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ANCIENT PROPHECY
Ancient Prophecy
Near Eastern, Biblical, and Greek Perspectives
MARTTI NISSINEN
1
3
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contained in any third party website referenced in this work.
In memory of my teachers
It is a pleasure to write a preface to a book that has been in the making for
a long time. Any reader somewhat familiar with my earlier publications
will find out that the book at hand is the result of decades of interpretation
and reinterpretation, contextualization and recontextualization, redaction and
Fortschreibung—almost like a biblical prophetic book, with the exception that
this book demonstrably has only one author.
Ever since the late 1980s when I was doctoral student in Old Testament
studies it has been my conviction that prophecy was a phenomenon common
to the ancient Near Eastern cultural sphere. Thanks to Simo Parpola who
taught me Neo-Assyrian using prophetic oracles as teaching material,
I became acquainted with the Assyrian prophecies which I could use already
in my 1991 doctoral thesis. At that time, these texts were still unpublished and
had been studied by just a few scholars such as Manfred Weippert and Herbert
Huffmon. It was only much later that I began to recognize the Greek side to
the picture. It is no secret that I am not a classicist, but the lack of exchange
between biblical, Near Eastern, and classical scholarship started to bother me
to the extent that I ventured into studying Greek sources myself, hopefully not
with all too flawed results.
This book is written in favor of the following ideas resulting from my research
over the past decades. First, the word “prophecy” refers to the category of non-
inductive kind of divination that can be found in different parts of ancient
Eastern Mediterranean. It is always based on the notion of divine–human
communication; however, it is organized differently in different historically
contingent divinatory systems. Secondly, ancient prophetic performances are
unreachable, and knowledge of them is available only through secondary inter-
pretation in written sources which yield only a partial view of the historical
phenomenon. Thirdly, prophecy is socio-religious agency, serving the purposes
of human communities and their religious and political structures and author-
ities. Prophets are a class of diviners with patterned public behavior recognizable
to the communities witnessing their performances.
My book is divided into three parts, the first of which discusses the
theoretical premises of constructing prophetic divination, the second gives
an overview of the sources, and the third consists of comparative essays on a
few crucial topics. Each of the nine chapters can be read as a self-sustaining
unit; I hope the reader will tolerate some overlaps in the content of the
chapters caused by this structure.
The presentation of the threefold source materials including biblical, Near
Eastern, and Greek texts attempts a comprehensive view of prophetic divination
in the ancient Eastern Mediterranean sources. However, this book is still far
viii Preface and Acknowledgments
from being a full compendium of the subject. The reader will easily notice
important sources that my book does not discuss properly, such as apocalyptic
writings, the Dead Sea Scrolls, and early Christian sources. I can only apologize
for this failure and refer to some earlier publications that may compensate these
shortcomings in a small part (Nissinen 2003c, 2008b, 2009b, 2010a, 2015).
The book itself contains partially rewritten and expanded text of four articles
published earlier: Nissinen 2000b, 2010c, 2012, and 2013a. I thank the pub-
lishers of the original articles, Eisenbrauns, Labor et Fides, and the Society of
Biblical Literature, for permission to republish this content. In addition, frag-
ments of several prior publications can be found in different parts of the book.
This book is essentially the product of the academic environment of the
Faculty of Theology at the University of Helsinki. The inquisitive and open-
minded atmosphere of the Department of Biblical Studies, represented by
colleagues such as Raija Sollamo, Outi Lehtipuu, Ismo Dunderberg, Risto Uro,
Antti Marjanen, and Petri Luomanen, has had a formative influence on my
own work. In particular, the Academy of Finland Centre of Excellence
“Changes in Sacred Texts and Traditions” (CSTT) has provided an unpreju-
diced international meeting place for different theoretical approaches and
methodologies. It has been a pleasure to work together with the team leaders
Anneli Aejmelaeus, Jutta Jokiranta, and Juha Pakkala, members of my own
team (Tero Alstola, Izaak de Hulster, Helen Dixon, Sanae Ito, Raz Kletter,
Raija Mattila, Katri Saarelainen, Sanna Saari, Jason Silverman, Saana Svärd,
Emilia Tapiola, Joanna Töyräänvuori, Tuula Tynjä, Kirsi Valkama), as well
as many other CSTT members who have worked on topics related to prophecy
(Katri Antin, Reinhard Müller, Urmas Nõmmik, Mika Pajunen, Hanna
Tervanotko, Elisa Uusimäki, Hanne von Weissenberg).
