Deacon. Bow your heads to the Lord.
And the priest secretly the prayer.
Incline thine ear, O Lord, and hearken unto us, thou who didst
vouchsafe to be baptized in Jordan, and didst hallow the waters; and
do thou bless us all, who through the bending of our necks indicate
the representation of service; and count us worthy to be filled with
thy sanctification through the partaking of this water; and may it be
unto us, O Lord, for the healing of soul and body.
Exclamation. For thou art our sanctification, and to thee we
ascribe glory, and thanksgiving, and worship, with thine unbeginning
Father, and with thine all-holy, and good, and life-creating Spirit, now
and ever, and to ages of ages.
Choir. Amen.
Then, taking the honourable cross, he blesseth the water thrice,
dipping it and raising it perpendicularly in the form of a cross, and
singing the present troparion in tone i thrice.
O Lord, save thy people, and bless thine inheritance, granting
victory to our Right-believing EMPEROR, name, over enemies, and
preserving thine estate by thy cross.
And after this they sing this troparion, tone ii.
Make us worthy of thy gifts, O God-bearing Virgin, overlooking our
iniquities, and vouchsafing cures unto them that in faith receive thy
blessing, O thou most pure.
Then the priest kisseth the honourable cross, as also do all the
people, and he sprinkleth all with the sanctified water, and the altar,
and the whole church. And the people sing the present troparia, tone
iv.
Having a fountain of remedies, O holy unmercenary ones, ye
bestow healings unto all that are in need, as being counted worthy of
mighty gifts from the ever-flowing fountain of our Saviour; for the
Lord hath said unto you, as unto co-emulators of the apostles,
Behold, I have given unto you power over unclean spirits so as to
cast them out, and to heal every sickness and every wound.
Therefore in his commandments having virtuously liv’d, freely ye
receiv’d, freely ye bestow, healing the sufferings of our souls and
bodies.
Attend unto the supplications of thy servants, thou altogether
undefiled one, quelling the uprisings of evils against us, and
releasing us from every affliction; for thee we have alone a sure and
certain confirmation, and we have gained thy mediation that we may
not be put to shame, O Queen, who call upon thee, Be instant in
supplication for them that faithfully exclaim to thee, Hail, Queen, thou
aid of all, the joy and safeguard, and salvation of our souls!
Accept the prayers of thy servants, O Queen, and deliver us from
every necessity and grief.
And, after the sprinkling, the ectenia.
Have mercy upon us, O God....
Furthermore let us pray for the preservation of this holy habitation,
and of every city and country, from famine, pestilence, earthquake,
flood, fire, sword, invasion of strangers, and civil war, that our good
and man-loving God may be gracious and favourably disposed to
turn away from us every rage that riseth against us, and to deliver us
from his impending and righteous threatening, and to have mercy
upon us.
Lord, have mercy, xl.
And the priest exclaimeth,
Hear us, O God our Saviour, thou hope of all the ends of the
earth.... and the rest.
Choir. Amen.
Deacon. Let us bow our heads to the Lord.
Priest, this prayer with a loud voice.
O most merciful Master, O Lord Jesus Christ our God, through the
prayers of our all-holy Lady, the God-bearing ever-virgin Mary;
through the might of the honourable and life-effecting cross; through
the intercession of the honourable heavenly bodiless hosts; of the
honourable glorious prophet, forerunner, and baptist, John; of the
holy glorious and all-praised apostles; of the holy glorious and
excellently victorious martyrs; of our venerable and god-bearing
fathers; of our fathers in the saints, the great ecumenical doctors and
divines, Basil the great, Gregory the theologian, and John
Chrysostom; of our father in the saints, archbishop Nicolas,
wonderworker of Myrlicia; of our fathers in the saints, Peter, Alexis,
Jonas, and Philip, wonderworkers of all Russia; of the holy and
righteous god-progenitors, Joakim and Anna, and of the holy, name,
whose is the temple, and of all thy Saints, make our prayer
acceptable unto thee; grant unto us forgiveness of our iniquities;
cover us with the shelter of thy wings; remove far from us every
enemy and adversary; give peace to our life; O Lord, have mercy
upon us, and upon thy world, and save our souls, as being good and
the lover of mankind.
Choir. Amen.
And the dismissal.
Chapter XXI.
THE ORDER OF THE GREAT SANCTIFICATION
ON THE HOLY THEOPHANY.
After the priest hath said the prayer behind the ambo, we all go to
the baptismal font, the taper-bearers going in front, and after them
the deacons and priests with the gospel and with incense, while the
brethren sing the present troparia.
Tone viii.
The voice of the Lord crieth upon the waters, saying, O come ye,
and all receive the spirit of wisdom, the spirit of understanding, the
spirit of the fear of God, even Christ, who is made manifest.
Thrice.
To-day the nature of the waters is sanctified, and the Jordan is
divided, and turneth back the flowing of its waters, beholding the
baptism of the Master.
Twice.
As a man thou didst come to the river, O Christ the King, desiring
to receive the baptism of a servant, O thou good one, at the hand of
the Forerunner, because of our sins, O lover of mankind.
Twice.
Glory. Both now. The same tone.
To the voice crying in the wilderness, Prepare ye the way of the
Lord, thou didst come, O Lord, taking the form of a servant, asking
for baptism, thou who knowest not sin. The waters beheld thee, and
