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India’s
Saudi
Policy
Bridge to the Future
P. R. KUMARASWAMY
AND
MD. MUDDASSIR QUAMAR
India’s Saudi Policy
P. R. Kumaraswamy
Md. Muddassir Quamar
This Palgrave Macmillan imprint is published by the registered company Springer Nature
Singapore Pte Ltd.
The registered company address is: 152 Beach Road, #21-01/04 Gateway East, Singapore
189721, Singapore
To our guru Professor M. S. Agwani
With respect and gratitude
Acknowledgements
On the late afternoon of 23 March 2018, an Air India flight from New
Delhi arrived in the Ben-Gurion International Airport just outside Tel
Aviv and made history. The direct flight between India and Israel had an
interesting twist as it flew over the Saudi airspace. Since the early 1960s as
part of their boycott policy, Arab states have denied flights from or to
Israel accessing their airspace. As a result, flights touching Israel often take
more circuitous routes incurring cost and time overruns. The Saudi will-
ingness to bestow a rare privilege upon India’s national carrier underscores
the transformation that is taking place in India’s fortunes in the wider
Middle East, especially vis-à-vis Saudi Arabia. What are the main drivers of
the Indo-Saudi relations?
Initially, the idea was to capture various aspects of the bilateral relations
within the broad historical context and India’s engagement with the most
critical Gulf Arab country. As things progressed, it was evident that the
pace and depth of the relations were shaped and influenced by New Delhi.
The ups and downs as well as the transformation have largely been due to
certain shifts in India’s priorities and approaches towards the Kingdom.
Despite many inherent advantages, for long, there was an absence of
warmth between the two, and gradual transformation has primarily hap-
pened when New Delhi began viewing the Kingdom and its strengths and
limitations without the Pakistani prism. Hence, it is more about India’s
policy than relations with Saudi Arabia.
Such an endeavour not only is a time-consuming exercise but also
requires the support, understanding and encouragement of family, friends
and colleagues. Besides, many individuals have inspired both the authors
vii
viii ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
and the prime credit goes to Shri Hamid Ansari, former vice-president of
India. For nearly two decades he spent a considerable amount of his time
in sharing his knowledge and understanding of the vastly complex Middle
East.
We wish to register our gratitude to Director-General of IDSA
Ambassador Jayant Prasad for his continuous support in pursuing our
research. Special mention is reserved for Deputy Director General Maj.
Gen. Alok Deb (retd.), Meena Singh Roy S Kalyanraman, S. Samuel
C. Rajiv, Rajeesh Kumar, Adil Rasheed, P. K. Pradhan and Hitakshi in the
library.
D. Shyam Babu was instrumental in both suggesting, and then training
us in, the use of Zotero for collecting and organizing academic materials.
We are thankful to Dr. Saud al-Sati, Ambassador of the Kingdom of Saudi
Arabia to India, for his help in tweaking the subtitle of the book.
We thank the library staff of Jawaharlal Nehru University, Institute for
Defence Studies and Analyses and Indian Council of World Affairs. The
online MEA collection is an information mine.
We are grateful to a host of scholars, academics and diplomats who
directly or indirectly enriched our knowledge, including Professors
Girijesh Pant, Gulshan Dietl, P. C. Jain, A. K. Pasha, A. K. Ramakrishnan,
A. K. Mohapatra, and Bansidhar Pradhan and Ambassadors Ishrat Aziz,
Talmiz Ahmad, Sanjay Singh, and Ramaiah Rajagopalan. We are also
thankful to scholar friends, including Avraham Sela, Badrul Alam, C. Uday
Bhaskar, Efraim Inbar, Hayat Alvi, Hussein Solomon, Joseph Kechichian,
Muhammad Gulrez, Noor Ahmed Baba, P. K. Muraleedhar Babu, Rajesh
Rajagopalan, Santishree Pandit, Saud al-Sarhan, Saud al-Tamami, Sean
Foley, Sreeradha Datta and Vivek Mehra.
It is our privilege to have a host of well-wishers, especially Kalpana
Shukla, Jose Mathew, Alvite Singh and U. Marimuthu, who during differ-
ent times have encouraged our research pursuit.
We recognize a host of friends, including Minakshi, Dipanwita, Chetna
and Manjari, who were helpful in different stages. It is the persuasive
power of Sagarika Ghosh and her team at Palgrave which resulted in this
work reaching its logical conclusion.
Above all, the work could not have been completed without the uncon-
ditional love and support of our families and the dedication to work we
inherited from our parents.