Another institution I owe a great debt of gratitude to is the Institute for
Advanced Study in Princeton, New Jersey, where I have had the privilege of
doing my research in 2008–9, 2011, and 2016. I have greatly enjoyed the
scholarly ambiance at the Institute, as well as the support of colleagues in
Classics such as Michael Flower (Princeton University), Angelos Chaniotis,
Caroline Walker Bynum, and Christopher Jones. I also had the opportunity of
visiting the Humboldt University of Berlin in 2015, for which I thank Bernd
Ulrich Schipper.
Inspiring scholarly exchange on prophecy with Ehud Ben Zvi, Dominique
Charpin, Lester Grabbe, Esther Hamori, Reinhard Kratz, Christoph Levin,
Simo Parpola, and Jonathan Stökl has contributed decisively to the develop-
ment of my own image of prophecy. Some of my colleagues have become close
friends with whom I have shared much more than just scholarly ideas: Terje
Stordalen, David Carr and Colleen Conway, Mark Smith and Elizabeth Bloch-
Smith, Kirsi Stjerna and Brooks Schramm, and Peggy Day.
A significant number of colleagues deserve thanks for their support and
critiques. I want to mention the following scholars from whom, among many
Preface and Acknowledgments ix
others, I have learned over the years: Hans Barstad, Bob Becking, Angelika
Berlejung, George Brooke, David Clines, John Collins, Walter Dietrich, Chip
Dobbs-Allsopp, Göran Eidevall, Daniel Fleming, Christian Frevel, Erhard
Gerstenberger, Jan Gertz, Jean-Georges Heintz, Else Holt, Herbert Huffmon,
Axel Knauf, Antti Laato, Armin Lange, Mark Leuchter, Ted Lewis, Peter
Machinist, Sara Milstein, Hindy Najman, Herbert Niehr, Beate Pongratz-
Leisten, Jack Sasson, Leong Seow, Rudolf Smend, Hermann Spieckermann,
Marvin Sweeney, Karel van der Toorn, Josef Tropper, and Manfred Weippert.
Finally, I would like to thank people who have contributed to the production
of the volume: Maarit Kolsi for the cover image inspired by one of my source
texts (SAA 9 1 rev.); Nina Nikki for preparing the indexes; the anonymous
readers and the staff of Oxford University Press: Tom Perridge and Karen
Raith; and Gayathri Manoharan, Michael Janes, and Brian North.
The loyal support of my wife Leena has been unfailing, and my daughters
Elina and Kaisa have been my source of constant delight.
I offer my heartfelt thanks to everyone mentioned above. I dedicate this book
to the memory of my teachers: Ilmari Soisalon-Soininen whose seminar on
the historical background of the biblical prophets was the starting point of
my occupation with prophecy; Timo Veijola who taught me to take theology
and scholarship seriously; Oswald Loretz who always reminded me that
every scholar should have a method; and Heikki Räisänen who programma-
tically transgressed imaginary boundaries, whether those of scholarship or
biblical canon.
Contents
PART I. THEORY
1. Constructing Prophetic Divination 3
Prophecy as a Construct 3
Prophecy as Divination 10
Prophets as Intermediaries 19
On Comparative Studies 43
Sources, Genre, and Purpose 51
xii Contents
For abbreviations of the Greek and Latin sources, see the Index of Sources
PROPHECY AS A CONSTRUCT
In January 2016, I attended the concert of the New Jersey Symphony Orchestra
performing Richard Danielpour’s percussion concerto The Wounded Healer,
conducted by Jacques Lacombe with Lisa Pegher as the percussion soloist. The
work consists of four parts, entitled The Prophet, The Trickster, The Martyr,
and The Shaman, “based on different guises and faces that the Wounded
Healer might show up as across different cultures,” as told by the soloist on
her website.1 Each part introduces a new perspective to the title of the concerto.