were afraid. The Forerunner became trembling, and cried, saying,
How shall the lamp of light be lighted? how shall the servant lay
hands upon the Master? Sanctify thou me and the waters, O
Saviour, thou that takest away the sins of the world.
And straightway, standing by the baptismal font, the deacon saith,
Wisdom.
And the reader, the reading from the prophesy of
Esaias.
Chap. xxxv.
Thus saith the Lord, Let the thirsty desert be glad, let the wilderness
rejoice, and blossom as a rose, and let them bud forth and be
exceedingly glad. And let the desert of Jordan rejoice, and the glory
of Libanus shall be given unto it, and the honour of Carmel, and my
people shall behold the glory of the Lord, and the exaltedness of
God. Strengthen ye the weak hands, and comfort ye the feeble
knees; and say unto them that are faint-hearted in intention, Be ye
strong, and fear not, behold our God will render judgment, he will
come and save us. Then shall the eyes of the blind be opened, and
the ears of the deaf shall hear. Then shall the lame man leap as an
hart, and the tongue of the deaf be distinct; for in the wilderness shall
water break out, and a ravine in a thirsty land. And waterless places
shall become pools, and in a thirsty land shall be a spring of water:
there shall be joy of birds, abodes of syrens, and reeds and pools.
And there shall be a pure way, and it shall be called a holy way; and
the impure shall not pass there, neither shall an impure way be
there, and the dispersed shall walk therein, and shall not wander.
And no lion shall be there, nor of evil beasts shall one enter there,
nor be found there; but the redeemed and chosen of the Lord shall
walk therein. And they shall return and come to Sion with joy and
gladness, and everlasting joy shall be upon their heads: praise, and
gladness, and joy shall penetrate them, and pain, grief, and sighing
shall flee away.
The reading from the prophecy of Esaias.
Chap. lv.
Thus saith the Lord, O every one that thirsteth, come ye to the water,
and as many as have no money, come ye, buy, and eat and drink,
wine and fat, without money and without price. Wherefore do ye
spend money for that which is not bread, and labour for that which
satisfieth not? hearken ye to me, and eat that which is good, and let
your soul delight itself in good things. Incline your ears, and follow in
my ways; hearken unto me, and your soul shall live in good things;
and I will promise unto you an everlasting testament, even faithful
things befitting unto David. Behold, I have given him to be a
testimony among the nations, a prince and a commander among the
nations. Behold, nations that have not known thee shall call upon
thee, and people that have not recognised thee shall have recourse
unto thee, because of the Lord thy God and the holy one of Israel,
for I have glorified thee. Seek ye God, and, when ye have found him,
call upon him, if haply he may draw nigh unto you. Let the impious
forsake his ways, and the transgressing man his counsels; and turn
ye unto the Lord your God, and ye shall be pitied; for in much wise
he forgiveth your sins. For my counsels are not as your counsels,
neither as your ways are my ways, saith the Lord. For as the heaven
standeth far from the earth, so standeth my way from your ways, and
your contemplations from my thoughts. For as the rain or the snow
cometh down from heaven, and returneth not thither, until it soaketh
the earth, and generateth, and increaseth, and giveth seed to the
sower, and bread to the eater, so shall my word be which goeth out
of my lips, and returneth not unto me void, until it accomplisheth all
that I have wished, and furthereth my ways and my commandments.
For ye shall go forth with joy, and be taught with gladness: for the
mountains and the hills shall leap, expecting you with joy, and all the
trees of the field shall clap their hands. And instead of the thorn shall
come up the cypress, and instead of the nettle shall come up the
myrtle; and it shall be to the Lord for a name and for an everlasting
sign, and it shall not be cut off.
The reading from the prophecy of Esaias.
Chap. xii.
Thus saith the Lord, Ye shall draw water with joy out of wells of
salvation. And thou shalt say in that day, Confess ye unto the Lord,
and call upon his name, declare his glory unto the nations, make
mention that his name is exalted. Sing ye the name of the Lord, for
he hath wrought excellent things: declare ye these throughout all
lands. Rejoice and be glad, ye that dwell in Sion, for the holy one of
Israel is exalted in the midst thereof.
Deacon. Wisdom.
Reader, prokimenon, tone iii.
The Lord is mine illumination, and my Saviour, whom shall I fear?
Verse. The Lord is the defence of my life, of whom shall I be
afraid?
The epistle to the Corinthians, section cxliii, from
the paragraph, Chap. x.
Brethren, I would not that ye should be ignorant how that all our
fathers were under the cloud, and all passed through the sea; and
were all baptized unto Moses in the cloud and in the sea; and did all
eat the same spiritual meat, and did all drink the same spiritual drink;
for they drank of the spiritual rock that followed them, and the rock
was Christ.
Alleluia, tone iv.
Verse. The voice of the Lord is upon the waters, the God of glory
thundereth, the Lord is upon many waters.
The gospel from Mark, section ii. Chap. i.
At that time Jesus came from Nazareth of Galilee, and was baptized
of John in Jordan. And straightway coming up out of the water, he
saw the heavens opened, and the Spirit like a dove descending upon
him. And there was a voice from heaven, saying, Thou art my
beloved Son, in whom I am well pleased.
