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 TRANSNATIONAL THEATRE HISTORIES
Series editors: C. Balme; T. Davis; C. Cole

CARNIVAL & POWER

Play and Politics in a Crown Colony

VICKI ANN CREMONA

Transnational Theatre Histories

Series editors
Christopher B. Balme
Institut für Theaterwissenschaft
Ludwig-Maximilans-Universität
Munich, Germany

Tracy C. Davis
Northwestern University
Evanston, IL, USA

Catherine M. Cole
College of Arts and Sciences
University of Washington
Seattle, WA, USA
Transnational Theatre Histories illuminates vectors of cultural exchange,
migration, appropriation, and circulation that long predate the more
recent trends of neoliberal globalization. Books in the series document
and theorize the emergence of theatre, opera, dance, and performance
against backgrounds such as imperial expansion, technological develop-
ment, modernity, industrialization, colonization, diplomacy, and cultural
self-determination. Proposals are invited on topics such as: theatrical trade
routes; public spheres through cross-cultural contact; the role of multi-
ethnic metropolitan centers and port cities; modernization and modernity
experienced in transnational contexts; new materialism: objects moving
across borders and regions; migration and recombination of aesthetics and
forms; colonization and decolonization as transnational projects; perfor-
mance histories of cross- or inter-cultural contact; festivals, exchanges,
partnerships, collaborations, and co-productions; diplomacy, state and
extra-governmental involvement, support, or subversion; historical per-
spectives on capital, finance, and administration; processes of linguistic
and institutional translation; translocality, glocality, transregional and
omnilocal vectors; developing new forms of collaborative authorship.
Series Editors: Christopher B. Balme (LMU Munich), Catherine M.
Cole (University of Washington), Tracy C. Davis (Northwestern).
Editorial Board: Leo Cabranes-Grant (UC Santa Barbara, USA); Khalid
Amine (Abdelmalek Essaadi University, Tétouan, Morocco); Laurence
Senelick (Tufts University, USA); Rustom Bharucha (JNU, New Delhi,
India); Margaret Werry (University of Minnesota, USA); Maria Helena
Werneck (Federal University of Rio de Janiero, Brazil); Catherine Yeh
(Boston University, USA/ University of Heidelberg, Germany); Marlis
Schweitzer (York University; Canada).

More information about this series at

http://www.palgrave.com/gp/series/14397
 Vicki Ann Cremona

Carnival and Power

Play and Politics in a Crown Colony
Vicki Ann Cremona
University of Malta
Msida, Malta

Transnational Theatre Histories

ISBN 978-3-319-70655-9    ISBN 978-3-319-70656-6 (eBook)
https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-70656-6

Library of Congress Control Number: 2018930503

© The Editor(s) (if applicable) and The Author(s) 2018

This work is subject to copyright. All rights are solely and exclusively licensed by the
Publisher, whether the whole or part of the material is concerned, specifically the rights of
translation, reprinting, reuse of illustrations, recitation, broadcasting, reproduction on
microfilms or in any other physical way, and transmission or information storage and retrieval,
electronic adaptation, computer software, or by similar or dissimilar methodology now
known or hereafter developed.
The use of general descriptive names, registered names, trademarks, service marks, etc. in this
publication does not imply, even in the absence of a specific statement, that such names are
exempt from the relevant protective laws and regulations and therefore free for general use.
The publisher, the authors and the editors are safe to assume that the advice and information
in this book are believed to be true and accurate at the date of publication. Neither the pub-
lisher nor the authors or the editors give a warranty, express or implied, with respect to the
material contained herein or for any errors or omissions that may have been made. The
publisher remains neutral with regard to jurisdictional claims in published maps and institu-
tional affiliations.

Cover illustration: The Carnival Ball at the Governor’s Palace: The Minuet Dancers
Saluting the Throne W. Hatherell, R. I. from a sketch by A. Gascoigne Wildey, R. N.

Printed on acid-free paper

This Palgrave Macmillan imprint is published by Springer Nature

The registered company is Springer International Publishing AG
The registered company address is: Gewerbestrasse 11, 6330 Cham, Switzerland
To my father, Anthony who gave me my love of books, my thirst for knowledge
and the perseverance to go beyond what is obvious.
To my mother, Blanche, who provided warmth, optimism, cheerfulness as
well as determination and dedication.
To both for their boundless love and support.
 Preface

The Maltese islands, known as Malta, are a tiny archipelago in the

Mediterranean, which may either be seen as situated at the periphery of
Europe, eighty kilometres below Sicily and three hundred kilometres off
the North African coast, or as the navel of the Mediterranean, given their
central location. Two islands are inhabited: Malta and Gozo, with a total
population of approximately 437,000 and Malta is the smallest member of
the European Union. Colourful festivities are an integral part of Maltese
life, and Carnival is celebrated across the two islands, particularly in the
two capitals: Valletta in Malta and Rabat (Victoria) in Gozo.
I have always enjoyed Carnival. When I was a young girl, my little
brother and I were regularly taken to the Valletta Carnival by my mother
and grandmother. At home, we had photos of my parents, aunts and
uncles in Carnival costume, and my mother’s sister, Marie, participated in
the students’ floats. I loved the merry atmosphere in the streets, the floats,
the costumes, and the dancing in the enclosure, as well as the childrens’
fancy dress parties at the Każin Malti, and at the Malta Hilton, which had
just opened. In the 1970s, my family no longer went to watch the Carnival,
which had become a much poorer version of what it had been in the 1960s
and early 1970s. Having lived abroad for several years, I came back to
Malta in the 1990s, after Carnival had again been moved to February.
Since then, I have only ever missed the celebrations when I have travelled
abroad to visit other Carnivals. Thanks to two students, Beatrice Cachia
and Simon Gatt, I discovered the Carnival in Gozo. As a theatre scholar, I
have been very interested in the evolution of the Carnivals in the two

vii
viii PREFACE

islands in contemporary times, and have written various articles about the
subject.
Meanwhile, as is usually the case with research, while looking for some-
thing completely different at the National Library, I fell upon a political
article, written in the nineteenth century, that exploited the Carnival cel-
ebrations to denounce British policies. This led me to delve deeply into
Carnival during the period of British occupation, discovering tons of
material that deserved to be written up—stories, descriptions, poems,
anecdotes, but also social realities and political conditions that emerged
from beneath the various layers of celebratory fun and delight. I also found
that my background in theatre helped me note important elements that
were often ignored by historians or simply mentioned in passing, but
which, I felt, deserved closer examination. I was strongly encouraged to
pursue this line of research by past rector, Peter Serracino Inglott, and was
helped by a substantial number of students who opted to do their summer
work poring over old newspapers in the National Library. Dr Michael
Frendo, the former Minister for Culture, provided added encouragement
by commissioning a documentary on contemporary Carnivals in Malta
and Gozo.
I was very lucky to be welcomed as a visiting scholar at Lucy Cavendish
College, University of Cambridge which provided a haven of peace and
intense study, where the project for this book really began to take shape.
The days buried in the University Library, surrounded by myriads of
books, and the wonderful time in the rare books section are memories I
treasure deeply. I am particularly grateful to Dr Anna Sapir Abulafia, who
at the time was Vice-President of the College, for her warm welcome and
interest in my project, as well as to Professor David Abulafia, who had sug-
gested I spend my sabbatical carrying out my research at the university.
Reading so many different sources, and writing about a subject I am
passionate about, has led me to think very deeply about my identity. I am
a Maltese whose parents tried emigration, but opted to return to the
island. I speak English with—as some British are fond of pointing out—an
accent that is, as Homi Bhabha would say, ‘right but not quite’, even
though I have never been very clear about what is, actually, ‘quite right’,
given the countless accents in the British Isles and the US; that is, if one
opted to momentarily ignore all those in the colonies where the English
language was perhaps the principal imported cultural product. Yet I have
seen this criterion being used as a form of protectionism for the preserva-
tion of certain international key positions—fortunately, from an observer’s
 PREFACE
   ix

standpoint. The work for this book, and my life experiences, have led me
to reflect on contemporary ways of defining ‘hegemony’ and my readings
have brought me to great masters in the subject whose writings have made
me think very deeply about my country’s past and present, and whose
teachings have profoundly influenced my own writings.
I write from the standpoint of a convinced European who is puzzled by
the discourse of distinction, rather than unity, that is being pursued at a
European level at the time of writing, and am often tempted to examine
this from a theatrical perspective. This book may serve as a model to pur-
sue new research, as the carnivalesque invades new political territories.
I end this short reflection with the thanks that are due to all those
people who have helped to make this book happen.