The concerto begins with austere sound of chimes introducing The Prophet,
whose voice, standing clearly out throughout the first part, is followed by
The Trickster, a crispy and playful interplay of the marimba with the orches-
tra. The nearly anguished tone of the xylophone gives expression to the agony
of The Martyr, only to give way to the frantic drum solo in the last part,
The Shaman.
The respective roles of the four healer characters can be described as the
messenger inspired by a higher power (The Prophet), the rule-breaking
equalizer (The Trickster), the persecuted advocate of a belief (The Martyr),
and the spiritual journeyer having access to the transcendental world (The
Shaman). The four characters of Danielpour’s concerto are indicative of the
role models attributed to people who are believed—at least by some other
people—to be able to mediate between the human and superhuman worlds,
bringing about a remedial effect in human society while themselves being
wounded by their own activity often seen as bizarre by other members of the
community. These persons exist historically, but they also represent a cultural
image, both as a projection and as a retrojection.
1
See http://www.lisapegher.com; see also the composer’s website http://www.richard-danielpour.
com.
4 Ancient Prophecy
Characters with one or more of the features of Danielpour’s healers can
regularly be found in textual sources from the ancient Eastern Mediterranean
sphere, whether we think of the biblical prophets, the Delphic Pythia, or the
Mesopotamian ecstatics, all appreciated in their time as messengers of the
divine—however, not without contestation. It is through these characters
and their activities in ancient Near Eastern (including the Hebrew Bible) and
Greek texts that this book attempts to draw a picture of the ancient phenom-
enon known as prophecy.
“Prophecy” is a word with many meanings, depending on the context and the
user. It may be used in a very broad sense, including all of Danielpour’s four
characters, or in a more restricted sense referring only to specific kinds of
activities. A brief look at a dictionary of any modern language will reveal that
the most common meanings of the word “prophecy” are related to the predic-
tion of future, the “prophet” being equivalent to a fortune-teller, a soothsayer, or
whatever designations are used for persons who claim, or are believed, to be able
to see future events. The predictive meaning of the “prophetic” vocabulary is
concomitant of the use of similar terminology in the ancient Mediterranean
cultures. However, it is evident that there is more to prophecy than just
prediction in ancient sources. In fact, the predictive activity appears not to be
the primary function of people usually designated as prophets; rather, predic-
tion is but another aspect of mediation of knowledge that is believed to derive
from divine sources.
Who are, then, the people we talk about when we refer to “prophets” in the
ancient Eastern Mediterranean, and what kind of sources do we look for when
we want to know about these people? This is something the scholarly com-
munity has to agree about. As a scholarly concept, prophecy is created and
maintained by the community of scholars that provides the matrix within
which the concept works and the purpose for which it is constructed. As a
historical phenomenon, the thing we call prophecy is the multifarious product
of socially contingent processes that have taken place in different times and
contexts. Both ways, prophecy is not something that is just “out there,” inevit-
ably determined by the “nature of things”; rather, it is a social and intellectual
construct that exists if there is a common understanding about what it means
and how it can be recognized.2
Prophecy is not (or, perhaps, not anymore) a matter of course. The historical
phenomenon and a corresponding scholarly concept cannot be taken for
granted but needs to be defined, constructed, and reconstructed by any
community that needs it for historically contingent purposes. Prophets,
whether as a concept or as a class of people, exist if there is a community
acknowledging their existence and providing certain people and practices with
2
See especially Hacking 1999.
