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Handbook of Methodological Approaches To Community-Based Research: Qualitative, Quantitative, and Mixed Methods 1st Edition Leonard A. Jason
Handbook of Methodological Approaches To Community-Based Research: Qualitative, Quantitative, and Mixed Methods 1st Edition Leonard A. Jason
approaches to community-based
research : qualitative, quantitative, and
mixed methods 1st Edition Leonard A.
Jason
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H A N D B O OK
O F M E T HOD OL O G I C A L
A PPROAC H E S
TO C OM M U N I T Y- BA S E D
R E S E A RC H
H A N DBOOK
OF M ET HOD OLOGIC A L
A P P ROAC H E S
T O C O M M U N I T Y- B A S E D
R E SE A RC H
E D I T E D BY
L E ONA R D A . JA S ON
A ND
DAV ID S . GL E N W ICK
1
1
Oxford University Press is a department of the University of
Oxford. It furthers the University’s objective of excellence in research,
scholarship, and education by publishing worldwide.
With offices in
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ISBN 978–0–19–024365–4
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Printed in the United States of America
on acid-free paper
C ON T E N T S
3. Grounded Theory 23
ANDREW R ASMUSSEN, ADEYINK A
SECTION TWO: Quantitative
M. AKINSULURE-SMITH, AND TR ACY CHU
Approaches
4. Thematic Analysis 33 13. Introduction to Quantitative
STEPHANIE RIGER AND Methods 121
R ANNVEIG SIGURVINSDOTTIR CHRISTIAN M. CONNELL
It seems like only yesterday that I prepared Readers will complete the volume with a
a foreword for the first edited volume on broadened sense of community psychol-
community-based research methods by Leonard ogy’s impact on and relationships with mul-
Jason and David Glenwick (2012). At the time, tiple other disciplines. With methodological
I explained that my words would attempt to prepare pluralism will come disciplinary pluralism!
readers for what lay ahead, that is, a groundbreak- (Lorion, 2012, p. xvi)
ing presentation of widely diverse and, I assumed
for many readers, unfamiliar methods that could In the brief short years between publication of that
be applied to the study of community-based issues. volume with its “mere” 13 chapters and the finaliza-
Since one is asked to prepare forewords later in tion of this 35-chapter volume, the array of meth-
one’s career, I had no reservation about acknowl- ods available for community-based studies appears
edging my own lack of familiarity with a number to be expanding exponentially! Consider that the
of the methods presented. I could also readily 2012 volume distributed the 12 substantive chap-
acknowledge that I learned much in reading the ters across four groupings:
volume. In that foreword, I encouraged readers to
proceed deliberately through the volume because: • Pluralism and Mixed Methods in
Community Research (3 chapters)
As noted, readers should proceed with • Methods Involving Grouping of Data
caution—but they should also be buoyed (3 chapters)
by scholarly curiosity and professional • Methods Involving Change Over Time
enthusiasm—for I would predict that, if read (2 chapters)
carefully, the contents of this volume are • Methods Involving Contextual Factors
very likely to change the questions that read- (4 chapters)
ers ask and the solutions that they seek. As
a consequence, the discipline’s rigor will be By contrast, the current volume’s 34 substantive
enhanced, along with its heuristic contribu- offerings address three groupings:
tions to our understanding of human behav-
ior within real-life settings and under real-life • Qualitative Approaches (11 chapters)
circumstances. The methods described in • Quantitative Approaches (10 chapters)
this volume add substantially to the tools we • Mixed Methods Approaches (13 chapters)
will have available to understand, predict, and
ultimately influence the healthy development Each grouping’s contents is nearly as large as the
of individuals, groups, and communities. original volume’s substantive offerings. How
viii Foreword
can that be? The breadth of topics in each cate- our preparation as “scientist-practitioners” and pass
gory seemingly ref lects both an increase in, and muster with colleagues engaged in basic research.
the differentiation within, methods. But more Jason, Glenwick, and I shared much in com-
than that, however, I would propose that the mon as graduates of the University of Rochester’s
first volume’s publication legitimized the utili- doctoral program in clinical-community psychol-
zation, and consequently the innovative expan- ogy. Central to that experience was the opportu-
sion, of methods by community psychologists. nity to be mentored by Emory Cowen, a founding
Jason and Glenwick (2012) may have planted member of our discipline and originally a stickler
seeds that have blossomed into new approaches. for quantitative analyses. Just as many of us were
Likely they also opened awareness among com- completing our studies or entering initial posi-
munity psychologists of the opportunity to find tions, something changed. Cowen (1980) publicly
and apply information-gathering and analytic distinguished research relating to the generation of
methods from disciplines near and far from hypotheses from that focused on their confirma-
community-based inquiries. Whatever the case, tion. The former acknowledged all that could be
the tools available to us have expanded dramati- learned through systematic observation, qualita-
cally! I can report evidence to that effect based tive interviewing, focus groups, and other qualita-
on my experiences as the editor of the Journal tive avenues to gathering information. These new
of Community Psychology. In that capacity, I can pathways to knowledge were to deepen our under-
attest to the seemingly unending adoption of standing of the phenomena before us and thereby
methods from other disciplines, as well as the enrich our appreciation of the complexity of com-
creation of entirely new approaches to gather munity processes.
and analyze information. Since the 2012 volume At the time, few tools were either available to
appeared, I have seen increasing numbers of sub- us or acceptable to psychology’s broader discipline
missions applying the very methods described in wherein we had to establish our academic bona
the current volume. For several years now, I have fides. Those who chose to apply these new methods
regularly been receiving manuscripts whose con- were also responsible for determining how best to
clusions were derived through the application of analyze the information they acquired and how to
(a) highly sophisticated statistical procedures justify its value to journal editors, funding sources,
on quantitative findings; (b) systematically and, as noted, tenure-determining colleagues.
applied analytic methods on qualitative find- Fortunately, that era has generally passed, and the
ings; (c) findings based on entirely innovative diversity of methods presented in this volume pro-
methods, including photographic images, nar- vides a quiver full of arrows to apply to targets of
rated experiences, and public art (e.g., graffiti); inquiry.