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
ix
1 Introduction 1
3 Drifting Apart 33
4 Islamic Dimension 53
5 Pakistan Factor 83
6 Palestine Factor 109
7 The Shift 129
8 Transformation 149
10 International Factors 195
11 Challenges 215
xi
xii Contents
References 259
Index 321
About the Authors
xiii
xiv ABOUT THE AUTHORS
xv
List of Tables
xvii
CHAPTER 1
Introduction
Jaziratul Arab! This expression, literally meaning the Island of Arabia, has
been a common parlance in India for centuries. In that respect, the Arabian
Peninsula and Arabs have occupied a significant place in its psychology,
common sense and world-view long before the modern age. This is primar-
ily due to the strong historical linkages and cultural interactions between the
Indian subcontinent and Arabian Peninsula. Trade ties, land and maritime
forays, acquisition and dissemination of knowledge and spirituality were
some of the forces that brought the two land masses and their populations
closer and paved the way for the exchange of people, cultures, languages
and ideas. For example, Kalila wa Dimna, the most popular text for chil-
dren commonly used in the Arab world, is a translation of the ancient Indian
fable Panchatantra that travelled to the Peninsula through Arab and Persian
traders and travellers and eventually became integral to Arab folklore.
Similarly, the influence of Arab culture on southern coastal regions of
Malabar has been due to constant people-to-people contacts, and many
Arabic words and expressions are part of the common parlance in the local
vernaculars. Indeed, the expression ‘India’ is an Anglicized version of the
name that the Arabs gave to the lands beyond River Sindh, that is, Hind.
Some Arab authors also claim that India’s ancient name Bharat was also
given by the Arab traders and travellers who used to visit to the lands espe-
cially for trading spices, which in Arabic is called baharat (singular bahar).
Most interestingly, many traditional spice markets in the Arab world are
still known as souq al-hind or the Indian Market!
These external changes could not have come at a worst time. The end
of the Cold War coincided with the domestic economic crisis. Despite
being the second most populous country after China, the Indian economy
remained small, heavily indebted and with a slower growth rate. Its mixed
economy model came to symbolize the inefficiency of the socialism and
exploitative nature of capitalism. The Kuwait crisis was a further burden as
it forced India to evacuate over 150,000 of its citizens from the emirate
and the additional financial loss in the form of stoppage of remittances.
These cut into India’s ability to import essential items.
Under such circumstances, the government headed by Prime Minister
P. V. Narasimha Rao decided to adopt a policy of gradual economic open-
ing and its integration with the global economy. The path chosen was to
allow privatization and reduce government control over economy and
trade. Along with the economic reform measures, Rao also recognized the
need to reorient the foreign policy both to ensure the success of the
economic reforms and to reclaim India’s position in the global politics.
The sudden disintegration of the Soviet Union also exposed the fallacy of
military might without a firm economic basis. Hence, the economic
reforms and political reorientation had to go hand in hand and their
successes were inter-dependent and closely linked. Indeed, the weakening
of India’s international influence, especially after the Sino-Indian conflict
of 1962, was due to its weak economic power.
At the foreign policy level, the post–Cold War Indian approach changed
and shed its ideological hesitation and sought friendly relations with all
major powers of the world. It strove for better relations with the US,
Western Europe, Australia, Japan and other First World countries without
abandoning its traditional constituencies in the Third World. It felt the
need to befriend not only Russia but also the newly independent former
republics of the USSR. The economic ascendance of China meant India
would have to find ways of benefitting from the former’s economic prog-
ress without undermining its interest.
This approach was more palpable in the Middle East. Both to recognize
the Arab willingness to pursue a political settlement to the Arab-Israeli
conflict and to signal a break from the past, in January 1992 India normal-
ized relations with Israel. Ending the four-decade-old recognition-
without-relations indicated New Delhi’s willingness to come to terms with
the end of the Cold War.
The shift also became necessary vis-à-vis Iran as well as oil-rich Gulf
Cooperation Council (GCC) states. The economic reforms grew the
INTRODUCTION 5
appetite for energy resources as the domestic resources could not cope
with the galloping hydrocarbon requirements. Until then India managed
its energy needs mainly through local production and relying on a mixed
basket of sources such as coal, wood and other traditional means. This was
no longer feasible with the pace of its economic growth, and the need for
stable sources of energy resulted in the Gulf Arab countries, which are
geographically closer and oil-rich, becoming a key player in its calcula-
tions. For their part, the Gulf countries were also looking for a stable
markets, primarily due to stagnation in their traditional markets in the
West, and began seeing India as a natural destination.
Until the 1990s, due to the weak economic basis, India’s approach
towards Arabia was marked by political rhetoric and its leaders often flagged
the absence of relations with Israel as a sign of their commitments to the
Arabs. Though it was in continuation of the anti-imperial and anti-colonial
phase of the nationalist struggle, this indicated the absence of any political
influence or interest convergence between India and the Gulf. The economic
reforms and exponential expansion of energy demands provided a much-
needed but long absent economic wherewithal to the bilateral relations.