Msida, Malta Vicki Ann Cremona

N.B. I have opted to preserve the original spelling of all quotations, espe-
cially those in old Maltese. I have also maintained the ways newspaper
titles were originally written.
All quotations from Maltese or Italian have been translated by myself,
unless otherwise specified.
 Acknowledgements

My biggest, heartfelt and most grateful thanks go my dearest friend, Prof.

Paul Clough, who has patiently read, discussed and criticised various drafts
of parts of this book, and whose support and wise scholarly advice has
proved invaluable. I also thank Prof. Tracy Davis who believed in my
work.
I would also like to thank my family: my father, for helping me with my
research at the National Library; my mother, for having copied out bits of
rare documents; my brother George, for having listened to and read bits
and pieces; my niece Francesca, for her time, interest and encouragement;
and my nephew Andrea, who patiently helped me through all the prob-
lems my computer temperamentally decided to spring on me from time to
time! My grateful thanks go Elaine Grech for kindly typing in my biblio-
graphical data on to a bibliographical manager, and to my dear friend
Lenore Micallef, whose help with regard to the bibliographical details—
that so many of us loathe—was indispensable (yes, even computers don’t
always put full stops and commas exactly where and how one wants
them!!!). A huge thank you goes to Marguerite Pace Bonello, who so
generously helped me in working out my index.
My grateful thanks go to the numerous persons who have helped in one
way or another: Prof. Henry Frendo, who was always available to discuss
certain historical points; Prof. Carmel Vassallo, for his time and his books;
Marquis Nicholas de Piro, who very kindly went through countless boxes
to find the right items and data I needed from the wonderful collection at
Casa Rocca Piccola; Judge Giovanni Bonello, whose knowledge and data
were of enormous help; Dr Albert Ganado, for giving me free rein to

xi
xii ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

c­ onsult his vast Melitensia collection; Prof. Nicola Savarese, whose ency-
clopaedic knowledge of theatre was always only a phone call away; my
colleagues, Drs Stefan Aquilina, Marco Galea, and Louise Ghirlando, who
spent time discussing my book with me; Dr Olvin Vella, who kindly gave
me a copy of a series of Carnival poems known as ‘Qarċilla’; and Rowena
Gauci, who scanned two important prints for me. I am deeply indebted to
the personnel at the National Library, particularly Ms. Maroma Camilleri,
and the National Archives in Malta, especially Mr Charles Farrugia, as well
as the university library in Cambridge, for their assistance.
My thanks also go to persons who have helped in other, important
ways: colleagues Drs Frank Camilleri and Mario Frendo, who contribute
much to creating the wonderful atmosphere in our Theatre Department;
Dr Claude Busuttil and Ms Marie Grech, who opened their homes to me
when I needed to work either in Valletta or in Gozo; Stephen and Angela
Tabone, and so many others, who also deserve to be mentioned, but
whose names I have accidentally omitted. I sincerely apologise for this.
I would also like to thank the following persons, who, at one time or
another, as students, helped out with research, and who, I am proud to
say, have moved on to their own academic or life achievements: Bernardine
Scicluna, Evelyn Baluci and Gisele Spiteri Miggiani, who helped me cata-
logue my source material, as well as the following students who spent time
in the library:
Isabella Attard, Janet Bonnici, Marlene Camilleri, Victor Debono,
Antoinette Farrugia, Elaine Miller, Albert Pace, Rachel Radmilli, Charles
Sammut, Nadia Sammut, Gino Mule Stagno, Odette Scicluna, Katya
Spiteri, Emile Vassallo, Anne Zammit, David Zammit and Claire whose
surname I, unpardonably, cannot remember.
Finally, my grateful thoughts go to Prof. Jeremy Boissevain and my
dearest friend, Isabelle Borg, who unfortunately are with us no more, but
whose constant encouragement is still greatly treasured. They will always
live on in my memory.
 Contents

1 Perceptions of Colony and Carnival   1

Cultural Transformation vs. Cultural Continuity   4
Social Stratification and Power   5
Power and Identity   8
Book Outline  11

2 Power and Its Historical Framework  15

Micro and Macro Forces at Play  15
Resistance and the Role of the Press  20
Historical Background to Social and Political Conditions
in Malta  25
Social Boundaries and the Language Question  27
Carnival, Power and Economic Concerns  30
Maltese Political Representation  38

3 Social Difference and Street Dynamics  45

The First Carnivals Under British Rule: Control
and Regulations  48
Street Dynamics and Disguise: Paidean Play and Military Order  51
Class Difference and Street Play  55
Aural Landscapes in Carnival  55
Visual Dynamics: The Playful Body  59

xiii
xiv CONTENTS

Disguise and Transformation of the Poorer Classes  62

Cross-Dressing  67
The Wealthy Classes: Disguise and Behaviour  70
Popular Play, Power and Tradition  74
Pelting  74
Pelted ‘Punchballs’  80
Other Carnival Practices  85

4 Fancy Dress, Rank and Dignity: Power and Play

in Carnival Balls  99
The Fashion of Private and Public Balls 100
Social Positioning Between the British and the Maltese Upper
Classes 105
Rank and Rivalry: The British ‘Malta Union Club’
and the Maltese ‘Casino Maltese’ 107
The Power of the Wealthy: The Ball at the Malta Chamber
of Commerce 110
The Carnival Ball at the Governor’s Palace: The Playing
Out of ‘Politics’ and ‘The Political’ 112
Dance and ‘Invented Tradition’ 113
Costume and Theatricality 120
Dress Codes and the ‘Disarticulation’ of Power 122
Suspension of Palace Balls 125
Public Balls: The Circulation of Power 128
Balls at the Royal Opera House: ‘Agon’ and Social
Behaviour 132
Other Public Balls: Popular Access to Paid Entertainment 135
Entrance Fees and Standards of Living 136
After World War II: Play and Politics 137

5 ‘The Sweet Satires That Prick Where It Is Needed…’:

The Caricature of Power 143
Satire: On Foot, on Floats and on Paper 145
Social Satires 152
Satires on Foreign Politics 154
Satires on Politics and Policies Concerning Malta 160
The Language Question 168
Carnival Satires Abolished 171
 CONTENTS
   xv

6 Raising the Levels of Street Carnivals: Competitions

and Prizes 177
Order vs. Spontaneity 177
The Rise of the Organised Carnival in Valletta 183
The Emergence of a Carnival Committee 184
Competitions and Prizes 186
New Efforts at Organisation 191
Financial Costs of the Carnival 196
Post-War Carnival 200
Carnival in Gozo 203
Paidia, Ludus, and Politics 205

7 Carnival or Carnivals? Political Wrangles Between

State, Church and Party 209
‘Games of Strategy’ 210
The Political Protagonists 212
Transforming the Spectacular into a Symbol of Power 216
Carnival in February vs. Carnival in April: Conflicting
Times of Celebration 217
Parallel Carnivals: Official Carnival vs. Malta Labour
Party Celebrations 228

8 Politics vs. Religion and State: Beyond Carnival

and the Carnivalesque 241
May Day Carnival vs. St. Joseph the Worker: Politico-Religious
Tug of War 242
The September Celebrations: Battles of Symbols 258
The Independence Celebrations: Performance and
Counter-­Performance as Play of Power 262

Carnival as a Transnational Cultural Phenomenon  269

Bibliography  275

Index 295
 Abbreviations

The titles of the following newspapers have been abbreviated as follows in

the text:

BM Il-Bandiera tal-Maltin
DMC Daily Malta Chronicle and Garrison Gazette
EM L’Economista di Malta
FM Il Filantropo Maltese
FQ Forward—Il-Quddiem
GM La Gazzetta di Malta
HM Habbar Malti
JFMI Journal of the Federation of Malta Industries
LBV Leħen il-Belt Vittorja
LO Labour Opinion
LS Leħen is-Sewwa
MC The Malta Chronicle
MGG The Malta Government Gazette
MH The Malta Herald
MM The Malta Mail and United Service Journal
MO The Malta Observer
PM Il Portafoglio Maltese
PO Public Opinion
TNA The National Archives of the UK
TOM Times of Malta/Sunday Times of Malta
VM The Voice of Malta

xvii
 List of Figures

Fig. 3.1 A young urchin with blackened face in Carnival ‘disguise’ 57

Fig. 3.2 Kummittiva Dancers at the turn of the twentieth century,
wearing fine jewellery. Note the covered faces of the men
dressed as women 69
Fig. 3.3 Two masqueraders posing before joining in the fun, 1950 73
Fig. 3.4 ‘Carnival time: mummers going through the ceremony of a
burial without coffin’ (The Graphic 15 April 1882) 87
Fig. 3.5 King Carnival, postcard posted in 1931 88
Fig. 4.1 ‘The Duchess of Edinburgh at Malta: Fancy Ball at the
Governor’s Palace, Valetta’ (The Graphic 10 March 1877) 112
Fig. 4.2 A noble Maltese lady wearing the Maltija costume c.1890.
Ex Collection Casa Rocca Piccola, Malta 115
Fig. 4.3 ‘The Minuet Dancers Saluting the Throne’ (The Graphic
18 March 1899) 118
Fig. 4.4 ‘The minuet danced by twelve couples in costumes of
Charles II’s reign’ (The Graphic 8 March 1902) 119
Fig. 4.5 Indications on invitation card stating that masks are
forbidden. Ex Collection Casa Rocca Piccola 124
Fig. 6.1 The public in the enclosure and on the roof of the Garrison
Library in the Palace Square 182
Fig. 6.2 King Carnival Float, 1932 189
Fig. 6.3 A set of grotesque masks parading in the street, February 1933 194
Fig. 6.4 A Carnival float just after the war. Note the damaged buildings 201
Fig. 7.1 The balconies of the Casino Maltese brimming with spectators 220
Fig. 8.1 Labour newspaper The Voice of Malta, May Day
celebrations, 1963 (Courtesy of the National
Library of Malta) 254

xix
 CHAPTER 1

Perceptions of Colony and Carnival

When the British took over Malta in 1800, after having helped the Maltese
overthrow their French occupiers, they initially paid little attention to the
Carnival. In a letter to his superiors in London two years later, dated 10
March 1802, the British Civil Commissioner in Malta, Charles Cameron,
mentioned the celebration in tones that immediately make clear the way
the newly-arrived British viewed the Maltese, who had just voluntarily
placed the islands under their dominion. He stated:

You will see by my public dispatch the applications of the remaining sum set
apart for the relief of the poor, when the price of corn was raised—this has
been an act of the greatest popularity, as much as allowing the celebration of
the Carnival which the Maltese had been deprived of for seven years, and to
which they bear the most childish enthusiasm—it went without a single
accident or even complaint. (TNA CO 158/3, 27v.)

The ‘childish enthusiasm’ that Cameron speaks of indicates the com-

plete indifference of the newly-installed British administrators towards
what was, and up to a certain extent still is, one of the main popular celebra-
tions in the Maltese islands. The British were confronted by a celebration
that in the nineteenth century was not part of their annual calendar of fes-
tivities. Carnival before Lent was not a British tradition, and it meant lit-
tle to the troops recently stationed in Malta or in other parts of the ­colonies
where it was celebrated.1 The use of the term ‘childish’ seems to denote
two things: the fact that the British did not understand or associate with

© The Author(s) 2018 1

V. A. Cremona, Carnival and Power, Transnational Theatre Histories,
https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-70656-6_1
2 V. A. CREMONA

pre-Lenten Carnival celebrations—certainly not those held outdoors—and

that what was not understood was deemed inferior and demeaned. Colonies
under British domination tended to celebrate Christmas, which was consid-
ered a time of both formal and licentious celebration. In contrast, colonies
following Catholic traditions, such as Malta, those under French or Spanish
rule, or British colonies that included the presence of workers from the lat-
ter territories, such as Trinidad, also celebrated Carnival (Cowley 1998,
11). These territories generally distinguished between formal and decorous
celebration at Christmas, and ‘nonsense’ and revelry in the other festivity
(Abrahams 1972, 277).
The development of Carnival, like that of all other events in the empire,
can, at one level, be read against the background of the macro-history of
British colonial domination and the economic and political interests of
empire. Within the framework of colonial discourse, Malta’s diminutive
size means that its particular history, like that of other small, colonised
countries or lands, has been engulfed by the sheer size and importance of
other domains of the empire which represented a primary source of impe-
rial wealth. Although the British Empire ‘spanned every continent except
Europe’ (Crow, Banfield 1996, 1), its European territories, Gibraltar,
Malta, and Cyprus, were situated at the periphery of Europe, and peopled
by European whites who, as other colonised peoples, also had an individ-
ual identity, language and customs. The Napoleonic Wars had made the
British realise the importance of the Mediterranean Sea for their commer-
cial and military interests. Imperial governments kept these territories
because they represented cheap and practical solutions to the transport of
the raw materials at the basis of the products generating wealth for Britain,
often referred to as the ‘mother-country’. They were also strategic sites for
protecting the sea-lanes to the remunerative parts of the empire. The dif-
ference though, was that unlike the farther-flung colonies, these small ter-
ritories were weighted with a European lifestyle and education before the
British ever set foot on them. Their culture was, therefore, not as radically
different as, for example, that of islanders in the Caribbean or of African
tribes. From the outset of British occupation in the Mediterranean, two
types of ‘historiography’ appeared: ‘imperialist’ on the one hand, and
‘“patriotic”, “liberal” or “nationalist”’ on the other (Frendo 2012, 24).
For many British colonisers, the Maltese were ‘white but not quite’
(Bhabha 1994, 86). Gayatri Spivak’s expression, the ‘Other of Europe’
([1988] 2001, 1438), may be turned on its head to refer not, as the Indian
scholar intended, to ‘the exploiters’ side of the international division of
 PERCEPTIONS OF COLONY AND CARNIVAL 3

labor’ but rather, in this case, to incorporate those European realities that
were considered ‘Other’ by the exploiters. British attitudes, as well as offi-
cial texts and British residents’ or travellers’ descriptions of Malta, contrib-
uted to the creation of this European ‘Other’ and to the obliteration of
signs of Europeanness, even going so far as to place Malta in Africa.2 Many
pictures that circulated in Britain and the colonies in cheap popular litera-
ture—such as the weekly illustrated newspaper The Graphic, destined
chiefly for a British public—often depicted Maltese as either poor, lazy,
religiously fanatical, or simply different through dress or customs, per-
petuating thereby the colonial stereotype of the subaltern who required
British intervention to walk down the road of civilisation. However,
George Cornewall Lewis, one of the two Commissioners sent to report on
the islands in 1836, described the situation in these terms:

The Maltese are narrow, uninteresting, frivolous and illiterate for the most
part; but their manners and deportment are, almost without exception,
unobjectionable, and very superior to those of some of the vulgar English
wives of naval men and Government officers, who find themselves in an
unwonted position of power and importance, and therefore think it incum-
bent on them to trample on the Maltese with all the weight of their vulgar-
ity. (1870, 71)

Under British rule, the Maltese had to familiarise themselves, for the
first time in their history, with British and Protestant traditions, customs,
etiquette and fashions. More importantly, they had to appropriate for
themselves a place in political and social decision-making—albeit minor,
and often questioned, disregarded or done away with. The process of cul-
tural and political adaptation that Malta and the other peripheral states
had to undergo as a consequence of colonial domination provides an
interesting study into the mechanisms of power and aspiration in a colo-
nial setting, where ‘closeness’, ‘sameness’ and ‘distance’ and ‘difference’
assume meanings which can then be laid, both in contrast and comple-
mentarity, against the more general perspective of imperial colonial his-
tory. Borrowing from Spivak’s extension of her original term ‘the Other of
Europe as Self’ (2001, 1439), the Carnival events in Malta during British
colonisation may be seen as manifestations of the European Other as Self.
Carnival as a subaltern social text was caught up in the construction of
‘Other’, viewed initially by the British as a tangible sign of inferiority.
Progressively, it was transformed by the Maltese into the affirmation of ‘Self’,
4 V. A. CREMONA

through political and social power games within its playful context, as well
as through open confrontation.