and (d) conceptualizations of community-based What the present volume does not, however,
processes based on conversations with key infor- address is the nature of the targets or even of the
mants. The breadth of qualitative, quantitative, hunt. From the outset, community psychology has
and especially mixed methods reports crossing reflected tension between its pursuit of recognition
my virtual desk appears to increase monthly. as a science within clinical psychology’s tradition
It goes without saying that community psychol- of the scientist-practitioner and its desire to effect
ogy has come a long way from its founders who 50 change in the lives of those who are underserved,
or so years ago struggled with selecting among a underrecognized, and disempowered. Community
limited number of nonparametric or parametric psychology began as an ally of the community men-
statistics. As I and many of my generation were tal health movement, whose defining purpose was
punching data on computer cards to cautiously to serve the needs of those with limited access to
deliver to a computer center that covered an entire and acceptance of the reigning intervention strate-
floor of a university building, we marveled at the gies. The lack of access was to be addressed by relo-
potential of factor analyses (with and without cating services to the communities in which the
rotation) for uncovering interconnections among underserved lived. The lack of acceptance was to
seemingly disparate variables. We dismissed the be addressed by creating new forms of intervention
potential value of qualitative reports as unscientific tailored to the lives and needs of intended recipi-
and strove for “hard” findings that would align with ents. The lack of effectiveness for those in need was
Foreword ix
to be addressed in part by broadening the range of of positivism or as focused on seeking and applying
options in terms of (a) length (e.g., time-limited practical solutions to real problems. Throughout
therapies), (b) service provider (e.g., paraprofes- much of that career, I could call upon colleagues
sional and natural caregiver agents), and especially such as Seymour Sarason and Robert Newbrough
(c) point of intervention (e.g., primary and second- for reassurance that it need not be either-or but
ary prevention) along the etiological pathway. Our rather both-and. Most convincing, however, was
originating intent was to serve through both inno- Dokecki’s (1992) contribution to a special issue
vative services and the gathering of information (edited by Newbrough, 1992) of the Journal of
that would enable our clinical colleagues to enter Community Psychology focused on the future of
the communities and lives of those who to that the discipline in a postmodern world. In his paper,
point had been ill-served or underserved. Dokecki explained how Schon’s (1983) concept
I raise this point because that same tension lies of the “reflective practitioner” offers our disci-
just beneath the surface of many of this volume’s pline a valid alternative to clinical psychology’s
chapters. Focused on explaining the rationale and scientist-practitioner model. The latter gathers
procedures of their methods, the authors provide knowledge to inform and shape practice. The for-
the technical details that introduce readers to the mer model, by contrast, has a different purpose, for
potential applications and informational benefits it “intends to improve the human situation through
of their procedures. Woven through their recipes the close interplay of knowledge use and knowl-
and especially their case examples are the vari- edge generation” (Dokecki, 1992, p. 27).
ously stated but present themes of gathering new Note that for the reflective practitioner knowl-
and deeper insights into the lives of the disenfran- edge is gathered to serve needs, not to build the-
chised, the disempowered, and the underserved. At ory! In support of the legitimacy of that purpose,
times subtly stated and at times explicit, the agenda Dokecki (1992) introduced Macmurray’s (1957,
for applying these innovative quantitative, qualita- 1961) analysis of the person-in-community. My
tive, and mixed methods can be found, that is, to reading of this work reframed the gathering of
create, enable, and accomplish change! Albeit vari- information through investigation from respond-
ously stated, understanding the status quo is prec- ing to the question of “What do we want to know?”
edent to designing its alteration in a nonrandom to “What do we want to do?” In this foreword, I am
intentional direction. arguing that the latter question is more applicable
Tempted though I might be to present the evi- to the methods and their intent than is the former.
dentiary base for such an assertion, I believe that I would further contend that such a defining ratio-
the authors and readers will be better served by nale is entirely consistent with the aforementioned
conducting their own investigations to determine underlying theme perceived by me in reading
whether my conclusion is sustainable. Much is said across this volume’s content.
about the value of the methods for theory-building Accepting the possibility that community psy-
or confirmation without exactly identifying the chology’s purpose is to impact the quality of life
theoretical base being referenced. Now and again and effectiveness of communities for their residents
we see references to paradigm without exactly does not lessen its worth but rather focuses its efforts.
knowing what is paradigmatic about the work or Participatory action research can be acknowledged
feeling confident that the nature of a paradigm and as an essential element of community-based inter-
the breadth of its scientific implications are appli- ventions both because it assures localization of the
cable (Kuhn, 1962). Both “theory” and “paradigm” work but more importantly engages those to be
appear to be stated more as evidence that the work impacted in both acknowledging need and acting
described is truly scientific rather than being pre- to mitigate that need and thereby alter the status
sented as the foundation on which the accumula- quo to a locally preferred condition. Participatory
tion of information is gathered and its contribution action research allows those receiving services
to the “work of normal science” demonstrated. to define both their nature and the limits of their
Assigning the aforementioned underlying ten- application. “Better” is determined by participants
sion to community psychology may, admittedly, rather than by provider.
reflect projection on my part. My career can be Acknowledging that we engage with communi-
perceived as blindly subservient to the principles ties to “do something” together does not mean we
x Foreword
abandon the accumulation of information that has part of the community, wherein we can collaborate
theoretical or paradigmatic import. It does mean, with the community as it defines and activates sus-
however, that doing takes priority over knowing tainable responses to its needs.
and that our work and our responsibility are not Raymond P. Lorion
completed with the acquisition of knowledge or Towson University
the advancement of science. Those accomplish- June 2015
ments add value to our efforts and, admittedly,
may lead to tenure, external funding, or disciplin- REFERENCES
ary recognition. They do not, however, lessen our Cowen, E. L. (1980). The wooing of primary preven-
professional responsibility to remain engaged, to tion. American Journal of community Psychology, 8,
continue our participation, and to continue the 258–284.
Dokecki, P. R. (1992). On knowing the community
work until released by our partners. To truly enact
of caring persons: A methodological basis for the
a participatory action effort requires genuine reflective-generative practice of community psy-
empowerment of partners over us! If we initiate chology. Journal of Community Psychology, 20,
the effort and commit members of a community 26–235.
to engage in assessing their needs, analyzing their Jason, L. A., & Glenwick, D. S. (2012). (Eds.),
resources, and committing to collaboratively mov- Methodological approaches to community-based
ing toward sustainable change, we necessarily com- research. Washington, DC: American Psychological
mit ourselves (and in many cases our institutions) Association.
to remain engaged, however long it takes. Kuhn, T. S. (1970). The structure of scientific revolutions
(2nd ed.). Chicago, IL: University of Chicago Press.
I applaud Jason and Glenwick for their unparal-
Lorion, R. P. (2012). Foreword. In L. A. Jason & D.
leled success in recruiting the breadth of method- S. Glenwick (Eds.), Methodological approaches to
ologists gathered for this volume. I further applaud community-based research (pp. xv–xviii). Washington,
the methodologists for their acknowledgment DC: American Psychological Association.
(intended or not) that community psychology’s Macmurray, J. (1957). The self as agent. London,
need for this diversity of methods lies not simply England: Faber.
with its evolution as an applied science but most of Macmurray, J. (1961). Persons in relation. New York,
all with its founding commitment to understand- NY: Harper & Row.
ing human needs that would otherwise go unrec- Newbrough, J. R. (1992). Community psychology in the
postmodern world. Journal of Community Psychology,
ognized, underserved, disrespected, and devalued.
20, 10–25.
Our discipline is unlike psychological, social, pub- Schon, D. (1983). The reflective practitioner. New York,
lic health, or public policy sciences, and that differ- NY: Basic Books.
ence lies in our defining commitment to become
AC K NOW L E D GM E N T S
We are deeply appreciative of our chapter authors, A. Miller, Christopher Beasley, Ronald Harvey,
who, on tight time schedules, produced stimu- Daphna Ram, Doreen Salina, John Moritsugu,
lating, integrative, and readable contributions and Ariel Stone for their helpful comments and
and who graciously worked to comply with our suggestions.
length and style requests. We also are indebted Finally, we greatly appreciate the unflagging
to Raymond Lorion and Anne Bogat for their support and encouragement of Oxford University
thoughtful Foreword and Afterword commentar- Press’s editorial staff, particularly Sarah Harrington
ies. In addition, we thank Edward Stevens, Steven and Andrea Zekus.