Constructing Prophetic Divination 5
such a label.3 The difference between the concept and the people can be seen as
one between map and territory: the concept of prophecy is a map attempting
to draw a navigable picture of the terrain formed by the sources informing on
people and practices we try to interpret.4 Like every map, every concept is also
the result of an interpretative process, during which decisions are made con-
cerning the features that are highlighted more than others. A map is not a mere
description of the terrain, and “a theory, a model, a conceptual category, cannot
be simply the data writ large.”5
To say that prophecy is a construct is not to say it is not true, much less to
diminish the value of the phenomenon thus called or the people involved in it.
The construct refers to the scholarly idea and matrix, not to historical people
and events. Prophets appear as intellectual constructs already in ancient texts,
such as the prophetic books of the Hebrew Bible and in their subsequent
learned interpretations in, for instance, the Dead Sea Scrolls.6 To call prophecy
a construct, thus, does not deprive prophecy of its historical significance, let
alone its veracity—on the contrary, we can hope that the idea and the matrix
can help us to identify social contingencies that make our construct absolutely
inseparable from historical factualities and people involved in them. Why
should we still call it a construct? There are two reasons: first, because all
history-writing is based on sources that themselves present constructs of the
realities of their time; and second, because we are ourselves subjects of the social
and historical processes, indeed, a part of the matrix within which the construct
takes shape.
Moreover, even though we should always be careful to distinguish the
ancient native (“emic”) constructs from the modern analytical (“etic”) ones,
the scholarly reconstruction of an ancient phenomenon is always to some
extent a “mimetic” enterprise7 because the modern constructs cannot but rest
upon the ancient ones. This does not exclude a critical stance on the ancient
constructs, but it certainly makes it difficult to see alternative pictures, unless
they are provided by the sources themselves.
Ancient sources always comprise a fragmentary set of different kinds of
materials; disconnected pieces of evidence and scattered sets of more or less
compatible sources whose relationship we have to establish and reconstruct.
This means, figuratively speaking, that we have just a “keyhole” perspective to
3
Wilson 1980: 51: “Intermediaries do not operate in a vacuum. They are intergral parts of
their societies and cannot exist without social guidance and support.”
4
The metaphor of the map and the territory goes back to Jonathan Z. Smith’s classic Map Is
Not Territory (J. Z. Smith 1978). The same metaphor is used of “religion” by Jensen 2014: 7: “the
concept of religion is a kind of map of the ‘thing’ religion, that is, all those human activities which
we classify as having to do with ‘religion.’ ”
5
J. Z. Smith 2004: 209 (emphasis original).
6
See Jassen 2007, 2008a, 2008b; cf. Stökl 2015b: 286–9; Nissinen 2008b.
7
Cf. Bahrani 2008: 71–4.
6 Ancient Prophecy
the past;8 that our sole access to the past is through sources that yield only
restricted views of the landscape. Sometimes the perspective is wide, but very
often it is quite narrow. Sometimes two or three different keyholes show
clearly the same landscape, but very often two keyholes show different parts
of a landscape offering only a partial view on it; indeed, we have to decide
whether the two views show the same landscape at all. The question is how we
are able to connect the fragments, combining the views seen through different
keyholes in a methodologically sound and historically reliable way.
Our sources present the prophetic phenomenon in “different guises and
faces” depending on the historical context, perspective, and textual genre.
Even the academic constructs of prophecy necessarily reflect the diversity of
the sources, resulting in a variety of scholarly constructs, often organized
according to traditional academic disciplines specializing in specific parts of
the ancient Eastern Mediterranean source materials. Therefore, our phenom-
enon, as presented in academic studies and textbooks, always inhabits a setting
in a scholarly agenda, be it a “Theology of the Old Testament,” a “History of Greek
Religion,” “Ancient Near Eastern Divination,” or another matrix within which
the idea of prophecy has a meaning.
8
I owe the keyhole metaphor to Christoph Levin who used it in his inaugural lecture at the
twenty-first congress of the International Organization for the Study of the Old Testament in
Munich, August 4, 2013.