It is mostly within this emerging context one could understand and
explain the transformation of India’s policy towards the Kingdom of Saudi
Arabia, which has the largest known oil reserves in the world and has been
the largest oil producer and exporter since the 1970s. Because of their
size, energy resources and relative internal resilience, the Kingdom of
Saudi Arabia and the Islamic Republic of Iran emerged as the core compo-
nent of India’s new approach towards the Gulf. Though it procures the
bulk of its oil from other countries such as Iraq, Kuwait and the UAE and
gas from Qatar, India’s Middle East policy has been dominated by Saudi
Arabia and Iran.
Reforms and resultant economic growth also contributed to India’s
power aspirations and led to it seeking a strategic partnership with Gulf
Arab countries. Due to its size, location, religious importance, regional
influence and global standing, Saudi Arabia emerged central to India’s
interests in the Gulf. The Kingdom having over three million expatriate
labourers—the largest concentration of people of Indian origin outside the
country—was also important. For its part, Saudi Arabia also began looking
at India beyond the traditional prisms of being an underdeveloped econ-
omy. The September 11 terror attacks and the resultant backlash against
the Kingdom as well as Islam resulted in Riyadh adopting a Look East
policy, which had economic and strategic dimensions beneficial to India.
6 P. R. KUMARASWAMY AND MD. M. QUAMAR
These paved the way for an interest convergence, and for the first time
since 1947, India and Saudi Arabia began learning to sidestep, if not
ignore, the persistent irritant that prevented them from developing closer
ties, namely, the Pakistan factor. While this was critical to the improvement
in relations, another contributing factor has been India’s growing confi-
dence. In some ways, the nuclear tests in May 1998 were a defining
moment. Though the US and its allies imposed punitive measures, India
withstood these sanctions and registered a continuous economic growth
since the early 1990s. These, in turn compelled the West, especially the
US, to come to terms with India’s growth story and in the process led to
greater regional and international engagements with New Delhi. They, in
turn, elicited a favourable response from countries like Saudi Arabia.
A politically confident and economically growing India found a willing
partner in Saudi Arabia. For long there were hesitations on both sides due
to past indifference. The visits of Prime Minister Indira Gandhi to the
Kingdom in 1982 and of Saudi Foreign Minister Prince Saud al-Faisal in
1981 proved insufficient to break the shackles of uncertainties and mutual
suspicions and misgivings. With hindsight, one could argue that a real
breakthrough happened in January 2001 when External Affairs Minister
Jaswant Singh visited the Kingdom. This was the first foreign minister–
level visit, also indicating the prolonged Indian apathy. Singh’s visit paved
the way for furthering the bilateral relations and shed past hesitations over
Pakistan in reaching out to the Kingdom. Even though there were
exchanges of business and trade delegations, Singh’s visit contributed to
the transformation of Indo-Saudi, and since 2001 there have been three
state visits between the two countries, including the visit of King Abdullah
to India in January 2006.
The fewer political contacts during the Cold War were accompanied by
two factors which maintained the flourishing of people-to-people con-
tacts, namely, haj and expatriate workers. The annual pilgrimage began
with the advent of Islam and the faithful assemblage of the largest congre-
gation of humanity in Mecca—the heart of Arabia—where Prophet
Mohammed was born and where he began preaching the new faith. The
Indian Muslim participation in the annual pilgrimage has always been sub-
stantial, and during the British Raj many Muslim ruling Nawabs, princes
and wealthy philanthropists generously contributed to the upkeep of the
Ka’aba and in the process earned respect and admiration of Arabs and
other Muslims.
INTRODUCTION 7
Though the records of these princes and Nawabs performing haj have
been scant, the tradition of sending family members, mainly elderly
women, along with emissaries, to Arabia has been recorded in many medi-
eval Indian texts. Many Mughal noblemen who lost favour with the rulers
and were no longer required were sent on ‘goodwill’ haj pilgrimage,
mostly never to return home given the dangerous journey. After indepen-
dence, the number of haj pilgrims persisted and with the advent of mod-
ern amenities and ease of travel, the number continued to increase. Hence,
during times of limited political interests or contacts, haj was a significant
avenue for maintaining bilateral connections between the two peoples.
The second non-official component has been the expatriate labourers.
India has a history of sending migrants to the Gulf, and even in the early
1930s when oil was discovered in the Gulf, some Indian migrants were
engaged in businesses around the nascent oil industry. This is true for the
eastern Saudi city of Dammam, where the oil industry is based at. The oil
boom of the early 1970s opened the floodgates and led to the continuous
flow of Indian workers to the Kingdom. This has not been impeded by
low political contacts and limited interest convergence during the Cold
War. India’s economic liberalization and developing energy trade were
accompanied by growing migration to the Gulf, and currently, there are
over three million Indians who are gainfully employed in the Kingdom.