A B OU T T H E E D I TOR S
comprising multiple mechanisms of operation and within the larger arena of community-based
change. At a descriptive level, theories in commu- research) has perennially had as its focus the trans-
nity science, we would argue, should specify what actions between persons and community-based
specific aspects of context influence what specific structures, or, in other words, individuals’ and
aspects of individuals. Furthermore, the specific groups’ behavior in bidirectional interaction with
mechanisms by which this occurs should be articu- their social contexts, with an emphasis on preven-
lated. Ideally, such theoretical positing should lead tion and early intervention. Consonant with this
to relatively unambiguous predictions concerning perspective, the methodological approaches in this
community-based phenomena (Jason, Stevens, book explore such transactions and provide exam-
Ram, Miller, & Beasley, 2015). Methods provide ples of how to implement and evaluate interven-
the means to test the predictions generated from tions conducted at the community level. A decade
theories. Given the desirability of theoretical plu- or so ago, Jason et al. (2004) and Revenson et al.
ralism, we also do not argue for a single method, (2002) highlighted methodological developments
believing, rather, that there should be a matching that supported the goals of empirically examin-
between method (or methods, in the case of mixed ing complex individual–environment interac-
methods research), on the one hand, and the theo- tions. A more recent work, by Jason and Glenwick
retical underpinnings of a particular research ques- (2012), also described some of the more promis-
tion, on the other hand. ing community-level methods but focused just on
With respect to one salient construct in com- quantitative methods, to the exclusion of qualita-
munity science, namely community, Heller (2014) tive and mixed methods approaches.
recently noted that there is often a lack of a clear In this chapter we provide an overview of the
theoretical statement about how communities volume’s goals, organizational framework, and
should be conceptualized. Part of the problem individual chapters, with attention to qualitative,
stems from the definition of the closely related con- quantitative, and (the more recent and burgeoning
cept of neighborhood, which can vary from a block area of) pluralistic, mixed methods approaches in
in a residential community to an online network. In conceptualizing and addressing community-based
addition, there are a number of mediators of neigh- problems. The handbook describes how the meth-
borhood effects, including the quality of resources odological approaches presented can facilitate the
(e.g., libraries, schools, parks), level of community application of the ecological paradigm to the ame-
integration (e.g., how well members know each lioration of social ills. Each chapter discusses how
other), and the quality of social ties and interactions. its particular methodology can be used to help
Additional considerations are that not all fami- analyze data dealing with community-based issues.
lies respond to community issues in the same way Furthermore, it illustrates the benefits that occur
and that neighborhoods change over time. Heller when community theorists, interventionists, and
(2014) indicated that impediments that communi- methodologists work together to better understand
ties confront, such as inadequate resources or insuf- complicated person-environment systems and the
ficient technical knowledge, may require a variety change processes within communities.
of different strategies. Heller’s (2014) ideas have This handbook is intended to reach three criti-
implications for methodology, particularly with cal audiences. The first involves scholars desiring
respect to the need for community-based research- a summary of existing contemporary methods for
ers to (a) investigate mediators and moderators of analyzing data addressing a variety of health and
phenomena, both within a level and between lev- mental health issues. The second involves graduate
els, and (b) conceptualize and operationalize the students in psychology, public policy, urban stud-
diverse ways that we can think about community ies, education, and other social science/human ser-
and communities. vices disciplines designed to prepare students for
Ecological analysis—the overarching frame- careers in applied research, public administration,
work of the present volume—seeks to understand and the helping professions. The third involves
behavior in the context of individual, family, peer, practitioners in these fields who conduct program
and community influences (Kelly, 1985, 1990, evaluation and consultation activities and who are
2006). As noted by Revenson and Seidman (2002), interested in learning more about and applying
the field of community psychology (as a discipline these community-based methods.
Introduction 3
The volume consists of three sections. Section precepts of the methodology, as well as its utility
I focuses on qualitative approaches; Section II on and applicability to the study, practice, and values
quantitative approaches; and Section III on mixed of community-oriented research. Brodsky et al.
methods approaches, which combine qualitative discuss how community psychology, which arose
and quantitative methods within the same study or from other movements of the 1960s to question
project. Qualitative approaches are characterized and rethink the dominant paradigms in wellness
by (a) an emphasis on understanding the meaning promotion and illness prevention at the individ-
of the phenomenon under consideration to those ual and community levels, shares its roots with
who are experiencing it; (b) data which typically qualitative methods, which themselves arose from
consist of words, providing “thick description” of alternative scientific paradigms. The authors men-
the participants’ experiences; and (c) active col- tion that this connection goes further, in that the
laboration between the researchers and the par- methods that we use are dependent on the para-
ticipants throughout the research/intervention digms and worldviews that we hold. Thus, Brodsky
process (Gergen, Josselson, & Freeman, 2015; et al. emphasize that community psychology and
Kloos et al., 2012). Examples of qualitative meth- qualitative methods are natural partners. The
ods are participant observation, qualitative inter- chapter concludes with an example of qualitative
views, focus groups, and case studies. Quantitative community-based work done by the chapter’s first
approaches, in contrast, have the following hall- author in Afghanistan to explore risk and resilience
marks: (a) an emphasis on trying to establish processes in women’s communities.
cause-and-effect relationships; (b) data that typi- In Chapter 3, Andrew Rasmussen, Adeyinka
cally consist of numbers, obtained by the use of M. Akinsulure-Smith, and Tracy Chu discuss
standardized measures; and (c) an attempt to pro- grounded theory. Consistent with community
duce generalizable findings, as opposed to a quali- psychologists’ aim of empowering participants,
tative approaches focus on specific contexts (Kloos grounded theory emphasizes developing theoreti-
et al., 2012; Moritsugu et al., 2013). Illustrative of cal frameworks from a close, ground-level exami-
quantitative methods are quantitative description, nation of data, as opposed to interpreting data by
randomized field experiments, nonequivalent com- testing a set of a priori hypotheses. This is done
parison group designs, and interrupted time-series through iterative examination of (usually, but not
designs. limited to) qualitative data, building from molec-
To promote consistency in format, each chap- ular to molar analyses. After a brief history of the
ter is composed of two parts. The first is a critical basic tenets, the chapter’s primary focus is on the
review of the methodological approach that is the specific methods most often currently used and the
focus of that chapter. Included is the theory under- steps involved in textual analyses (e.g., analyzing
lying the approach, a summary of the steps involved transcripts of interviews), leading to the derivation
in the use of the approach, and consideration of the of themes and, ultimately, theory. Several dimen-
approach’s benefits and drawbacks. This is fol- sions are presented, from how heavily grounding is
lowed by a second part presenting either (a) the emphasized, the role of sensitizing concepts and lit-
explication of a social problem or (b) the evaluation erature reviews (i.e., a priori knowledge), defining
of a community-based intervention, thereby dem- codes, interrater reliability, and the role of research
onstrating for the reader how to apply the approach collaborators. Demonstration of the method high-
in real-world settings, including analyzing and lights the authors’ involvement in a project involv-
interpreting the data so obtained. ing individual interviews and focus groups with
West African immigrant parents and children in
New York City, providing stakeholder feedback
OV E RV I E W O F T H E (i.e., community members’ voices) to social service
CHAPTERS providers.