Constructing Prophetic Divination 7
distinct from the Greek sources which also represent a great variety of text
types. This may be an incentive for scholars to study the three source materials
as integrated entities, presuming a straightforward correspondence of the
ancient phenomenon to the image given by the source materials, and imagining
the “biblical” (or “Israelite”), “ancient Near Eastern,” and “Greek” prophecies as
inherently autonomous, if not autochthonous phenomena. Such a construction
has the propensity for hiding the variation within each class while at the same
time highlighting the gap between them. As the result, one may easily lose sight
of simple facts, for instance, that the Hebrew Bible is part of ancient Near Eastern
literature, and that Greece is actually not worlds apart from Mesopotamia.
The threefold division of ancient prophecy also reflects different interpretative
contexts of the ancient material and, consequently, the history of research. The
study of biblical prophecy has a long history as an academic pursuit, preceded by
an even longer Jewish and Christian interpretative tradition. As a biblical
concept, prophecy is contextualized in Jewish and Christian theology and reli-
gion, whereby prophecy is not just an object of study but a significant constituent
of cultural memory and provider of identity. The academic study of biblical
prophecy, for its part, is deeply rooted in nineteenth-century scholarship whose
brilliant representatives, such as Julius Wellhausen and Bernhard Duhm,9 were
the founding fathers of the scholarly image of what was later to be called the
“classical prophecy” of “ancient Israel.”10
When we turn to the study of the so-called “extra-biblical prophecy”—a term
to be abandoned, because it lumps together so much different material with the
single common denominator of not being biblical—the situation looks very
different. Non-biblical prophecy may still often play the role of “the other” in
studies of ancient prophecy, because the texts documenting prophecy in the
ancient Eastern Mediterranean are hardly a constituent of any modern scholar’s
religious tradition. They do form part of our cultural heritage but not of our
cultural memory. This is probably why it has been a commonplace until the very
recent years to approach the ancient Near Eastern records of prophecy from the
biblical point of view, using them as “context of scripture,” a background against
which the special features of biblical prophecy can be highlighted. There is
nothing to be wondered at about this. The very concept of prophecy has
traditionally belonged primarily to the vocabulary of biblical scholars and
theologians. On the other hand, the documentation of the ancient Near Eastern
prophecy has until the end of the twentieth century remained meager in
quantity and restricted both in terms of geography and chronology.
The Bible-centered approach has the disadvantage of highlighting primarily
those features in other sources that are useful in resolving biblical problems and
serve the comparative purpose, and neglecting other, perhaps more significant
9 10
Wellhausen 1905; Duhm 1875, 1922. See, e.g. Smend 2007: 91–117; Schmid 1996.
8 Ancient Prophecy
aspects. Furthermore, a value judgment in favor of biblical prophecy, spoken or
unspoken, can be recognized especially when it comes to the ethical proclam-
ation of the biblical prophets which allegedly sets them qualitatively apart from
their cognates in the ancient Near East.11 The higher appreciation of the biblical
prophecy is closely related to the idea of ethical monotheism found in texts
of the “writing prophets” of the Hebrew Bible, who, therefore, have been strictly
divorced from their religio-historical environment and elevated to a higher level
of spirituality.12
Compared to biblical prophecy, the ancient Near Eastern texts related to
prophecy have been the object of active study for only a relatively short period.
The very category of “ancient Near Eastern prophecy” did not emerge before
the last decades of the twentieth century, and it is still sometimes ignored by
Assyriologists.13
Even though it was still possible in the 1950s to hold the opinion that
biblical or Israelite prophecy had no historical counterpart,14 some historians
of religion of the first half of the twentieth century, such as Gustav Hölscher,
Johannes Lindblom, and Alfred Haldar, duly recognized sources comparable
to biblical prophecy, without, however, having much ancient prophetic
material to refer to.15 Some of the texts from the seventh century BCE now
known as Assyrian prophecies were published already in 1875 but were recog-
nized as anything comparable to biblical prophecy by a few scholars only.16 The
comparative work on prophetic sources—or better, the search for parallels to
biblical prophecy—was slowly revived only when the eighteenth-century BCE
archives of Mari were discovered and several letters with a prophetic content
were published from 1948 on,17 culminating in the 1988 edition of the main bulk
of the epistolary material by Jean-Marie Durand.18 Assyrian prophecy re-entered
the scholarly agenda in the early 1970s, but Simo Parpola’s edition of the texts
had to wait until the late 1990s,19 after which the number of studies devoted to
11
For criticism of the Bible-centered perspective, see, e.g. Sasson 1998; Ellis 1989: 132–3.