These were compounded by increasing oil imports from the Kingdom
which enhanced bilateral trade.
Thus, there is a perceptible change in the importance of Saudi Arabia in
India’s foreign policy. Besides energy and expatriate components, the
Kingdom assumed political importance and both sides began exploring
other areas such as human resource development, IT, cultural ties and
above all military-security cooperation. The dilution of the Pakistan factor
enabled both countries to see collaboration in areas such as maritime secu-
rity and combating sea piracy, organized crimes, terror financing and intel-
ligence sharing. The willingness of both the countries to contain the
negative impact of the Pakistani factor resulted in the Kingdom extradit-
ing or deporting criminals wanted by India, including Fasih Mohammed
and Zabiuddin Ansari, both accused in the November 2008 Mumbai ter-
ror attack.
Since 2001 there were regular and high-level political visits between the
two. These include one royal visit by Abdullah in January 2006; two visits
by Salman (as Governor of Riyadh in April 2010 and as Crown Prince in
8 P. R. KUMARASWAMY AND MD. M. QUAMAR
basic Saudi affinity for Pakistan was primarily due to religious considerations.
Rather than demanding the outside world to choose between the two
South Asian neighbours, India recognized the wider international com-
pulsions and opted to delink Pakistan and this was more visible vis-à-vis
Saudi Arabia. Once the Pakistani factor was off the table, the Kingdom
was more receptive towards India, its challenges and opportunities. This
pattern can be noticed in much of India’s engagements with major powers
of the world. Hence, the transformation of Indian policy and the reciproc-
ity from the other side resulted in the Kingdom emerging as a key player
in India’s Middle East policy.
The volume treats the subject in four broad segments. The first one
provided the general overview of the relations since 1947 and the second
one deals with the role of Islam, Pakistan and Palestine in shaping India’s
Saudi policy. The third part deals with the shift in Indian policy and the
resultant transformation both in political and economic terms. And the
last section focuses on the role of international players and challenges fac-
ing the bilateral relations.
During his visit to India in 2006, King Abdullah observed that Saudi
Arabia sees ‘Pakistan as a brother and India a friend.’ However strong, the
former is given while the latter is a choice; ancient Indian epics are replete
with examples of friends being more dependable and enduring than blood
relatives. Over to the Volume.
CHAPTER 2
More than any other leader, Jawaharlal Nehru had a profound and lasting
impact upon India’s policy towards the outside world. His imprints on
foreign policy can be traced to the freedom struggle, and as Jayantanuja
Bandyopadhyaya observed, since the 42nd annual session of the party held
in Madras (now Chennai) in December 1927, Nehru became the “recog-
nized spokesman of the Congress on foreign affairs.” Indeed, with the for-
mation of the Foreign Department of the party in 1925, “practically every
resolution of the Congress on foreign affairs was inspired, drafted and
piloted by Nehru” (Bandyopadhyaya 1984, 286). Nehru’s influence and
domination became overwhelming after India’s independence and he con-
currently held the foreign ministry until his death in May 1964. As prime
minister cum external affairs minister, he defined not only the direction of
India’s engagements with the outside world but also its priorities.
At the time of partition of the subcontinent, India had a colonial-
diplomatic legacy, especially in the Middle East. Since the early nineteenth
century, the British policy towards the Persian Gulf was primarily directed
from India, first from Calcutta and later on from Bombay when Delhi
became the British capital in December 1911. Many elites of the future
Gulf Arab sheikdoms were educated in India or had spent a considerable
amount of time in the Western shores of the country for holiday or busi-
ness (Onley 2007), and the Indian rupee remained the legal tender in
some of these countries until the early 1960s. Above all, Indian soldiers
played a crucial part in the British campaign in the First World War, espe-
cially in the Gallipoli and Palestine campaigns. Due to imperial interests,
the British had a few missions that Nehru inherited. For example, a resi-
dent mission in Jeddah was functioning for the welfare of the Indian haj
pilgrims.
At the same time, India was not inclined to capitalize on the British
interests in the region. Driven by his anti-colonial and anti-imperialist
worldview, Nehru detested the British possessions and spheres of influence
and sought a policy that was different from and even opposed to the Raj.
At the time of independence, India had resident missions in Cairo, Tehran
and Istanbul (India, MEA 1949, 1–2) in addition to the Vice Consul in
the British Embassy in Jeddah for haj. In short, the only Indian mission in
the entire Arab world was located in the Egyptian capital. Budgetary con-
sideration and shortage of personnel inhibited New Delhi from immedi-
ately opening new missions in other parts of the region (ibid.).