Qualitative Approaches In Chapter 4, Stephanie Riger and Rannveig
Section I, on qualitative methods, is introduced Sigurvinsdottir consider thematic analysis, a tech-
by Anne E. Brodsky, Sara L. Buckingham, Jill nique for analyzing qualitative data that involves
E. Scheibler, and Terri Mannarini (Chapter 2). looking for patterns of meaning that go beyond
Their discussion includes the general elements and counting words or phrases. Underlying themes
4 INTRODUCTION TO METHODOLOGICAL APPROACHES
or issues in data are identified and form the basis (d) reaching design and goal outcomes. The exam-
for theory. Data are analyzed in a several-step ple of AI presented involved helping injured work-
process: (a) data familiarization, (b) initial code ers and their representatives achieve their goals
generation, (c) searching for themes, (d) review- over an 18-month period following an AI change
ing themes, (e) defining and naming themes, and intervention.
(f) reporting the analysis. The authors begin the In Chapter 7, Shane R. Brady discusses the
chapter by placing thematic analysis within the Delphi method, which emphasizes the insights and
context of qualitative methods in general. They perspectives of community participants in order to
then describe the process of conducting a thematic make informed decisions within a direct practice,
analysis and illustrate this process with a study of social planning, and policy context. Grounded
barriers to addressing substance abuse among per- in pragmatism, the Delphi method can promote
petrators and victims of intimate partner violence empowerment by giving voice to historically vul-
in domestic violence court. nerable groups. It provides a means for dealing with
Bradley Olson, Daniel Cooper, Judah Viola, “difference” through providing community partici-
and Brian Clark contribute Chapter 5 on commu- pants the opportunity to engage and participate as
nity narrative evaluation, a method derived from equals with professional experts and decision mak-
the personal narrative approach. Personal narra- ers in generating decisions about a specific issue.
tives are structured around individuals’ stories, The method creates a circle of dialogue among
while community narratives, analogously, consist participants on a specific issue of interest, in which
of personal stories collectively forming the foun- they provide direct responses/nominations (and
dation of a group’s or community’s identity. Thus, comments on these) until a consensus is reached.
the two levels are intimately intertwined. Each The author provides an example of how the Delphi
community has a unique set of narratives that is a method has been utilized with members of several
potential source of growth and a way for that com- neighborhoods within a large urban city in decision
munity to creatively find its alternative narratives making about the community’s needs and priorities
as a means of contrasting itself with other, com- within the context of community development.
peting, and dominant narratives in society. One Urmitapa Dutta addresses critical ethnography
primary approach to gathering personal stories in Chapter 8. This is an approach that connects
and community narratives is through a life story detailed cultural analysis to wider social structures
methodology, in which participants describe key and systems of power by simultaneously examining
episodes in their lives or within the historical life dimensions of race, class, culture, gender, and his-
of their community (such as high, low, or transition tory. The author first discusses the evolution of eth-
points). The case example in this chapter focuses nography in the social sciences; the philosophical
on the use of community narratives in the evalua- assumptions underlying ethnographic approaches;
tion of a housing and broader community coalition the critical role of the ethnographer in the research
effort to increase the quality of life in a neighbor- process; and key ethical and validation issues in eth-
hood in Roanoke, Virginia. nographic research, data collection, analysis, and
In Chapter 6, Neil Boyd discusses appreciative dissemination. Next, she considers the influence
inquiry (AI). This change methodology focuses on of feminist, critical, indigenous, and postmodern
elevating and expanding communities’ strengths. approaches on ethnographic research. The steps
Many participatory action research methodolo- involved in conducting collaborative, participatory,
gies tend to start with a focus on fixing community and activist ethnographic research are outlined. In
problems. In contrast, AI begins with the premise the second part of the chapter, research on youth
that a community is a center of relatedness and and protracted ethnic conflict in northeast India
that extending its strengths invokes a reserve of illustrates how critical ethnographic approaches
capacity, which, in turn, reshapes its images such can reframe existing social problem definitions
that previously viewed challenges can be con- in ways that underscore marginalized perspec-
fronted in radically different ways. The four-stage tives and create avenues for community-based
AI process involves (a) discovering what is good interventions.
within the system, (b) envisioning positive images In Chapter 9, Regina Day Langhout, Jesica
of the future, (c) creating actionable designs, and Siham Fernández, Denise Wyldbore, and Jorge
Introduction 5
Savala present participatory action research (PAR) CLA utilizes a range of textual, visual, and experi-
methodology. PAR is an epistemological approach ential data sources, such as interview transcripts,
rooted in a critical theory research paradigm. To photos, videos, and field notes. The analysis is
create social change, researchers and community structured according to four conceptual layers,
members collaborate through a systematic process, progressing from a topical interpretation of the
in which they develop an agreed-upon problem issue, at the topmost layer, to underlying mytholo-
definition to determine what to study, decide on gies and metaphors that underpin the issue, at the
the method(s) to collect and analyze data, arrive deepest layer. By identifying these qualities of the
at and implement actions to address the problem, issue being investigated, it is argued that there is
and evaluate these actions and their outcomes. The a greater propensity for the root of the issue to be
authors describe the underlying theory of PAR and identified and therefore the opportunity for mean-
elucidate the steps involved in the process, with ingful, second-order change to occur. An illus-
attention to the approach’s benefits and drawbacks. tration of CLA is provided involving a relational
They then demonstrate how multiple qualitative women’s sports community, specifically women’s
methods (in this case, photovoice and house meet- participation in roller derby. In this example, CLA
ings) can be combined to collect data within the facilitated the uncovering of broad social and cul-
PAR approach. This case study shows how PAR tural understandings of the women’s roles and
enabled the authors and the community members expectations.