Cultural Transformation vs. Cultural Continuity

Although the various societies under British rule were, as a matter of
course, constantly adapting to changes from both within and beyond their
borders, the British colonial experience directed and speeded up the pro-
cess of cultural transformation across the globe. Change was due mainly to
the economic exigencies of empire, which necessitated a certain degree of
imposed uniformity across the vast territories governed by Britain. This
type of cultural intervention affected a wide range of social areas. It
included the fostering of a common language across the empire in order
to facilitate its administration that was regulated by the Colonial Office.
Necessities and general policies in every corner of the various colonies
were determined in a way that assured and safeguarded the empire’s inter-
ests, even when initiatives had beneficial effects on the local communities,
such as health measures that included the installation of drainage and
water works.
This type of cultural transformation ran parallel to the changes brought
about from within the indigenous social contexts. Culture, therefore, was
an area of contention between imperial interest for rapid social change and
indigenous effort to preserve cultural autonomy, also in reaction to the
standardisation of British norms and ways of doing things. Many of the
countries in which Carnival was celebrated were subject to colonialism.
Each individual country’s adaptation to colonial rule, and eventual emer-
gence from colonisation to independence, was also an experience that was
shared across the globe. This book sets out to show how Carnival, whose
cultural lineage could not be ascribed to British influence, maintained
continuity through the steady development of tradition, but also devel-
oped in relation to British presence which impinged, either directly or
indirectly, upon what was displayed. The main concern of this book is to
trace the historical development of the Carnival under British rule within
the Maltese community, but it shall also try, wherever possible, to establish
connections with other Carnival realities in order to highlight common
responses to the interests of empire. Through the examination of Carnival
play, it shall establish national and transnational socio-political positions in
relation to British or other dominant powers. It also traces connections
 PERCEPTIONS OF COLONY AND CARNIVAL 5

regarding colonial response to these manifestations either through rejec-

tion or adaptation.
This book starts out from the premise that transcultural phenomena are
not simply those that are related to economic cultural interests determin-
ing movement—including cultural movement—and exchange across the
globe. They are also constituted by cultural realities within different coun-
tries that experience similar historical conditions, giving rise to manifesta-
tions that are heterogeneous in form, but share certain underlying
concerns. Although communities celebrating pre-Lenten Carnival in the
nineteenth and early twentieth centuries were linked by the time of cele-
bration, as well as by the type of dominating regime, the cultural forms
taken up by the different traditions were determined by the specific his-
torical and socio-political circumstances of each particular community.
The ways Carnival was used either to express overt celebration or underly-
ing protest or even hostility was linked to individual communities’ precise
socio-historical framework. Consequently, the type of play generated for
and during Carnival differed radically according to the community cele-
brating it.

Social Stratification and Power

Carnival, like other social practices, is subject to the operations of power.
While people are exaggerating their actions, transforming their appear-
ance, making fun of their fellows, and lampooning the powers that be,
they are also playing with power. Power is not only situated at the higher
echelons of political and social administration, but also permeates all levels
of the social system and influences all areas of social action. To wield power
means to retain control. Carnival, which is originally intended to shake
off, albeit for a short period of time, the shackles of power imposed from
above, is not simply a moment of innocent fun, recreation and collective
participation. Through the celebration of Carnival, the underlying seri-
ousness of what is expressed can be transposed to a level that may be
apprehended by all within the ‘safe’ dimension of revelry and enjoyment.
The history of a people, under colonial rule or otherwise, is the history
of the articulation among the different social groupings that it is com-
posed of. Carnival is supposed to be a dynamic theatrical event that blurs
the distinctions between these social clusters, as all are plunged into the
individual and collective pursuit of mass merriment which allows, in part,
for the momentary blending of one group into another. Up to a certain
6 V. A. CREMONA

extent, identification with a specific social group becomes less clearly dis-
tinguishable because participants are covered by the mantle of disguise
and travesty. This is certainly true to the extent that all the participants,
whether situated at the top or bottom of the social hierarchy, are aware of
the real social structure that exists beyond the Carnival. In fact, revolt and
uprising in Carnival only insinuate themselves in those interstices where
the underlying social structure or political authority is being questioned in
the permanent order of things.3 However, as Peter Van Koningsbruggen
states, with reference to the Trinidadian Carnival:

Carnival can also function as a mechanism which reinforces class and ethnic
boundaries. Through role-changing and other means, carnival can bring to
light an opposition in society which is experienced as irreducible, thereby
representing this opposition afresh as beyond dispute and as generally char-
acteristic of the society involved. (1997, 13)

This book focuses on the power games behind collective participation

and social distinction that were played out during Carnival under British
rule. It contends that the politics of colonialism permeated the Carnival
from the outset of the British period in Malta. The extent to which the
British were prepared to interfere in Maltese affairs, as well as the power
struggles between the Maltese themselves, can be witnessed not only in
the macro-historical events affecting the islands, but also in more micro-­
historical realities, such as Carnival. The various chapters of this book will
endeavour to show, from different perspectives, how through seemingly
harmless modes of play, Carnival, as a site of public expression, provided
the space for vibrant forces to exhibit varying identities that differed from
those that the powers that be wanted to impose. Consequently, Carnival
may be seen as a site of struggle over who is to direct and control public
representation, and reflects the enforcement of, or subjugation to, power
beyond the site of play. The book sets out to show the ways in which the
playful, theatrical, participatory aspects of the Maltese Carnival also played
an important political role through the ways they were appropriated by
countervailing forces seeking to control or influence power. Through play,
these forces sought either to affirm an existing order or to question and
even resist it.
Although post-colonial literary studies have explored social stratifica-
tion through the examination of subjects such as colonial and post-­colonial
literature, less effort has been made to seize the living reality within an
 PERCEPTIONS OF COLONY AND CARNIVAL 7

action-based cultural dynamic. The rich possibilities offered by the way

Carnival events—masquerades, processions, balls—were actually ‘staged’
are seldom captured through a theatrical perspective. Examining the
socio-political aspects of the Carnival in Malta through the lens of its the-
atrical qualities—role play, costume, use of space—allows for a novel,
nuanced understanding of the relations of power by focusing on a small
peripheral European community which rarely assumed violent confronta-
tional opposition with respect to the British powers. The book aims to
penetrate ‘the inside’ of the event to capture the tension between power
and play, by exposing different and at times conflicting viewpoints of colo-
nisers, intelligentsia and other social categories. It will do this by bringing
to light a considerable amount of primary source material, consisting of
newspapers, travellers’ accounts, official despatches and reports in order to
capture Carnival’s multiple heterogeneous expressions, taking heed of the
fact that ‘no era has a singular identity. Or a single political structure. And
no event has a single context’ (Postlewait 2009, 214). In order to provide
a more complete picture of the different political challenges, it shall lay the
historical and socio-political background to the different Carnival events
against the interests of empire. The study will be developed in a thematic,
rather than a strictly chronological manner.
The aim is to show how power pervaded Carnival, where the visual
appeal of the festive masked the power forces at play within and beyond it.
The book will examine the ways in which power was established and
affirmed in Carnival as well as how, through its theatricality, the event
became a locus of resistance. It will also show how the two aspects under-
pinned a pervasive general trend that was modified and transformed
through the years, as new political realities and power structures or aspira-
tions came to the fore. It aims to reveal the ways in which, through action,
Carnival offered the Maltese the possibility of scoring victory points, how-
ever small or insignificant, against a world power whose sheer might left
little space for political claims or manoeuvres, and who easily took back
any power it reluctantly conceded. The examination of power games
within the apparently trivial context of Carnival also allows us to measure
how and to what extent the representatives of empire were willing to
exploit the power bestowed to them by their function over the people they
controlled. It shall show how opposition to the authorities, also through
Carnival play, was one of the many ways through which Maltese identity
shaped itself. Nevertheless, identity was not only shaped by the distance or
proximity to the coloniser. As Benita Parry points out, the colonised were
8 V. A. CREMONA

also subjects of their own history (2004, 37). The choices made and pri-
orities adopted by the people to define themselves were also established in
relation to the socio-political categories they attributed to one another,
and the conflict or collaboration resulting therefrom, which was also
reflected in the Carnival.
The study of the Maltese Carnival, and the transnational connections
that ensue, seek a better understanding of the domination, negotiation
and appropriation of power structures in a colonial setting. They shall
focus on these nodes of political and social conflict and see how they were
articulated in Carnival through the different modes of celebration.
Carnival’s different forms crystallised the dynamics of social tensions:
dance, song, floats and costumes each provided a means to express what
went well beyond the immediate and apparent structures of play, both in
the outdoor celebrations taking place in the streets, as well as in indoor
celebrations such as fancy dress balls.
The study of Carnival will throw light on the elaboration of local social
development in a colonial historical framework, and will draw parallels
with developments in other dominated lands. Colonised societies were
also tightly controlled through the establishment of codes, rules and eti-
quettes which were not necessarily of their choosing. Yet closeness and
affinity with the colonial power hierarchy also meant that certain codes of
behaviour were embraced and integrated into local social mores. This was
particularly the case with certain forms of Maltese Carnival celebration
such as the Carnival balls. More importantly, the playful setting, in the
street as well as elsewhere, allows us to measure the distance between the
various Maltese social groupings, as well as that vis-à-vis the British on the
island. Moreover, examining the playful framework of Carnival reveals
how the British themselves saw their own social importance and distribu-
tion with respect to the local social hierarchy.