This was despite India’s prolonged contacts with Islam, the predomi-
nant religion of the Middle East. The Arab merchants were trading with
India even before the birth of the new faith. Islam came to the Indian
shores shortly after the death of Prophet Mohammed. For centuries Indian
pilgrims made up a large number of hajis and their traders were active in
Jeddah, a major port city en route to Mecca. Rulers of princely states and
wealthy business communities were engaged in various philanthropic activ-
ities and contributed to the upkeep of the Grand Mosque of Mecca which
houses Ka’aba (Khalidi 2009, 55; Azaryahu and Reiter 2015, 33). Indeed,
in the pre-oil era the Saudi state thrived not only on annual British financial
assistance (Leatherdale 1983) but also from indirect support through
donations for the upkeep of Ka’aba and the businesses generated by haj-
related activities.
Despite these religious, commercial and colonial legacies, there were
little contacts between the Indian nationalists and the leaders of the nascent
Saudi state which began with the conquest of Riyadh in 1902. The politi-
cal, economic and military support from the British facilitated the Saudi
conquest of the Hejaz region, including Mecca and Medina, from the
Hashemites in the 1920s. This dependency upon the British partly resulted
in al-Saud not looking at the Indian nationalists as their natural allies.
As happened to the Zionists around the same time, any overt support for
the Indian nationalists and their struggle for freedom would have alien-
ated the al-Saud from the British and undermined their state-building
THE NEHRU ERA 13
the Indian nationalists eschewed great power rivalry, and during the
Second World War, for example, the mainstream nationalists even refused
to seek the help of imperial Japan in their fight against the British (Basu
et al. 1999; Puri 1977).
To quarantine India from the Euro-centric bloc politics, Nehru con-
sciously sought to steer the non-aligned path. Far from being neutrality as
practiced by countries such as Switzerland, Nehru’s non-alignment did
not imply merely the rejection of military alliances but a nuanced response
to the power struggle between the US and USSR. Though appreciative of
the US and its liberal democracy, Nehru was opposed to Washington’s
strategy of containment of communism through military blocs and alli-
ances (Gopal 1991). On the contrary, he sought to bring in the newly
independent and decolonized countries under the umbrella of Afro-Asian
solidarity to ward off colonialism, external interference and domination.
The Western response to Nehru’s non-alignment was anything but
sympathetic (McMahon 1996). Preoccupied with the East-West tension
in Europe and the Korean crisis, the US adopted a narrower view personi-
fied by Secretary of State John Foster Dulles. In his address to Iowa State
College on 9 June 1955, he declared “neutrality has increasingly become
an obsolete and except under very exceptional circumstances, it is an
immoral and short-sighted conception” (The New York Times 1959). This
if-you-are-not-with-me-then-you-are-against-me approach largely ended
India’s hopes of an enduring partnership with the US based on mutual
respect and understanding and resulted in Nehru gravitating towards
Moscow. This was concretized during the month-long visit of Nikita
Khrushchev and Nicholai Bulganin in late 1955 and paved the way for a
greater Soviet role in India’s developmental agenda (Singh 1989) and
military modernization (Conley 2001). This process eventually culmi-
nated in greater foreign policy convergences, with India emerging as a
significant partner, if not an ally of the USSR, on major international cri-
ses such as Hungary (1956), Czechoslovakia (1966), global disarmament
debates and above all non-aligned foreign policy.
In the process, Saudi Arabia became an unintended casualty of India’s
approach towards the Cold War and was adversely affected by its priorities.
Despite the century-old religious, cultural and commercial exchanges and
contacts, India’s engagements with modern-day Saudi Arabia have been
influenced by the regional upheavals over which both the countries
adopted different and even diametrically opposite stands.
THE NEHRU ERA 15
Different Worldviews
Nehru’s worldview was shaped by India’s colonial experience. When India
joined the UN as its founding member in 1945, the world body had 51
members and it rose to 115 when Nehru passed away in 1964. Hence,
fighting colonialism had dominated Nehru’s thinking. Like India, much
of the Arab world suffered from European colonialism, which left a deep
and lasting impact upon their nation-building process. The shared anti-
colonial experience resulted in many Arab nationalist leaders and societies
seeking to befriend the Indian nationalists during the inter-war period and
sought political support in their anti-colonial struggle. Since the early
1920s, the Congress party, for example, sympathized with anti-colonial
sentiments of the region. As the doyen of the Middle Eastern studies in
the country observed, “While the nationalist movement in India sympa-
thized with the nationalist aspirations of the Arabs, the latter realized that
their own emancipation was tied up with the outcome of the Indian strug-
gle” (Agwani 1976, 63). In continuation of this process, Nehru sought to
forge closer ties with the countries of Asia and Africa and organized the
Asian Relations Conference (Asian Relations Organization 1948), weeks
before India’s independence and played a pivotal role in the first Afro-
Asian conference in Bandung in April 1955 (Appadorai 1955).