to better understand how people in a heteroge- In Chapter 12, Renzo Carli, Rosa Maria
neous unincorporated area thought about their Paniccia, Fiammetta Giovagnoli, Agostino
neighborhoods, with the goal of developing better Carbone, and Fiorella Bucci’s discuss emotional
strategies for community-based organizing. textual analysis (ETA), a method used in contex-
Andrew Lohmann’s chapter on geographic tual research. As we are aware, words can convey
information systems (GIS) (Chapter 10) reviews emotional components of a text (e.g., an interview
several methodologies (e.g., resident-defined, transcript). ETA analyzes the symbolic level of
behavioral approaches, experiencing sample texts as a part of applied research and interven-
method, and grid approaches) actually or poten- tions. In this approach, language is thought of as
tially incorporating GIS to understand and an organizer of the relationship between the indi-
operationally define neighborhoods. These vidual contributor of the text and his or her con-
methodologies fall on various interconnected text, rather than as a detector of the individual’s
spectra: (a) from being completely phenomeno- emotions. Tracks of these written representations
logical (e.g., resident defined) to almost exclusively are viewed within the complexity of this relation-
administrative (e.g., census units), (b) being emi- ship. A case example is presented showing the use
cally (i.e., within a group) or etically (i.e., between of ETA in analyzing the interviews of the inhab-
groups) defined, (c) having stability or variability itants of an urban area regarding their degree of
with respect to neighborhood spatial areas, and satisfaction and fulfillment with respect to their
(d) the availability of the data. The implications of employment situations.
these dimensions are discussed. As an example of
how GIS has been used to define and study neigh- Quantitative Approaches
borhoods in spatial terms, the author describes the Section II focuses on quantitative analytic
utilization of the approach as a way of measuring approaches. In the introduction to this section
resident-defined neighborhoods in order to inves- (Chapter 13), Christian M. Connell provides an
tigate manifestations of localized bonding social overview of these approaches, emphasizing salient
capital. considerations that should be taken into account
In Chapter 11, Lauren J. Breen, Peta L. Dzidic, when selecting a quantitative method. He notes
and Brian J. Bishop consider causal layered analy- both traditional and more sophisticated statisti-
sis (CLA), a methodology that enables the assess- cal methods that are relevant in addressing the
ment of worldviews and cultural factors, as well as aims of various types of research questions. The
social, economic, and political structural issues, chapter concludes with an analysis of the quan-
to be considered in understanding the present titative methods used in empirical papers within
and in formulating alternative future projections. the American Journal of Community Psychology
6 INTRODUCTION TO METHODOLOGICAL APPROACHES
from 2012 through 2014, highlighting the growth identifies circumstances in which this approach is
in the utilization of more contexualized, complex most appropriate. It concludes with a case example
methods. of the use of MSEM in an evaluation of community
In Chapter 14, Megan R. Greeson discusses coalitions, in which data from multiple sources at
latent growth curves and how they are particularly both the individual and collaborative levels were
fruitful for analyzing complex, changing commu- utilized to better comprehend the processes and
nity phenomena over time. Latent growth curves outcomes associated with successful collaboration.
are a subset of structural equation modeling that In Chapter 17, Nathan R. Todd and Patrick
can be used to examine within-case change across Fowler present (a) cluster-randomized trials
repeated measures. One of its key strengths is its (CRTs) as a useful research design for evaluat-
ability to capture nonlinear change, which is often ing community-level interventions and (b) mul-
characteristic of both naturally occurring phenom- tilevel modeling (MLM) as an appropriate way to
ena (e.g., phenomena that oscillate in up-and-down analyze such data. A CRT design is characterized
patterns) and intervention responses (e.g., lagged by assigning intact social groups (e.g., schools or
intervention effects). Another key strength is the neighborhoods) to intervention and control con-
ability to examine variability in change trajectories, ditions. This design enables studying naturally
which facilitates investigation of group differences occurring groups where individual randomization
over time. The author presents a case study exam- is not possible or where spillover effects within a
ining nonlinear change over time with respect to setting are of concern. Moreover, the design is use-
the impact of adolescent dating violence on wom- ful when the intervention target involves changing
en’s annual earned income. something about the environment or setting rather
Chapter 15 by Glenn Williams and Fraenze than intervening directly with individuals. This is
Kibowski on latent class analysis (LCA) and latent a strong experimental design and can be used to
profile analysis (LPA) complements Chapter 14. show how intervention at the group level shapes
The main aim of LCA is to split seemingly hetero- individual outcomes. The authors then discuss the
geneous data into subclasses of two or more homo- use of MLM as an analytic strategy for determining
geneous groups or classes. In contrast, LPA is a and interpreting the magnitude and significance
method that is conducted with continuously scaled of intervention success. Finally, as an example of
data, the focus being on generating profiles of par- the design, they highlight preventive school-based
ticipants instead of testing a theoretical model interventions aimed at decreasing suicide.
in terms of a measurement model, path analytic Mark Mattaini, Leonard A. Jason, and David
model, or full structural model (as is the case, for S. Glenwick in Chapter 18 discuss the use of behav-
example, with structural equation modeling). As ioral methods for implementing and analyzing
an example of LCA and LPA, the authors present change over time. There is a long tradition of oper-
findings on sustainable and active travel behaviors ant designs that have been employed to effect and
among commuters, separating the respondents into evaluate change in individual behavior, but these
classes based on the facilitators of, and hindrances same types of designs also have been utilized to
to, certain modes of travel. evaluate community-level data. The authors dem-
In Chapter 16, John P. Barile writes about multi- onstrate how this orientation, including the utili-
level structural equation modeling (MSEM), which zation of time-series data (i.e., data on a particular
offers many advantages over traditional regression behavior/phenomenon that are collected and ana-
approaches in understanding community-based lyzed on several occasions over a period of time),
data. MSEM techniques enable researchers to can be invaluable in providing evidence for the
assess individual- and higher level data simultane- impact of ecological domains on community-based
ously, while minimalizing individualistic and eco- phenomena. The chapter concludes with an
logical fallacies commonly present in evaluation example of the application of this methodology to
and intervention research. An advanced statistical document change in urban littering behavior, with
methodology such as MSEM is often required to discussion of the intervention’s policy implications
understand the diverse web of ecological deter- resulting in legislative change.
minants of individual and community well-being. In Chapter 19, Jacob Furst, Daniela Stan
The chapter presents the basic tenets of MSEM and Raicu, and Leonard A. Jason describe data mining
Introduction 7
(also known as artificial intelligence), which can In their case example, the authors illustrate how
uncover patterns and relationships within large SNA was used to understand how the structure of
samples of people, organizations, or communities teacher-advice networks could facilitate or hinder
that would not otherwise be evident because of the the spread of classroom intervention practices.
size and complexity of the data. Data mining often Dynamic social network models are the subject
uses decision trees, which attempt to predict a clas- of Chapter 22 by Leonard A. Jason, John Light, and
sification (e.g., high-risk neighborhoods in a com- Sarah Callahan. This paradigm is distinguished
munity), based on successive binary choices. At from other approaches by its emphasis on the
each branch point of the decision tree, a character- mutual interdependence between relationships
istic is examined (e.g., gang activity within a com- and behavior change over time. As such, it pro-
munity), and the decision tree determines whether vides a framework for conceptualizing and empiri-
a characteristic is important in the outcome or clas- cally describing two-way transactional dynamics.