Power and Identity

This book will show how Carnival supplied the resources to capture the
changing emphases among the population that were gradually laid on new
and different socio-political aspects which were being brought forward
through historical development. The clash between Maltese or colonial
identity under the British meant a political and social tussle to influence
the direction of power and decision-making. The struggle for power was
 PERCEPTIONS OF COLONY AND CARNIVAL 9

to incorporate overarching concerns such as policy, language and

education.
The wrestling for position was to have widespread ramifications that
absorbed and divided the Maltese population at all levels, but it became
the main fulcrum of rising bourgeois aspirations, especially with regard to
political involvement. Affirmation of a national identity, initially intro-
duced by the spread of the ideas of the Enlightenment, was nurtured
under the influence of nineteenth-century European concerns with
nationalism, which was reinforced through the presence on the island of
Italian political refugees fleeing reprisal for their participation in the strug-
gle for Italian unification. National identity became an important issue in
the latter half of the nineteenth century; it was situated at the ‘point of
intersection of politics, technology and social transformation’ (Hobsbawm
1992c, 10). For some, it meant closer affinity with the British. For others,
it implied a different political stance that included what may perhaps be
seen as a more idealistic standpoint—the affirmation of an identity that
was distinguishable from that attributed by the ruling forces. For centu-
ries, this identity was associated with the Italian language and culture, just
like the affinity with Greek culture and language for the Cypriots. Until
the turn of the twentieth century, Italian was the language of the law
courts as well as the main language of instruction and was used in public
by the cultured elite. The imposition of English, which gave rise to the
long-lasting political dispute known as the Language Question, divided
the country into pro-English and pro-Italian factions. National identity
was eventually to mean the slow development of Maltese national
consciousness, a search for identification as being first and foremost
­
Maltese, and therefore validating one’s beliefs, ideals, social position and
language on that basis.
The tussle between a pro-British or a pro-Italian identity was further
complicated by economic dependence on British naval and military use of
the islands as well as by the rise of fascism in Italy. Initially, this was viewed
positively by devout Catholic Maltese who approved of the Italian-Vatican
Concordat in 1929 (Hull 1993, 69). Various pro-Italian politicians in the
early 1930s advocated the possibility of full political union with Italy. This
eventually led to colonial suspension of the constitution in 1933 and the
abolition of self-government. Maltese nationalism and economic interests
were to expand further with trade-unionism, which developed in the first
decades of the twentieth century. It was to culminate in the opposition
between assimilation of Maltese identity with allegiance to Britain, which
10 V. A. CREMONA

in 1956 found its full expression in the political request for integration
with Britain, and independence, which was achieved in 1964. In all this, as
this book shall show, Carnival and the carnivalesque became a medium for
the expression of matters that went far beyond the playful.
The Catholic Church, which played an important part in Maltese poli-
tics in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries, was only marginally involved
in Carnival. For the greater part, it tended to move away from public play
that was not associated in some way with religious celebration. It pro-
posed religious alternatives to Carnival in the form of ‘Quarantore’ when,
during the Carnival period, the churches were open for forty hours of
exposition of the Blessed Sacrament, and uninterrupted prayer in atone-
ment for the sins being committed in the streets. It organised retreats for
pious persons during the days of Carnival. It also provided entertainment
during Carnival for children in church schools and religious institutions
through walks, talks, prayers and plays, in order to keep them away from
the celebrations. In the Carnival events of 1846, when due to Protestant
sabbatarianism, the Carnival was stopped on Sunday, the Catholic Church
refused to interfere and stated that it tolerated the festivities on that day.
In the twentieth century, however, the archbishops made public state-
ments against Carnival revelries. The end of British rule in Malta was
marked by the bitterest dispute in Maltese history between the Church
and a leading political party, the Malta Labour Party, which had decisive
effects over all aspects of life in Maltese society. The party’s involvement in
Carnival shall be discussed in the last two chapters of the book.
British consideration of Carnival changed perspective various times,
and varied in relation to hierarchical standpoints, as well as to the space of
play. The book shall discuss how British power exerted control over indoor
and outdoor celebration through decrees and regulations, both in Malta
and beyond. The quality and intensity of Maltese involvement in the
Carnival also shifted with time, according to fashion, taste, but also the
will to control or resist domination. Spontaneous street Carnival was very
much a Maltese affair, where social relations, overtaken by play, lost the
usual formality exercised in everyday life, but where social distinction
could still be perceived through the quality of costumes people wore and
the ways they occupied the space of play—whether singly or in groups. As
shall be discussed, at the outset of British rule, the street celebrations met
with British indifference, but this attitude was soon to change. Depending
on who was in command, the lower ranks of the British Services were
often confined to barracks during the Carnival, while officers were
 PERCEPTIONS OF COLONY AND CARNIVAL 11

instructed to watch, but not to participate in the street revelry. The role of
simple watchers evolved into forms of participation and exchange with the
Maltese in the streets. Eventually, as Carnival became more organised,
British families moved into the streets to watch the organised parades. At
the very end of colonial rule, the British themselves provided some of the
spectacular features—inspired by the popular taste for pageantry and
Carnival—to the Independence celebrations. In contrast, indoor Carnival
celebrations, where the British participated directly in the revels, became a
source of rivalry and control between British and Maltese, but also created
possibilities to meet and celebrate together. The development of public
balls created more possibilities for common celebration at all hierarchical
levels.

Book Outline
My examination of the relations between Carnival, colonialism and power
will be developed in the following way:
Chapter 2 provides a discussion on the nature of power relations, which
is the dominant theme of this book. It also presents a brief description of
Malta’s history under British rule and how this was affected by the evolv-
ing concerns of empire. The aim is to lay the ground for a better under-
standing of the different contexts of power and resistance that emerge
through the examination of Carnival playfulness. Some brief insights into
economic conditions, as portrayed through the Carnival, shall be d ­ iscussed.
The chapter presents certain Maltese key politicians who engaged in power
struggles, as well as important political newspapers covering Carnival
events that reflected or influenced political perceptions.
Chapter 3 discusses street dynamics, particularly in the nineteenth cen-
tury. It examines spontaneous, unstructured play in relation to organised
performance, the colonial methods employed to control it, and the means
used to resist restriction. It also looks at the ways social diversity was played
out in the street Carnival, and how different social categories used play to
attract public attention and recognition. Particular attention will be given
to the ways the poorer sections of society engaged in play to achieve a
temporary reversal of status. The chapter highlights the social evolution of
certain forms of play that gradually came to be considered as Carnival
traditions, and how some of these were claimed as expressions of national
identity.
12 V. A. CREMONA

Chapter 4 analyses the relationship between the Maltese middle and

upper classes and the British through the examination of power and rank
in relation to the Carnival balls, a type of revelry that was common to all
colonies. It shows how these reflected Maltese social aspiration, as well as
British enforcement of power. It discusses presence and appearance in pri-
vate and public balls, in order to clearly distinguish the type of playfulness
and the social intentions behind such play in the different settings. It also
examines invented tradition as a manifestation of colonial concession, but
also nationalism.
Chapter 5 is dedicated to the ways political and social satire was mani-
fested in Carnival. It refers to the Carnival protests of 1846, which showed
the embryonic manifestation of a determined stand with regard to a
national identity. It describes various satires that refer to international and
local realities, traces of which can be found in newspaper articles or rare
photographs, and lays them against the background of both local and
colonial politics. It illustrates how Carnival amusement served as a pretext
for different political players, some of whom are presented in Chap. 2, to
expose social and political issues and to demonstrate nationalist ideas
through caricature and criticism. It discusses the suppression of satires in
1935.
Chapter 6 demonstrates the development of organised street celebra-
tions as from the early twentieth century, a trend shared across various
colonies. It shows how the will to direct and control led to an increasingly
formal structure, underpinned by rules and regulations, which margin-
alised any form of spontaneity. It discusses the introduction of ­competitions
and prizes, and shows how through these, Carnival’s function and aesthet-
ics were completely transformed to foreground colourful artistic display
devoid of socio-political commentary, making it easier to suppress playful
protest.
Chapter 7 is dedicated to the tumultuous years when Maltese politics
shifted radically from the effort to achieve economic and political integra-
tion with Britain, to demanding and obtaining independence. It shows
how, within this context, Carnival and celebration were manipulated to
mark popular, particularly Labour, opposition to the British and to the
Catholic Church. It discusses the ways Carnival was manipulated to fore-
ground political issues with far-reaching socio-political consequences. It
examines the power forces behind the setting up of rival Carnivals. It high-
lights the implications of participation or boycott of Carnival celebrations,
in the light of claims to national interest and independence.
 PERCEPTIONS OF COLONY AND CARNIVAL 13