Wedded to socialism since his youth (Nehru 1964), the first prime min-
ister was not enamoured by the Arab monarchies and their feudal approach
towards nation building and social transformation (Mudiam 1994, 202–3)
As he was trying to bring about social changes within the country through
state-centric economic reforms and modernization, he was looking for allies
elsewhere. Though the newly established State of Israel was committed to
democracy, socialism and liberal values, Nehru viewed Zionism as an
“agent” of British imperialism and adopted a policy of recognition-without-
relations towards it (Kumaraswamy 2010).
Moreover, the ideological differences and competition with Pakistan
resulted in Nehru espousing secularism as an article of faith both within
and outside the country. He needed secular-national leaderships which
were committed being free from the European domination and with lesser
emphasis on conservatism rooted in religion (Balasubramanian 1980).
His close and enduring political ties with U Nu of Burma (now Myanmar),
Sukarno of Indonesia and Josip Broz Tito of the then Yugoslavia had to
be seen within their anti-colonial and secular worldviews.
16 P. R. KUMARASWAMY AND MD. M. QUAMAR
Jimmy Herf’s legs were tired; he had been walking all afternoon.
He sat down on a bench beside the Aquarium and looked out over
the water. The fresh September wind gave a glint of steel to the little
crisp waves of the harbor and to the slateblue smutted sky. A big
white steamer with a yellow funnel was passing in front of the statue
of Liberty. The smoke from the tug at the bow came out sharply
scalloped like paper. In spite of the encumbering wharfhouses the
end of Manhattan seemed to him like the prow of a barge pushing
slowly and evenly down the harbor. Gulls wheeled and cried. He got
to his feet with a jerk. “Oh hell I’ve got to do something.”
He stood a second with tense muscles balanced on the balls of
his feet. The ragged man looking at the photogravures of a Sunday
paper had a face he had seen before. “Hello,” he said vaguely. “I
knew who you were all along,” said the man without holding out his
hand. “You’re Lily Herf’s boy.... I thought you werent going to speak
to me.... No reason why you should.”
“Oh of course you must be Cousin Joe Harland.... I’m awfully glad
to see you.... I’ve often wondered about you.”
“Wondered what?”
“Oh I dunno ... funny you never think of your relatives as being
people like yourself, do you?” Herf sat down in the seat again. “Will
you have a cigarette.... It’s only a Camel.”
“Well I dont mind if I do.... What’s your business Jimmy? You dont
mind if I call you that do you?” Jimmy Herf lit a match; it went out, lit
another and held it for Harland. “That’s the first tobacco I’ve had in a
week ... Thank you.”
Jimmy glanced at the man beside him. The long hollow of his gray
cheek made a caret with the deep crease that came from the end of
his mouth. “You think I’m pretty much of a wreck dont you?” spat
Harland. “You’re sorry you sat down aint you? You’re sorry you had a
mother who brought you up a gentleman instead of a cad like the
rest of ’em....”
“Why I’ve got a job as a reporter on the Times ... a hellish rotten
job and I’m sick of it,” said Jimmy, drawling out his words.
“Dont talk like that Jimmy, you’re too young.... You’ll never get
anywhere with that attitude.”
“Well suppose I dont want to get anywhere.”
“Poor dear Lily was so proud of you.... She wanted you to be a
great man, she was so ambitious for you.... You dont want to forget
your mother Jimmy. She was the only friend I had in the whole damn
family.”
Jimmy laughed. “I didnt say I wasnt ambitious.”
“For God’s sake, for your dear mother’s sake be careful what you
do. You’re just starting out in life ... everything’ll depend on the next
couple of years. Look at me.”
“Well the Wizard of Wall Street made a pretty good thing of it I’ll
say.... No it’s just that I dont like to take all the stuff you have to take
from people in this goddam town. I’m sick of playing up to a lot of
desk men I dont respect.... What are you doing Cousin Joe?”
“Don’t ask me....”
“Look, do you see that boat with the red funnels? She’s French.
Look, they are pulling the canvas off the gun on her stern.... I want to
go to the war.... The only trouble is I’m very poor at wrangling
things.”
Harland was gnawing his upper lip; after a silence he burst out in
a hoarse broken voice. “Jimmy I’m going to ask you to do something
for Lily’s sake.... Er ... have you any ... er ... any change with you?
By a rather unfortunate ... coincidence I have not eaten very well for
the last two or three days.... I’m a little weak, do you understand?”
“Why yes I was just going to suggest that we go have a cup of
coffee or tea or something.... I know a fine Syrian restaurant on
Washington street.”
“Come along then,” said Harland, getting up stiffly. “You’re sure
you don’t mind being seen with a scarecrow like this?”
The newspaper fell out of his hand. Jimmy stooped to pick it up. A
face made out of modulated brown blurs gave him a twinge as if
something had touched a nerve in a tooth. No it wasnt, she doesnt
look like that, yes Talented Young Actress Scores Hit in the
Zinnia Girl....