sification. In data mining, multiple characteristics Network studies in community-based research
are reviewed, and an algorithm is ultimately devel- have typically been based on “personal” network
oped that best predicts class membership (e.g., data, whereby one person rates all of the other peo-
high- versus low-risk status). The authors illustrate ple in his or her network, but the linkages among
the application of this method to a chronic health those individuals are usually not known. This
condition, showing how computer-generated algo- chapter, instead, focuses on the more informative
rithms helped guide community organizations and models that can be developed from “complete” net-
government bodies in arriving at more valid and work data (i.e., where all possible dyadic relation-
less stigmatizing ways of characterizing patients. ships among individuals or other entities, such as
Zachary P. Neal and Jennifer Lawlor pres- organizations, are measured, providing a structural
ent the use of agent-based simulations to model map of an entire social ecosystem). The authors
community-level phenomena in Chapter 20 . This provide an example showing how the dimensions
is a methodology in which agents (which can rep- of trust, friendship, and mentoring changed over
resent, for example, individual people, households, time in the relationships among persons living in
or community organizations) interact with one substance abuse recovery residences.
another by following simple rules within a context
specified by the researcher. The goal of these mod- Mixed Methods Approaches
els is to understand how different behavioral rules Section III of the volume contains chapters featur-
and contextual factors interact and lead to differ- ing mixed methods, illustrating the use and integra-
ent outcomes. Such models are able to capture the tion of both qualitative and quantitative approaches
complexity of community dynamics, which are within a single study or project. In Chapter 23,
often nonlinear and unpredictable. The authors Valerie R. Anderson provides an introduction to
provide an example of the model, exploring how mixed methods approaches in community-based
spatial patterns of residential segregation impact research. The chapter begins with a definition of
social networks and the likelihood of relationships mixed methods research, an overview of key con-
between different groups. cepts, and ways in which qualitative and quantita-
In Chapter 21, Mariah Kornbluh and Jennifer tive methodologies can be employed in tandem.
Watling Neal describe social network analysis This is followed by a review of mixed methods
(SNA), which focuses on identifying patterns of studies in community-based research, with a par-
relationships among sets of actors in a particu- ticular focus on the specific techniques utilized
lar system (e.g., friendships among children in a and on how mixing methods can add to scientific
classroom or collaboration among organizations rigor. Next, the benefits and challenges of integrat-
in a coalition). In this chapter, they describe how ing qualitative and quantitative data are discussed.
to collect network data and how to apply network The chapter concludes with an illustrative example
measures to examine phenomena at multiple levels of a mixed methods case study of a juvenile court
of analysis, including the (a) setting (i.e., character- system.
istics of the whole network), (b) individual (i.e., an In Chapter 24, Brian Christens, Victoria
actor’s position within the network), and (c) dyad Faust, Jennifer Gaddis, Paula Tran Inzeo, Carolina
(i.e., network characteristics of pairs of actors). S. Sarmiento, and Shannon M. Sparks describe the
8 INTRODUCTION TO METHODOLOGICAL APPROACHES
orchestration of cyclical processes of action and and quantitative methods were used to assess the
research that mutually inform each other. This effects of participatory research on adolescents and
chapter elucidates the conceptual foundations of their schools with respect to such dimensions as
action research and demonstrates its utility as a youth–adult power sharing and youth engagement.
framework for knowledge generation in collabo- Rebecca Volino Robinson, E. J. R. David, and
ration with community organizations. Although Mara Hill write on participatory mixed methods
action research is often conducted using qualita- across cultures in Chapter 27. Mixed methodol-
tive methods, the authors make a case for meth- ogy is particularly useful when researching in
odological pluralism. Principles for designing and cross-cultural or cultural contexts, as it allows
conducting mixed methods action research are for both etic (i.e., between groups) and emic (i.e.,
provided, drawing specifically on an example of an within a group) investigations of phenomena.
ongoing collaboration with a community organiz- Participation occurs on a continuum from infor-
ing network working on multiple issues, including mal consultation with community representatives
immigration and transit. to fully integrated, participatory methodology
Michael J. Kral and James Allen contribute that centralizes the community voice throughout
Chapter 25 on community-based participatory all aspects of the research process and dissemina-
research (CBPR). A defining feature of this per- tion. Strengths and challenges faced when con-
spective is the engagement, as co-researchers in the ducting participatory mixed methods research in
research process, of the people who are the commu- a cultural context are discussed. As an example of
nity of concern. This act of engagement involves a this approach, they describe a participatory mixed
sharing of power and a democratization of the methods investigation of resilience amid forced
research process, along with, typically, a social displacement in the context of Somali culture.
action component. The authors trace the historical In Chapter 28, Katherine Cloutier presents
roots of this approach, which is interconnected with (a) the utilization of performance ethnography
concepts of community empowerment, ecology, within a CBPR framework and (b) the combina-
social justice, feminism, and critical theory. Their tion of this qualitative approach with quantitative
example of the use of mixed methods in CBPR methods. Performance ethnography considers
describes key events and outcomes from a collab- such forms of performance as photo, video, fic-
orative project involving members of a grassroots tion, and narrative histories (as well as other tra-
Alaska Native sobriety effort and university-based ditional or innovative formats that may fall under
researchers, in which a qualitative discovery-based creative analytic processes) as integral components
research phase guided the development of mea- of an ethnographic research process. The author
sures for a quantitative second phase. discusses the benefits and challenges of employ-
In Chapter 26, Emily J. Ozer’s discussion on ing this approach within a CBPR framework. The
youth-led participatory action research (YPAR) chapter’s case study describes the incorporation
presents a change process that engages students in of elements of performance ethnography (specifi-
identifying problems that they want to improve, cally video creation and documentary work) into
conducting research to understand the nature of a sexual health education program in secondary
the problems, and advocating for changes based schools in Barbados. The author demonstrates how
on research evidence. It explicitly focuses on the this approach paved the way for a mixed methods,
integration of systematic research implemented multiphase study that emerged as a result of initial
by young people with guidance from adult facilita- fieldwork.
tors. The author describes YPAR’s core processes, In Chapter 29, Gina Cardazone and Ryan
identifying similarities and distinctions between T. Tolman focus on data visualization and its poten-
YPAR and other approaches to youth development, tial uses in participatory research, exploratory
as well as factors that support YPAR projects’ func- data analysis, program evaluation, and dissemi-
tioning and sustainability. She also makes links nation of research results. Although quite broad
to the broader practice of CBPR (the approach in scope, data visualization can be used in refer-
discussed in Chapter 25), noting special consider- ence to ubiquitous items such as static bar charts
ations in conducting CBPR with youth. The chap- or maps. User-friendly interactive data visualiza-
ter concludes with a case study in which qualitative tions may enable people to manipulate large data
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végsorához pedig a biographus odajegyezhetné a tizennyolcz éves
fiatalember egyik leveléből ezt a sort: «Nem tudom, mi vár rám: az
elzüllés-e vagy a megbolondulás?» E szomorú sorhoz azonban az
sem fűzhetne jobb kommentárt Lermontov önvallomásánál.