12
For the impact of this idea on the study of the biblical prophecy, see Loretz 1992: 198–208.
13
For instance, such recent overviews of Mesopotamian cultures as The Oxford Handbook of
Cuneiform Cultures (Radner and Robson (eds) 2011) and The Babylonian World (Leick (ed.)
2009) ignore prophecy altogether. On the other hand, it is duly recognized, e.g. in Reallexikon der
Assyriologie (Frahm 2006–8) and in the newest overview of Mesopotamian divinatory texts
(Koch 2015: 15–24, 291–6); cf. also Schneider 2011: 85–8.
14
Thus Noth 1956: 232: “Wir kennen zu dieser Erscheinung der ‘Prophetie’ kein wirkliches
Gegenstück aus der Geschichte der Menschheit.”
15
Hölscher 1914; Lindblom 1934, 1973; and Haldar 1945, who, in fact, discusses a substantial
amount of Mesopotamian religious and divinatory texts.
16
The most notable exceptions include Delattre 1889; Greßmann 1914; Meissner 1925: 281.
For the history of research, see Weippert 2014: 228–30; Parpola 1997: xiii–xiv.
17 18
Dossin 1948, 1967,1978; Lods and Dossin 1950. Durand 1988.
19
Parpola 1997. Earlier studies on Neo-Assyrian prophecy were published especially by
Manfred Weippert and Herbert B. Huffmon; for a full bibliography until 1997, see Parpola
1997: cix–cxii.
Another random document with
no related content on Scribd:
Casa dell’Ancora.
La Casa di Cajo Vibio, scoperta in questi ultimi anni, è nella Regione
VII isola II N. 18: si distingue dalle altre per la solidità e la buona
conservazione delle mura. Vedine l’illustrazione nel numero d’Agosto
1868 del Giornale degli Scavi, nuova serie. Quella di Gavio Rufo è
vicina: porta il n. 16 ed è illustrata nello stesso giornale, numero di
settembre. Quella di Caprasio Primo è al N. 48. Di fronte è la
taberna di M. Nonio Campano. Vol. II, cap. XVII pag. 327.
Via delle Terme.
Terme pubbliche. Vol. II cap. XV pag. 207.
Casa del poeta. Vol. III cap. XX pag. 83.
Son presso de’ termopolii o venditorii di bevande calde. Vol. II, cap.
XVII.
Casa di Pansa edile, e secondo alcuni, di Paratus. Vol. III cap. XX
pag. 62.
Casa del maestro di musica, in cui v’è il musaico all’ingresso,
raffigurante il cane col motto Cave Canem. Id. pag. 85.
Fontana. Vol. II, cap. XV 226.
Forno e Mulini. Vol. II, cap. XVII.
Casa di Cajo Sallustio. Vol. III cap. XX.
Forno pubblico. Vol. II, cap. XVII pag. 307, passim.
Cisterna pubblica. Vol. II, cap. XV.
A destra è un vicolo che mette capo alla Via di Mercurio, e di fronte a
tal vicolo presentasi un atrio con all’intorno alcune camere, nelle
quali è installata la Scuola archeologica di Pompei.
Scheletri di una madre e di una figlia, di una matrona e d’un uomo.
Vol. I, cap. V.
Telonium o Dogana. Vol. I, cap. IV pag. 103.
Casa detta del Chirurgo.
Casa delle Vestali.
Termopolio. Vol. II.
Albergo. Idem.