Chapter 8 shows how political confrontation was extended to other

popular festivities, and how carnivalesque pageantry and spectacle were
exploited in the various celebrations to express political solidarity or con-
demnation. It focuses particularly on the May Day celebrations and dem-
onstrates how these became a fulcrum of political and religious conflict. It
discusses the Independence celebrations that also adopted forms of spec-
tacle inspired from the Carnival, and shows how performance and perfor-
mativity in these events were plied to clashing political concerns.
The theatrical forms of Carnival can be seen as part of the various his-
tories that apprehend the emergence of national interests vis-à-vis the
enfolding power of the colonial dominator, as well as the play for power
which made Maltese oppose each other’s ambitions. It is through the
assemblage of these various histories that the picture of the empire’s domi-
nance may be composed through a ‘bottom-up’ as well as a ‘top-down’
perspective. Although this book is mainly dedicated to Carnival in a small
island colony in its journey towards statehood, it may serve as a case study
for other forms of colonial domination and power appropriation through
the socio-cultural and historical perspective of a popular theatricalised
practice.

Notes
1. Le Roy Ladurie explains the lack of Carnival celebration by Protestants in
early modern Europe in this way: ‘The Protestants abolished Lenten fasting
and were thus obliged to get rid of the preliminary feasting as well. As early
as the sixteenth century they were making a spirited attempt at destroying
all traces of Carnival’ (1979, 308). Crichlow and Armstrong define Carnival
as a ‘Catholic festival’ which ‘has not traditionally existed in Anglophone
societies’ (2012, 2).
2. For a long time, the Colonial Office classified Malta in the direction of
Africa or the Middle East. However, the issue of whether the Maltese were
European or African was not only limited to British times. See Freller 1998,
40–8.
3. Le Roy Ladurie (1979) offers an excellent concrete example of this in his
description of the revolts during Carnival at Romans in 1579–1580 where
political imposition, under the form of taxes, was questioned, thereby plac-
ing at risk the prevailing political structures of hierarchy and privilege.
Violent suppression of the revolt ensured reinforcement of the status quo.
Another random document with
no related content on Scribd:
vida me parece; su tañer y cantar
todo se ha convertido en lloros y
tristezas; sus placeres y regocijos
en suspiros y gemidos; su dulce
conversación en una soledad tan
triste que siempre anda huyendo
de aquellos que lo podrían hacer
compañía. En verdad te digo,
Grisaldo, que las veces que con
él me hallo, en verle cual le veo,
con gran lástima que le tengo, me
pesa de haberle encontrado,
viendo el poco remedio que á sus
males puedo darle.
Grisaldo.—Mal se puede
remediar el mal que no se
conoce; pero bien sería procurar
de saberlo dél, si como amigo
quisiesse manifestarnos lo que
siente.
Filonio.—Muchas veces se lo he
preguntado, y lo que entiendo es
que él no entiende su mal, ó si lo
conoce, no ha querido declararse
conmigo; pero lo que yo solo no
he podido, podría ser que
entrambos como amigos
podiésemos acabarlo. Y si su
dolencia es tal que por alguna
manera podiese ser curada, justo
será que á cualquiera trabajo nos
pongamos para que un zagal de
tanta estima y tan amigo y
compañero de todos no acabe tan
presto sus días, trayendo la vida
tan aborrida.
Grisaldo.—¿Pues sabes tú por
ventura dónde hallarlo
podiésemos? que assí goce yo de
mi amada Lidia, no procure con
menor cuidado su salud que la
mía propia.
Filonio.—No tiene estancia tan
cierta que no somos dudosos de
encontrarle, porque siempre se
aparta por los xarales más
espesos y algunas veces en los
valles sombríos, y en las cuevas
escuras se encierra, donde sus
gemidos, sus lamentaciones y
querellas no puedan ser oídas;
pero lo más cierto será hallarle á
la fuente del olivo, que está
enmedio de la espesura del
bosque de Diana, porque muchas
veces arrimado á aquel árbol lo
he visto tañer y cantar estando
puesto debaxo de la sombra y
oteando de allí su ganado, el cual
se puede decir que anda sin
dueño, según el descuido del que
lo apacienta.
Grisaldo.—Pues sigue, Filonio,
el camino, que cerca estamos del
lugar donde dices. Y para que
menos cansancio sintamos,
podremos ir cantando una
canción que pocos días ha
cantaba Lidia á la vuelta que
hacia del campo para la aldea
trayendo á sestear sus ovejas.
Filonio.—Comienza tú á decirla,
que yo te ayudaré lo mejor que
supiere.

GRISALDO
En el campo nacen flores
y en el alma los amores.
El alma siente el dolor
del zagal enamorado,
y en el alma está el amor
y el alma siente el cuidado;
assí como anda el ganado
en este campo de flores,
siente el alma los amores.

Filonio.—Calla, Grisaldo, no
cantemos: que á Torcato veo
adonde te dixe, y tendido en
aquella verde yerba, recostado
sobre el brazo derecho, la mano
puesta en su mexilla, mostrando
en el semblante la tristeza de que
continuamente anda
acompañado, y á lo que parece
hablando está entre sí. Por
ventura antes que nos vea
podremos oir alguna cosa por
donde podamos entender la
causa de su mal.
Grisaldo.—Muy bien dices; pues
no nos ha sentido, acerquémonos
más, porque mejor podamos oirle.
Torcato.—¡Oh, claro sol, que
con los resplandecientes rayos de
la imagen de tu memoria
alumbras los ojos de mi
entendimiento, para que en
ausencia te tenga presente,
contemplando la mucha razón
que tengo para lo poco que
padezco! ¿Por qué permites
eclipsar con la crueldad de tu
olvido la luz de que mi ánima
goza, poniéndola en medio de la
escuridad de las tinieblas
infernales, pues no tengo por
menores ni menos crueles mis
penas que las que en el infierno
se padecen? ¡Oh, ánima de
tantos tormentos rodeada! ¿cómo
con ser inmortal los recibes en ti
para que el cuerpo con el fuego
en que tú te abrasas se acabe de
convertir en ceniza? Si el uso de
alguna libertad en ti ha quedado,
sea para dexar recebir tanta parte
de tus fatigas al miserable cuerpo
que con ellas pueda acabar la
desventurada vida en que se vee.
¡Oh, desventurado Torcato, que tú
mesmo no sabes ni entiendes lo
que quieres, porque si con la
muerte das fin á los trabajos
corporales no confiesas que
quedarán en tu ánima inmortal
perpetuamente! Y si han de
quedar en ella, ¿no es mejor que
viviendo se los ayude á padecer
tu cuerpo en pago de la gloria que
con los favores pasados de tu
Belisia le fue en algún tiempo
comunicada? ¡Oh, cruel Belisia,
que ninguna cosa pido, ni desseo,
ni quiero, que no sea desatino,
sino es solamente quererte con
aquel verdadero amor y aficción
que tan mal galardonado me ha
sido! Ando huyendo de la vida por
contentarte y pienso que no te
hago servicio con procurar mi
muerte, porque mayor
contentamiento recibes con hacer
de mí sacrificio cada día y cada
hora que el que recebirías en
verme de una vez sacrificado del
todo, porque no te quedaría en
quién poder executar tu inhumana
crueldad, como agora en el tu sin
ventura Torcato lo haces; bien sé
que ninguna cosa ha de bastar á
moverte tu corazón duro para que
él de mí se compadezca; pero no
por esso te dexaré de manifestar
en mis versos parte de lo que
este siervo tuyo, Torcato, en el
alma y en el cuerpo padece.
Escuchadme, cruel Belisia, que
aunque de mí estés ausente, si
ante tus ojos me tienes presente,
como yo siempre te tengo, no
podrás dexar de oir mis dolorosas
voces, que enderezadas á ti
hendirán con mis sospiros el aire,
para que puedan venir á herir en
tus oídos sordos mis tristes
querellas.
Filonio.—Espantado me tienen
las palabras de Torcato, y no
puedo ser pequeño el mal que tan
sin sentir lo tiene que no nos haya
sentido; pero esperemos á ver si
con lo que dixere podremos
entender más particularmente su
dolencia, pues que de lo que ha
dicho se conoce ser los amores
de alguna zagala llamada Belisia.
Grisaldo.—Lo que yo entiendo
es que no he entendido nada,
porque van sus razones tan llenas
de philosofías que no dexan
entenderse; no sé yo cómo
Torcato las ha podido aprender
andando tras el ganado. Mas
escuchemos, porque habiendo
templado el rabel, comienza á
tañer y cantar con muy dulce
armonía.