Így áll előttünk Lermontov Pecsorinban; egy búskomor ember
egymást érő kalandok közepett, únottan folytonos izgalmak közben,
életcsömörbe esve fiatalon. A naplóról az olvasónak is az az érzése,
a mit Lermontov maga írt arról: meg lehetünk győződve nagy
őszinteségéről annak, a ki oly kiméletlenül leplezte le gyöngéit és
hibáit. A legapróbb részletekig. Kötekedő természetéért is
megvezekelt Pecsorinban: ennek Grusinczkijt csipdeső
békétlensége az ő megférhetetlen természetére ütött, mely legjobb
barátait is élczeinek czéltáblájául használta. A vak véletlen a
végletekig vitte ezt a hasonlatosságot s Lermontovot örökös
ingerkedéseért tulajdon azon Platigorszkban, a hol száműzetését
töltötte s a melyet regényének színhelyévé tett, szakasztott úgy
állította megsértett és ellene ingerelt jó barátja, Martynov kapitány
pisztolya elé, mint Pecsorint Grusinczkij fegyvere végére. Csak a
párbaj kimenetele lett más: Lermontov holtan maradt ott a
regényben leírt Masuk hegye lábánál, 1841 július 15/27-én. Még
huszonhét éves sem volt egészen.
Úgy halt meg, párbajban, mint Puskin (1837), a ki szintén
csodálatosan hasonló módon esett el, mint egyik legkedvesebb
alakja, Lenszky. Csakhogy Lermontovot nem siratta el hozzája méltó
költő, a ki az irodalomban dicsőségének örököse lett volna.
Nemcsak Pecsorin ütött tökéletesen Lermontovra, nem csupán a
helyszín ugyanaz a regényben, a hol Lermontov kaukázusi éveit
töltötte, – a mellékalakok is egytől-egyig természet után vannak
mintázva, annyira, hogy a halálos párbaj egyik segéde azt beszélte
Bodenstedtnek: Martynov azért volt kénytelen párbajra hívni legjobb
barátját, mert regényében teljes hűséggel, félreismerhetetlenül az ő
családja tagjait festette le, olyan világításban, a mit a kapitány nem
viselhetett el. E mellett a tökéletes élethűség mellett föltehető, hogy
a regényben elbeszélt, lazán, csak Pecsorin alakja révén
összetartozó események is valóban megtörtént esetek, epizódok a
költő kaukázusi életéből, melyek együttvéve valószínűleg hű
történetét adják első száműzetésének. Ott vagyunk tehát, hogy a
naplóban Lermontov saját naplóját olvashatjuk. Csak egy kétségünk
lehet még: Mért tette közzé gyónását ez a zárkózott természetű,
meghasonlott lélek? Megfelel rá maga: «Egy emberi lélek története,
– ha az a lélek még oly jelentéktelen is, – alighanem érdekesebb és
tanulságosabb egy egész nép történeténél, különösen, ha érett
észszel való önmegfigyelésből ered s úgy van írva, hogy az író sem
részvétet, sem csodálkozást nem vágyik gerjeszteni». Ezzel a
felfogással csak igazat írhatott.
Ez az a pont, a honnan legvilágosabban látni végig a regényen.
Pusztán regénynek szakgatott és csonka mű ez, kivált akkora
embertől, a mekkora Lermontov. Mint egyszerű regényt, nem is
illetné mai helye a világirodalom klasszikus regényei közt, ha írója
kitűnő költő is s munkái közt ez a legkapósabb. Mint Lermontov
naplója azonban a hézagosság és befejezetlenség dolgában tüstént
a való életre hárítja a szerzőséget. Béla, Mary herczegnő esete:
ezek egy élet eseményei, melyek nem tartoznak össze erősebben,
mint hogy egy emberélet keretébe estek. Maximycs Miksa, Vulics,
Grusinczkij, Vjera: ezek egy ember ösmerősei, egyéb közük nincsen
egymáshoz. Történeteik nincsenek összeróva, de az életben sem
voltak. Nincs befejezése a regénynek? A mit írója átélt, azt leírta,
annyit írt le, a mennyit átélt; a regényt a sors fejezte be, fájdalmas
stilszerűséggel. Hogy a regényben följegyzett események széteső
epizódok, az való, hogy nem fejlik egyik a másikból, azon nem lehet
segíteni s védelmezni sem lehet egyébbel, csak azzal, hogy a költött
naplóregények könnyen lehetnek tervszerűbbek s hogy nem
okvetlenül a legszabályosabb munkák egyszersmind a
legérdekesebbek és legértékesebbek is.
A mi a compositiót megrontja, ugyanazon sarkallik a regénynek
rendkívüli érdekessége s a jellemek művészi rajza: a valódiságon.
Azzal, hogy Pecsorin álneve alatt a műben önmagát tárta fel, nem
csupán párját ritkító érdeklődést keltett regénye iránt minden időkre,
hanem egyúttal egy különös, beteg lélek bonyolult és ideges
életének oly pontos és őszinte rajzát adta, a milyet ilyen rendkívüli
megfigyelő és leíró tehetség is csak önnönmagáról vehet föl. Hőse
igazán szinte példátlanul bonyolult jellem, sokban ellentétes is
önmagával. Pecsorin szenvedélyt áhítoz érzésre képtelenül s holtra
fásultan él szerelmes szivek között; a város élvhajhászatából az
erdők és hegyek csendjébe vágyik, a hová azonban magával viszi a
város bűneit; a nélkül, hogy alapjában gonosz volna, mégis oly
eltompult, hogy szívet repesztő szerelmet játszik szórakozásból;
életunalommal tele, a gyönyörűséget hajszolja s e hajsza közben is
egyre fojtogatja az unalom; közönyös bűn és erény iránt s mégis
megútálja magát a rája frecscsent sár miatt; nem tud akarni, de
cselekvései folyvást a felé húznak, a mit nem akar; érzi
fölöslegességét, a magával való tehetetlenséget s egyre szorosabb
körben kerülgeti a halál keresésének, szinte erőszakolásának
gondolata, mint Faustot a fekete kutya. Lermontov egy operateur
érzékeny kezével feszítette le a burkot erről a túlfinomult
ideghálózatról, hogy megmutassa az életunalomnak, elsatnyult
akaratnak, magukba roskadó vágyaknak, szüntelen gyötrő
kielégítetlenségnek zsibbasztó sajgását. Az életnek ilyen betegei
azóta nagy számmal gyűltek össze az újabb irodalomban, de
Lermontov embere nem vész el közöttük. A többi nagy orosz írók
festette muszka tanulmányfejek révén az idegen nemzetbeli olvasó
is ráismer Pecsorinban az oroszra. Szemében ott van a szláv
elfásultság és életközöny, mely a félvad népek szenvedélyességével
temetkezik bele az életunalomba is. Muszka-természetén kiütik
magukat a kor vonásai: a német érzékenység, mely kevéssel azelőtt
talált utat Oroszországba, a francziák élvhajhászata s a byronismus
keserűsége, mely akkoriban nem hiányzott úgyszólván egy irodalmi
hősnek a lelkéből sem.