Fortificazioni e porta d’Ercolano a tre archi colle traccie della
saracinesca nell’arcata di mezzo. Vol. I, cap. VII pag. 187.
Via delle Tombe. Vol. III, cap. XXII pag. 345.
A sinistra:
Tomba di M. Cerrinio. Id. Ibid. pag. 346. A schivare ripetizioni, da
questa pagina in avanti stanno, fino a pag. 368, le dichiarazioni delle
pur seguenti tombe.
Tomba di Vejo e suo emiciclo.
Monumento ed emiciclo di Mammia.
A destra:
Tomba delle ghirlande.
Gran nicchia per riposo dei visitatori.
Giardino delle colonne in musaico.
Albergo e scuderia.
A sinistra:
Il Pompejanum, o casa di Cicerone. Non soltanto in questo capitolo
XXII, ma anzi più largamente è trattato di essa anche nel Vol. I, cap.
III pag. 83.
Tomba di Scauro.
Tomba circolare.
A destra:
Tomba della porta di marmo.
A sinistra:
Mausoleo di Cajo Calvenzio Quieto. Anche nel Vol. I, cap. IV pag.
101.
Cippi della famiglia Istacidia.
Tomba di Nevoleja Tiche e di Munazio Fausto. Vedi anche nel Vol. I,
cap. VI pag. 101.
Triclinio funebre.
Tomba di Marco Allejo Lucio Libella padre e Marco Libella figlio.
Tomba di Cajo Labeone.
Tomba del fanciullo Velasio Grato.
Tomba del fanciullo Salvio.
Chiudesi la Via delle Tombe e la serie quindi di esse coi sepolcri
della famiglia Arria di Marco Arrio Diomede, di Marco Arrio
primogenito, di Arria l’ottava figlia di Marco, di un’altra Arria e di
quelli tutti della famiglia di Diomede.
Casa di campagna di Marco Arrio Diomede. Vedi anche Vol. I, cap. V
pag. 143, Vol. II, cap. XV e Vol. III, cap. XX pag. 87.
Visitata così tutta la parte della città che è esumata, alla estremità di
essa, al fianco opposto a quello delle Tombe che abbiamo appena
lasciato, al basso della Via di Stabia, dopo alcuni passi oltre gli
scavi, e a traverso de’ campi coltivati, che celano ancora parte della
città, si giunge all’Anfiteatro, del quale si son date in questa edizione
incise la fronte esterna nel titolo del secondo volume dell’opera e nel
corpo, la veduta interna. Vol. II cap. XIV.
Questa rapida corsa potrà durare quattro ore e, se appena il lettore
ha sentimento artistico, ne ritrarrà di certo da una prima visita il
desiderio di altre, le quali certo gli verranno rivelando nuove cose
degnissime di osservazione e di nota, e sarà allora, io spero, che gli
torneranno più accetti questi miei studi, nel compire i quali, non
fatica e stanchezza, ma diletto e conforto ho ricavato sempre contro
la cospirazione del silenzio e la viltà di politici avversari, le codarde
compiacenze di insipienti Eliasti e la stupidità degli Iloti onde
abbonda la nostra terra, Saturnia tellus, che mantien vivo l’appetito
del vecchio Nume divoratore de’ suoi figliuoli e che così ne
compensa le veglie sudate e le opere generose.
Non mi mancarono tuttavia i plausi de’ buoni e gli onesti ed onorevoli
incoraggimenti e poichè nel pigliar le mosse di questi miei studj, io
ne proclamavo auspice quel fior di senno e d’onestà che è il mio
carissimo Pietro Cominazzi; così piacemi chiuderli ancora nel suo
nome e il lettore non ascriva a mia vanità, ma al volere di
quell’egregio, se finisco qui riferendo i versi de’ quali egli per
quest’opera mi voleva onorato
A P. A. CURTI
Sonetto
Volume primo.
Volume secondo.
Volume terzo.
VOLUME PRIMO
Dedica Pag. V
Intendimenti dell’Opera VII
Introduzione 1