And the deacon saith the ectenia.
In peace let us pray to the Lord.
For the peace that is from above....
For the peace of the whole world....
For this holy temple....
For the Most Holy Governing Synod....
For our Most Pious, Autocratic Great Lord, THE EMPEROR
ALEXANDER ALEXANDROVITCH of all Russia; and for His
Consort, the Most Pious Lady, THE EMPRESS MARIA
THEODOROVNA.
For His Heir, the Right-believing Lord, the Cesarevitch and Grand
Duke NICOLAUS ALEXANDROVITCH; and for all the Reigning
House.
That he would assist Them, and subdue....
For this city, (if it is a monastery, For this holy habitation)....
For healthiness of weather....
For them that voyage, that journey....
That this water may be hallowed by the might, and operation, and
descent of the Holy Ghost, let us pray to the Lord.
That there may come down into these waters the cleansing
operation of the supersubstantial Trinity, let us pray to the Lord.
That there may be bestowed upon them the grace of redemption,
the blessing of Jordan, through the might, and operation, and
descent of the holy Ghost, let us pray to the Lord.
That he would quickly beat down satan under our feet, and destroy
every evil counsel that he conceiveth against us, let us pray to the
Lord.
That the Lord our God may deliver us from every evil device, and
from the essay of the adversary, and may count us worthy of
promised blessings, let us pray to the Lord.
That we may be illuminated with the illumination of understanding
and piety through the descent of the Holy Ghost, let us pray to the
Lord.
That the Lord God would send down the blessing of Jordan, and
hallow these waters, let us pray to the Lord.
That this water may be a gift of sanctification, a loosing of sins, for
the healing of soul and body, and for every befitting need, let us pray
to the Lord.
That this water may well up unto eternal life, let us pray to the
Lord.
That it may be manifested to the destruction of every counsel of
visible and invisible enemies, let us pray to the Lord.
For them that laid and draw thereof for the sanctification of
houses, let us pray to the Lord.
That it may be to the cleansing of soul and body of all that with
faith draw and partake of it, let us pray to the Lord.
That we may be counted worthy to be filled with sanctification
through the partaking of these waters, by the invisible manifestation
of the Holy Ghost, let us pray to the Lord.
That the Lord God may hearken unto the voice of the prayer of us
sinners, and have mercy upon us, let us pray to the Lord.
For our deliverance from every affliction....
Help us, save us, have mercy....
Commemorating our most holy, most pure, most blessed....
While these are being said, the priest saith this
prayer secretly.
Lord Jesus Christ, the only-begotten Son, that art in the bosom of
the Father, O thou true God, fountain of life and immortality, thou
light of light, that camest into the world to enlighten it; do thou dawn
upon our mind by thy Holy Ghost, and accept us offering magnifying
and thanksgiving unto thee for thy wonderful mighty works from
eternity, and for thy saving providence in these last ages, in which
thou hast assumed our impotent and poor substance, and,
condescending to the estate of a servant, who art King of all things,
didst furthermore endure to be baptized in Jordan by the hand of a
servant, that thou, the sinless one, having sanctified the nature of
water, mightest lead us unto regeneration by water and the spirit,
and stablish us in the aforetime liberty. And, celebrating the memory
of this divine mystery, we beseech thee, O man-loving Master,
Sprinkle thou also upon us, thine unworthy servants, according to thy
divine promise, pure water, the gift of thy tenderness, that the prayer
of us sinners over this water may be acceptable through thy grace,
and that thereby thy blessing may be bestowed upon us and upon all
thy faithful people, to the glory of thy holy and adorable name. For to
thee is due all glory, honour, and worship, with thine unbeginning
Father, and with thy most holy, and good, and life-creating Spirit,
now and ever, and to ages of ages.
And he saith to himself, Amen.
And when the deacon hath finished the ectenia, the priest
beginneth this prayer with a loud voice.
Great art thou, O Lord, and wonderful are thy works, and no word
shall be sufficient for the praise of thy wonders.
Thrice.
For thou by thy will hast from, nothingness brought all things into
being, and, by thy power, thou sustainest creation, and, by thy
foreknowledge, directest the world. Thou from four elements hast
formed creation, and hast crowned the circle of the year with four
seasons. All the spiritual powers tremble before thee, the sun
praiseth thee, the moon glorifieth thee, the stars make intercession
with thee, the light hearkeneth unto thee, the depths shudder at thy
presence, the springs of water serve thee. Thou hast stretched out
the heavens as a curtain, thou hast founded the earth upon the
waters, thou hast bounded the sea with sand, thou hast diffused the
air for breathing. The angelic powers minister unto thee, the choirs of
archangels worship thee, the many-eyed cherubim, and the six-
winged seraphim, standing and flying around, cover themselves with
fear of thine unapproachable glory. For thou, being the uninscribable,
unbeginning and unspeakable God, didst come down upon earth,
taking the form of a servant, being made in the likeness of men; for
thou, O Master, through the tenderness of thy mercy, didst not
endure to behold the race of men tormented by the devil, but thou
didst come and save us. We confess thy grace, we proclaim thy