Ilyen sokoldalú jellemet csak gondos részletrajz tehet élővé s
csodálatos, mennyire biztos Lermontov a részletek rajzában s
mekkora erőt mutat az egygyéolvasztásban. Nem is sikerülhetett az
úgy másnak, csak a ki előtt nyitva volt az angol, franczia, német,
olasz irodalom, mert az oroszban még akkor nem lehetett erre példát
találni. Így kétszeresen csodálatraméltó a Lermontov részletező
realismusa, még ha természet után dolgozott is s legbonyolultabb
feladatánál a legmegbízhatóbb modèle-lel segített magán. Maga ez
a módszer meglepő nála, hiszen ő romantikus költő. Azonban
Lermontovnak főként meséi romantikusak; néha – mint a
Számvevőné történetében – az sem; a jellemekről soh’sem hiányzik
nála egy-két erősebb kalapács-ütés. Annál feltűnőbb Lermontov
reális hajlandósága, mert még a romanticismus is újság volt az orosz
irodalomban, mely ez égalj alatt Puskin és Lermontov munkáiban
bimbózott először s teljes virágzásra is jutott költészetükben. De
mintha e friss erőben hajtó irodalomban egy fa kétszer is teremhetett
volna. Puskin és Lermontov nem csak a romanticismus kincseit
aknázták ki, hanem új tárnát is nyitottak, melyből mások a társadalmi
és lélektani részletrajzok káprázatos kincseit hozták napvilágra.
Akármilyen fiatalon haltak is meg Puskin és Lermontov, már
mindketten ismerték Turgenyevet, megérték A revisor megjelenését
s látták Bielinskit, az új irány úttörőjét az elméletben.
Egyre világosabban úgy látszik ugyan, hogy a realismus
voltaképpen faji sajátság, mely természetesen és önkényt hajt ki a
képzeletszegény éjszakiaknál, legjelentősebben az angolok- és
oroszoknál: a fejlődes mégis oly rohamos, mintha valami jótékony
tündér hét mérföldet lépő csizmákat ajándékozott volna az orosz
íróknak. Egy századdal előbb az irodalmi stilus még alig volt
kikelőben a szláv egyházi nyelv göröngyei közül. A ki a nyelvtant
megállapította s a classikai és nyugateurópai versformákat rendre
rápróbálta az orosz nyelvre, Lomonoszovnak születése csak száz
esztendővel előzte meg a Lermontovét. Ez idő alatt Karamsin
megírta nagy történelmi munkáját, tisztára népi nyelven, mély nála
kifejezőnek s tudományos fejtegetésre teljesen hasznavehetőnek
bizonyult; szókötéseit, fordulatait, árnyékoló és színező képességét
aztán Zsukovszkinak számos fordítása gazdagította; Derzsavin
pedig új zománczot vont érzelmekre és gondolatokra azzal, hogy
szót adott a németek lágy sentimentalismusának s a kétely
gyötrődéseinek, melyet Byron a kor költészetének vezérmotivumává
emelt. Százados fejlődés után Kolczov tiszta népi nyelven tökéletes
művészi becsű dalokat énekelhetett, mint Burns, s megszólalhatott
Puskin, tagadhatatlanul a Byron hatása alatt, de mégis a maga
egyszerűbb, természetesebb és nyugodtabb módján, filigrán érzéseit
csiszolt formákba és változatos rímekbe öntve.
Byron hatása Európa-szerte példátlan volt: nem csak az
irodalomban talált követőkre és utánzókra, hanem rányomta
bélyegét egész osztályok gondolkozására és élete módjára is.
Oroszország, a hol a műveltség és irodalom régóta beviteli czikk
volt, ennek a hatásnak is tárva-nyitva állott. Íróik nem csak alakjaikat
öntötték byroni mintára, tulajdon életük is úgy fordult, mintha maguk
is byroni hősök lettek volna. Puskint az udvar fényében fölkeresték a
szerelmek és dicsőség, később száműzetésében a veszélyek és
kalandok s mindezzel betelve, hiábavalónak érez mindent s fásultan
temetkezik faluja magányába, mint Lara, hogy aztán a rágalom
párbajban vegye el életét. Leveleiben ilyen helyek vannak: «A mi a
boldogságot illeti: e részt atheista vagyok». «Akármilyen édes
megszokás is az élet, elég keserű ahhoz, hogy undorral végezzük».
Gribojedov, a kinek mint testőrnek, diplomatának és költőnek hármas
belépti-jegye volt az élet minden gyönyörűségéhez és
szórakozásához, ilyeneket ír leveleiben: «Ideje meghalnom. Micsoda
iszonyatos unalom! Adj tanácsot, mit tegyek, hogy a megőrülést
vagy a pisztolyt kikerüljem». – Hát Lermontov élete nem olyan-e,
mint egy byroni hősé: rohamos ifjúság, szerelmek és csaták
tüzében, dicsőség és korai halál. – S ilyen volt akkor az egész orosz
nemesség élete és gondolkodása.
A mult század elejének betegsége ez: a féktelen
gyönyörvadászat után a teljes apathia. Ez tépázta meg Byron és
Musset idegeit, ez hajtja Don Juant, ez gyötri Rollát. Ennek a betege
Pecsorin is. Ezeket a levelekből kitépett sorokat akárhol be lehetne
iktatni az ő naplójába. Nem «gonosz iróniá»-ból viseli hát a «korunk
hőse» nevet.
Byronhoz különben talán összes követői közül senki sem jutott
olyan közel, mint Lermontov. Puskin, ha szenvedélyes is, boldogabb,
elégültebb természet; rajta inkább a művészi példaadás fogott: az
előadás hangjának elragadó lyraisága, a rövid jambus-sorok
természetes könnyedsége, a meglepő kitérések. Lermontov ezeket
már Puskintól tanulta; de lelki alkata volt rokona Byronénak, élete
körülményei pedig még több okot adtak az elkeseredésre
Lermontovnak. Ő reá nem értelmetlenség azt mondani: az orosz
Byron; akkor is ilyen volna, ha Byronnak még a hírét is ki lehetne
törölni életéből; szinte azt mondhatni: ha Byron nem születik, ő volna
Byron.
Mint Byronban, néha Lermontovban is van valami daemoni;
verseiben nem is lelkéről, hanem daemonáról beszél. Mind a ketten
kikelnek a világ ellen, boldogtalanok benne, csakhogy Lermontov
elkeseredése természetesebb, mert őt nem pusztán a hypokriták
keserítik, hanem «az urak és szolgák hazájá»-nak kegyetlen sorsa,
ő maga is sínylett börtönben és száműzetésben. A szabadságért
való sóvárgása sem az a nemes bölcselkedés az emberi jogokról s a
lélek szabad fejlődéséhez megkivántató korlátlanságról, mint Shelley
és Byron gyönyörű álmodozása önkéntes száműzetésükben a világ
legszebb vidékén; nem is a Schiller ideális lelkesedése, hanem az
elnyomottságot sínylő fiatal lélek lázongása. Lermontov maga is
számba vette, miben hasonlít Byronhoz s az utolsó pont az volt, –
hogy ő mégis egészen orosz. Való igaz. S itt van köztük a nagy
különbség. Ő szeretetből gáncsolja nemzetét, mert különbnek
szeretné. Költeményeiben nem idegen országok szepségeit rajzolja,
hanem