“Thanks, dont bother, I found it there,” said Harland. Jimmy
dropped the paper; she fell face down.
“Pretty rotten photographs they have dont they?”
“It passes the time to look at them, I like to keep up with what’s
going on in New York a little bit.... A cat may look at a king you know,
a cat may look at a king.”
“Oh I just meant that they were badly taken.”
VII. Rollercoaster
T
he leaden twilight weighs on the dry
limbs of an old man walking towards
Broadway. Round the Nedick’s stand at
the corner something clicks in his eyes.
Broken doll in the ranks of varnished
articulated dolls he plods up with drooping
head into the seethe and throb into the
furnace of beaded lettercut light. “I
remember when it was all meadows,” he
grumbles to the little boy.
L
ouis Expresso Association, the red letters on the placard jig
before Stan’s eyes. Annual Dance. Young men and girls going
in. Two by two the elephant And the kangaroo. The boom and
jangle of an orchestra seeping out through the swinging doors of the
hall. Outside it is raining. One more river, O there’s one more river to
cross. He straightens the lapels of his coat, arranges his mouth
soberly, pays two dollars and goes into a big resounding hall hung
with red white and blue bunting. Reeling, so he leans for a while
against the wall. One more river ... The dancefloor full of jogging
couples rolls like the deck of a ship. The bar is more stable. “Gus
McNiel’s here,” everybody’s saying “Good old Gus.” Big hands slap
broad backs, mouths roar black in red faces. Glasses rise and tip
glinting, rise and tip in a dance. A husky beetfaced man with deepset
eyes and curly hair limps through the bar leaning on a stick. “How’s a
boy Gus?”
“Yay dere’s de chief.”
“Good for old man McNiel come at last.”
“Howde do Mr. McNiel?” The bar quiets down.
Gus McNiel waves his stick in the air. “Attaboy fellers, have a
good time.... Burke ole man set the company up to a drink on me.”
“Dere’s Father Mulvaney wid him too. Good for Father Mulvaney....
He’s a prince that feller is.”
For he’s a jolly good fellow
That nobody can deny ...
Broad backs deferentially hunched follow the slowly pacing group
out among the dancers. O the big baboon by the light of the moon is
combing his auburn hair. “Wont you dance, please?” The girl turns a
white shoulder and walks off.
I am a bachelor and I live all alone
And I work at the weaver’s trade....
Stan finds himself singing at his own face in a mirror. One of his
eyebrows is joining his hair, the other’s an eyelash.... “No I’m not
bejases I’m a married man.... Fight any man who says I’m not a
married man and a citizen of City of New York, County of New York,
State of New York....” He’s standing on a chair making a speech,
banging his fist into his hand. “Friends Roooomans and countrymen,
lend me five bucks.... We come to muzzle Cæsar not to shaaaave
him.... According to the Constitution of the City of New York, County
of New York, State of New York and duly attested and subscribed
before a district attorney according to the provisions of the act of July
13th 1888.... To hell with the Pope.”
“Hey quit dat.” “Fellers lets trow dis guy out.... He aint one o de
boys.... Dunno how he got in here. He’s drunk as a pissant.” Stan
jumps with his eyes closed into a thicket of fists. He’s slammed in the
eye, in the jaw, shoots like out of a gun out into the drizzling cool
silent street. Ha ha ha.
For I am a bachelor and I live all alone
And there’s one more river to cross
One more river to Jordan
One more river to cross ...
It was blowing cold in his face and he was sitting on the front of a
ferryboat when he came to. His teeth were chattering, he was
shivering ... “I’m having DT’s. Who am I? Where am I? City of New
York, State of New York.... Stanwood Emery age twentytwo
occupation student.... Pearline Anderson twentyone occupation
actress. To hell with her. Gosh I’ve got fortynine dollars and eight
cents and where the hell have I been? And nobody rolled me. Why I
havent got the DT’s at all. I feel fine, only a little delicate. All I need’s
a little drink, dont you? Hello, I thought there was somebody here. I
guess I’d better shut up.”
Fortynine dollars ahanging on the wall
Fortynine dollars ahanging on the wall
Across the zinc water the tall walls, the birchlike cluster of
downtown buildings shimmered up the rosy morning like a sound of
horns through a chocolatebrown haze. As the boat drew near the
buildings densened to a granite mountain split with knifecut canyons.
The ferry passed close to a tubby steamer that rode at anchor listing
towards Stan so that he could see all the decks. An Ellis Island tug
was alongside. A stale smell came from the decks packed with
upturned faces like a load of melons. Three gulls wheeled
complaining. A gull soared in a spiral, white wings caught the sun,
the gull skimmed motionless in whitegold light. The rim of the sun
had risen above the plumcolored band of clouds behind East New
York. A million windows flashed with light. A rasp and a humming
came from the city.