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A Tributary Model of State Formation

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A Tributary Model of State Formation: Ethiopia, 1600-2015 by Berhanu Abegaz

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With respect to cognitive categories, the KN (Kibre Negest]

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Williamsburg, VA, USA Berhanu Abegaz

Part I The Theoretical Framework

Part II Three Ethiopian Tributary States

3.2.1 Competition for Officeholding������������������������������������������������ 64

Part III A Modern African Political Order

Appendix 3.1 Chronology of Ethiopian emperors, 1563–1974�������������������������� 82

Box 1.1 Polity, Nation, State, and Nation-State������������������������������������������������ 25

Fig. 1.1 Drivers of state formation and state robustness�������������������������������� 14

Table 1.1 Transition to open-access social order by taming violence�������������� 6

Table 4.4 A profile of the land tenure systems of imperial

[The] territorial aspect of statehood arguably preceded the

© Springer International Publishing AG, part of Springer Nature 2018 3

A table covered with brocade is placed in the middle of the church

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Philadelphia, PA, USA Tekalign Gedamu

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Part I The Theoretical Framework

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3.2.1 Competition for Officeholding�� 64

Part III A Modern African Political Order

Appendix 3.1 Chronology of Ethiopian emperors, 1563–1974�� 82

Box 1.1 Polity, Nation, State, and Nation-State�� 25

Fig. 1.1 Drivers of state formation and state robustness�� 14

Table 1.1 Transition to open-access social order by taming violence�� 6