TORCATO
¡Oh, triste vida de tristezas
llena,
vida sin esperanza de alegría,
vida que no tienes hora buena,
vida que morirás con tu porfía,
vida que no eres vida, sino
pena,
tal pena que sin ella moriría
quien sin penar algún tiempo
se viese,
si el bien que está en la pena
conociese!
Más aceda que el acebo al
gusto triste,
más amarga que el acíbar
desdeñosa,
ningún sabor jamás dulce me
diste
que no tornase en vida
trabajosa;
aquel bien que en un tiempo
me quesiste
se ha convertido en pena tan
rabiosa,
que de mí mismo huyo y de mí
he miedo
y de mí ando huyendo,
aunque no puedo.
Sabrosa la memoria que en
ausencia
te pone ante mis ojos tan
presente,
que cuando en mí conozco tu
presencia,
mi alma está en la gloria
estando ausente,
mas luego mis sentidos dan
sentencia
contra mi dulce agonía, que
consiente
tenerte puesta en mi
entendimiento
con gloria, pues tu gloria es
dar tormento.
¡Oh, quién no fuese el que
es, porque no siendo
no sentiría lo que el alma
siente!;
mi ánima está triste, y
padeciendo;
mi voluntad, ques tuya, lo
consiente;
si alguna vez de mí me estoy
doliendo
con gran dolor, es tal que se
arrepiente;
porque el dolor que causa tu
memoria
no se dexa sentir con tanta
gloria.
Mis voces lleva el viento, y
mis gemidos
rompen con mis clamores
l'aire tierno,
y en el alto cielo son más
presto oídos,
también en lo profundo del
infierno;
que tú quieres que se abran
tus oídos
á oir mi doloroso mal y eterno;
si llamo no respondes, y si
callo
ningún remedio á mis fatigas
hallo.
También llamo la muerte y
no responde,
que sorda está á mi llanto
doloroso;
si la quiero buscar, yo no sé á
dónde,
y ansí tengo el vivir siempre
forzoso;
si llamo á la alegría, se me
asconde;
respóndeme el trabajo sin
reposo,
y en todo cuanto busco algún
 contento,
dolor, tristeza y llanto es lo que
siento.

TORNA Á HABLAR TORCATO

¡Oh, desventurado Torcato! ¿á
quién dices tus fatigas? ¿á quién
cuentas tus tormentos? ¿á quién
publicas tus lástimas y angustias?
Mira que estás solo; ninguno te
oye en esta soledad; ninguno
dará testimonio de tus lágrimas, si
no son las ninfas desta clara y
cristalina fuente y las hayas y
robles altos y las encinas, que no
sabrán entender lo que tú
entiendes. Das voces al viento,
llamas sin que haya quien te
responda, si no es sola Eco que,
resonando de las concavidades
destos montes, de ti se duele, sin
poder poner remedio á tu pasión.
¡Ay de mí, que no puedo acabar
de morir, porque con la muerte no
se acaban mis tormentos;
tampoco tengo fuerzas para
sustentar la miserable vida, la
cual no tiene más del nombre
sólo, porque verdaderamente está
tan muerta que yo no sé cómo me
viva! ¡Ay de mí, que muero y no
veo quién pueda valerme!
Grisaldo.—¡Filonio, Filonio; mira
que se ha desmayado Torcato!
Socorrámosle presto, que,
perdiendo la color, su gesto ha
quedado con aquel parecer que
tienen aquellos que llevan á meter
en la sepoltura.
Filonio.—¡Oh, mal afortunado
pastor, y qué desventura tan
grande! ¿Qué mal puede ser el
tuyo que en tal extremo te haya
puesto? Trae, Grisaldo, en tus
manos del agua de aquella
fuente, en tanto que yo sustento
su cabeza en mi regazo; ven
presto y dale con ella con toda
furia en el gesto, para que con la
fuerza de la frialdad y del miedo
los espiritus vitales que dél van
huyendo tornen á revivir y á
cobrar las fuerzas que perdidas
tenía; tórnale á dar otra vez con
ella.
Grisaldo.—¡Ya vuelve, ya vuelve
en su acuerdo! Acaba de abrir los
ojos, Torcato, y vuelve en ti, que
no estás tan solo como piensas.
Torcato.—El cuerpo puede tener
compañía; pero el alma, que no
está conmigo, no tiene otra sino la
de aquella fiera y desapiadada
Belisia, que contino della anda
huyendo.
Filonio.—Déxate deso, Torcato,
agora que ningún provecho traen
á tu salud esos pensamientos.
Torcato.—¿Y qué salud puedo
yo tener sin ellos, que no fuese
mayor emfermedad que la que
agora padezco? Pero decidme:
ansí Dios os dé aquella alegría
que á mí me falta, ¿que ventura
os ha traído por aquí á tal tiempo,
que no es poco alivio para mí ver
que en tan gran necesidad me
hayáis socorrido, para poder
mejor pasar el trabajo en que me
he visto; que bien sé que la
muerte, con todas estas
amenazas, no tiene tan gran
amistad conmigo que quiera tan
presto contarme entre los que ya
siguen su bandera?
Filonio.—La causa de nuestra
venida ha sido la lástima que de ti
y de tu dolencia tenemos; y el
cuidado nos puso en camino,
buscándote donde te hemos
hallado, para procurar como
amigo que vuelvas al ser primero
que tenías, porque según la
mudanza que en tus condiciones
has hecho, ya no eres aquel
Torcato que solías; mudo estás de
todo punto, y créeme, como á
verdadero amigo que soy tuyo,
que los males que no son
comunicados no hallan tan presto
el remedio necesario, porque el
que los padece, con la pasión
está ciego para ver ni hallar el
camino por donde pueda salir
dellos; así que, amigo Torcato,
páganos la amistad que tenemos
con decirnos la causa de tu dolor
más particularmente de lo cual
hemos entendido, pues ya no
puedes encubrir que no proceda
de amores y de pastora que se
llame Belisia, á la cual no
conocemos, por no haber tal
pastora ni zagala en nuestro
lugar, ni que de este nombre se
llame.
Grisaldo.—No dudes, Torcato,
en hacer lo que Filonio te ruega,
pues la affición con que te lo
pedimos y la voluntad con que,
siendo en nuestra mano, lo
remediaremos, merecen que no
nos niegues ninguna cosa de lo
que por ti pasa; que si conviene
tenerlo secreto, seguro podrás
estar que á ti mesmo lo dices,
porque los verdaderos amigos
una mesma cosa son para sentir
y estimar las cosas de sus
amigos, haciéndolas propias
suyas, así para saberlas encubrir
y callar como para remediarlas si
pueden.
Torcato.—Conocido he todo lo
que me habéis dicho, y aunque yo
estaba determinado de no
descubrir mi rabioso dolor á
persona del mundo, obligado
quedo con vuestras buenas obras
y razones á que como amigos
entendáis la causa que tengo
para la triste vida que padezco. Y
no porque piense que ha de
aprovecharme, si no fuere para el
descanso que recibiré cuando
viere que de mis tribulaciones y
fatigas os doléis, las cuales
moverán á cualquier corazón de
piedra dura á que de mí se duela
y compadezca. No quiero
encomendaros el secreto, pues
me lo habéis offrecido, que nunca
por mí vaya poco en que todo el
mundo lo sepa. Es tanto el amor
que tengo á esta pastora Belisia,
que no querría que ninguno
viniesse á saber el desamor y
ingratitud que conmigo ha usado,
para ponerme en el extremo que
me tiene.
Filonio.—Bien puedes decir,
Torcato, todo lo que quisieres,
debaxo del seguro que Grisaldo
por ambos te ha dado.
Torcato.—Ora, pues, estad
atentos, que yo quiero comenzar
desde el principio de mis amores
y gozar del alivio que reciben los
que cuentan sus trabajos á las
personas que saben que se han
de doler dellos.

COMIENZA TORCATO Á
CONTAR EL PROCESO DE
SUS AMORES CON LA
PASTORA BELISIA
En aquel apacible y sereno
tiempo, cuando los campos y
prados en medio del frescor de su
verdura están adornados con la
hermosura de las flores y rosas
de diversas colores, que la
naturaleza con perfectos y lindos
matices produce, brotando los
árboles y plantas las hojas y
sabrosas frutas, que con gran
alegría regocijan los corazones de
los que gozarlas después de
maduras esperan, estaba yo el
año passado con no menor
regocijo de ver el fruto que mis
ovejas y cabras habían brotado,
gozando de ver los mansos
corderos mamando la sabrosa
leche de las tetas de sus madres
y á los ligeros cabritos dando
saltos y retozando los unos con
los otros; los becerros y terneros
apacentándose con la verde y
abundante yerba que en todas
partes les sobraba, de manera
que todo lo que miraba me
causaba alegría, con todo lo que
veía me regocijaba, todo lo que
sentía me daba contento,
cantando y tañendo con mi rabel
y chirumbela passaba la más
sabrosa y alegre vida que contar
ni deciros puedo.
Muchas veces, cuando tañer me
sentían los zagales y pastores
que en los lugares cercanos sus
ganados apacentaban,
dexándolos con sola la guarda de
los mastines, se venían á bailar y
danzar con grandes desafíos y
apuestas, poniéndome á mí por
juez de todo lo que entre ellos
passaba; y después que á sus
majadas se volvían, gozaba yo
solo de quedar tendido sobre la
verde yerba, donde vencido del
sabroso sueño sin ningún cuidado
dormía, y cuando despierto me
hallaba, contemplando en la luz y
resplandor que la luna de sí daba,
en la claridad de los planetas y
estrellas, y en la hermosura de los
cielos y en otras cosas
semejantes passaba el tiempo, y
levantándome daba vuelta á la
redonda de mi ganado y más
cuando los perros ladraban, con
temor de los lobos, porque ningún
daño les hiciessen.
Y después de esto, pensando
entre mí, me reía de los
requiebros y de las palabras
amorosas que los pastores
enamorados á las pastoras
decían, gozando yo de aquella
libertad con que á todos los
escuchaba, y con esta sabrosa y
dulce vida, en que con tan gran
contentamiento vivía, pasé hasta
que la fuerza grande del sol y la
sequedad del verano fueron
causa que las yerbas de esta
tierra llana se marchitassen y
pusiesen al ganado en necesidad
de subirse á las altas sierras,
como en todos los años
acostumbraban hacerlo; y ansí,
juntos los pastores, llevando un
mayoral entre nosotros, que en la
sierra nos gobernase, nos fuimos
á ella. Y como de muchas partes
otros pastores y pastoras también
allí sus ganados apacentassen,
mi ventura, ó por mejor decir
desventura, traxo entre las otras á
esa inhumana y cruel pastora,
llamada Belisia, cuyas gracias y
hermosura así aplacieron á mis
ojos, que con atención la miraban,
que teniéndolos puestos en ella
tan firmes y tan constantes en su
obstinado mirar, como si cerrar, ni
abrir, ni mudar no los pudiera,
dieron lugar con su descuidado
embovescimiento que por ellos
entrase tan delicada y
sabrosamente la dulce ponzoña
de Amor, que cuando comencé á
sentirla ya mi corazón estaba tan
lleno della que, buscando mi
libertad, la vi tan lexos de mí ir
huyendo, con tan presurosa ligera
velocidad, que por mucha
diligencia que puse en alcanzarla,
sintiendo el daño que esperaba
por mi descuido, jamás pude
hacerlo, antes quedé del todo sin
esperanza de cobrarla, porque
volviendo á mirar á quien tan sin
sentido robádomela había, vi que
sus hermosos ojos, mirándome,
contra mí se mostraban algo
airados, y parecióme casi conocer
en ellos, por las señales que mi
mismo deseo interpretaba,
decirme: ¿De qué te dueles,
Torcato? ¿Por ventura has
empleado tan mal tus
pensamientos que no estén mejor
que merecen? Yo con grande
humildad, entre mí respondiendo,
le dije: Perdonadme, dulce ánima
mía, que yo conozco ser verdad
lo que dices, y en pago de ello
protesto servirte todos los días
que viviere con aquel verdadero
amor y affición que á tan gentil y
graciosa zagala se debe.
Y ansí, dándole á entender, con
mirarla todas las veces que podίa,
lo que era vedado á mi lengua,
por no poder manifestar en
presencia de los que entre
nosotros estaban el fuego que en
mis entrañas comenzaba á
engendrarse, para convertirlas
poco á poco en ceniza,
encontrándonos con la vista
(porque ella, casi conociendo lo
que yo sentίa, también me
miraba), le daba á conocer que,
dexando de ser mía, más
verdaderamente estaba cautivo
de su beldad y bien parecer. Y
mudando el semblante, que
siempre solίa estar acompañado
de alegrίa, en una dulce tristeza,
también comencé á trocar mi
condición, de manera que todos
conocían la novedad que en mí
había.
Y todo mi deseo y cuidado no era
otro sino poder hablar á la mi
Belisia, y que mi lengua le
pudiese manifestar lo que sentía
el corazón, para dar con esto
algún alivio á mi tormento; y
porque mejor se pudiese encubrir
mi pensamiento, determiné en lo
público mostrar otros amores, con
los cuales fengidos encubriese los
verdaderos, para que de ninguno
fuesen sentidos, y así me mostré
aficionado y con voluntad de
servir á una pastora llamada
Aurelia, que muchas veces
andaba en compañía de la mi
Belisia, y conversaba con mucha
familiaridad y grande amistad con
ella. Y andando buscando tiempo
y oportunidad para que mi deseo
se cumpliese, hallaba tantos
embarazos de por medio, que no
era pequeña la fatiga que mi
ánima con ellos sentía. Y
habiéndose juntado un día de
fiesta algunos pastores y pastoras
en la majada de sus padres de la
mi Belisia, después de haber
algún rato bailado al son que yo
con mi chirumbela les hacía, me
rogaron que cantase algunos
versos de los que solía decir otras
veces, y sin esperar á que más
me lo dixesen, puestos los ojos
con la mejor disimulación que
pude á donde la afición los
guiaba, dando primero un
pequeño sospiro, al cual la
vergüenza de los que presentes
estaban detuvo en mi pecho, para
que del todo salir no pudiese,
comencé á decir:

Extremos que con fuerza así

extremada
dais pena á mis sentidos tan
sin tiento,
teniendo al alma triste,
fatigada,
Causáisme de continuo un
tal tormento
que mi alma lo quiere y lo
asegura,
porque viene mezclado con
contento.
Si acaso vez alguna se
figura
á mi pena cruel que se fenece,
ella misma el penar siempre
procura.
Cuando el cuidado triste en
mí más crece,
mayor contento siento y mayor
gloria,
porque el mismo cuidado la
merece.
De mal y bien tan llena mi
memoria
está, que la razón no
determina
cuál dellos lleva el triunfo de
vitoria.
Con este extremo tal que
desatina,
mi esperanza y mi vida van
buscando
el medio[1274] que tras él
siempre camina.
Y si grandes peligros van
pasando,
ninguno les empece ni fatiga;
de todos ellos salen
escapando.
El agua no les daña, porque
amiga
á mis lágrimas tristes se ha
mostrado,
pues que ellas dan camino en
que las siga.
El fuego no las quema, que
abrasado
de otro fuego mayor siempre
me siente,
y assí passan por él muy sin
cuidado.
También mi sospirar nunca
consiente
que el viento les fatigue ni dé
pena,
si aquel de mis sospiros no
está ausente.
Amor con mi ventura así lo
ordena,
para mostrar en mí su gran
potencia,
porque á perpetua pena me
condena.
Dada está contra mí cruel
sentencia,
que no pueda morir, ni yo
matarme