The animals went in two by two
The elephant and the kangaroo
There’s one more river to Jordan
One more river to cross
In the whitening light tinfoil gulls wheeled above broken boxes,
spoiled cabbageheads, orangerinds heaving slowly between the
splintered plank walls, the green spumed under the round bow as
the ferry skidding on the tide, gulped the broken water, crashed, slid,
settled slowly into the slip. Handwinches whirled with jingle of chains,
gates folded upward. Stan stepped across the crack, staggered up
the manuresmelling wooden tunnel of the ferryhouse out into the
sunny glass and benches of the Battery. He sat down on a bench,
clasped his hands round his knees to keep them from shaking so.
His mind went on jingling like a mechanical piano.
With bells on her fingers and rings on her toes
Shall ride a white lady upon a great horse
And she shall make mischief wherever she goes ...
There was Babylon and Nineveh, they were built of brick. Athens
was goldmarble columns. Rome was held up on broad arches of
rubble. In Constantinople the minarets flame like great candles round
the Golden Horn.... O there’s one more river to cross. Steel glass,
tile, concrete will be the materials of the skyscrapers. Crammed on
the narrow island the millionwindowed buildings will jut, glittering
pyramid on pyramid, white cloudsheads piled above a thunderstorm
...
And it rained forty days and it rained forty nights
And it didn’t stop till Christmas
And the only man who survived the flood
Was longlegged Jack of the Isthmus....
Kerist I wish I was a skyscraper.
The lock spun round in a circle to keep out the key. Dexterously
Stan bided his time and caught it. He shot headlong through the
open door and down the long hall shouting Pearline into the
livingroom. It smelled funny, Pearline’s smell, to hell with it. He
picked up a chair; the chair wanted to fly, it swung round his head
and crashed into the window, the glass shivered and tinkled. He
looked out through the window. The street stood up on end. A
hookandladder and a fire engine were climbing it licketysplit trailing a
droning sirenshriek. Fire fire, pour on water, Scotland’s burning. A
thousand dollar fire, a hundredthousand dollar fire, a million dollar
fire. Skyscrapers go up like flames, in flames, flames. He spun back
into the room. The table turned a somersault. The chinacloset
jumped on the table. Oak chairs climbed on top to the gas jet. Pour
on water, Scotland’s burning. Don’t like the smell in this place in the
City of New York, County of New York, State of New York. He lay on
his back on the floor of the revolving kitchen and laughed and
laughed. The only man who survived the flood rode a great lady on a
white horse. Up in flames, up, up. Kerosene whispered a
greasyfaced can in the corner of the kitchen. Pour on water. He
stood swaying on the crackling upside down chairs on the upside
down table. The kerosene licked him with a white cold tongue. He
pitched, grabbed the gasjet, the gasjet gave way, he lay in a puddle
on his back striking matches, wet wouldn’t light. A match spluttered,
lit; he held the flame carefully between his hands.
A
man is shouting from a soapbox at
Second Avenue and Houston in front of
the Cosmopolitan Cafè: “... these fellers,
men ... wageslaves like I was ... are sittin on
your chest ... they’re takin the food outen
your mouths. Where’s all the pretty girls I
used to see walkin up and down the
bullevard? Look for em in the uptown
cabarets.... They squeeze us dry friends ...
feller workers, slaves I’d oughter say ... they
take our work and our ideers and our
women.... They build their Plaza Hotels and
their millionaire’s clubs and their million
dollar theayters and their battleships and
what do they leave us?... They leave us
shopsickness an the rickets and a lot of dirty
streets full of garbage cans.... You look pale
you fellers.... You need blood.... Why dont
you get some blood in your veins?... Back in
Russia the poor people ... not so much
poorer’n we are ... believe in wampires,
things come suck your blood at night....
That’s what Capitalism is, a wampire that
sucks your blood ... day ... and ... night.”
It is beginning to snow. The flakes are
giltedged where they pass the streetlamp.
Through the plate glass the Cosmopolitan
Cafè full of blue and green opal rifts of
smoke looks like a muddy aquarium; faces
blob whitely round the tables like illassorted
fishes. Umbrellas begin to bob in clusters up
the snowmottled street. The orator turns up
his collar and walks briskly east along
Houston, holding the muddy soapbox away
from his trousers.
She stood with her arm in the arm of Harry Goldweiser’s dinner
jacket looking out over the parapet of the roofgarden. Below them
the Park lay twinkling with occasional lights, streaked with nebular
blur like a fallen sky. From behind them came gusts of a tango,
inklings of voices, shuffle of feet on a dancefloor. Ellen felt a stiff
castiron figure in her metalgreen evening dress.
“Ah but Boirnhardt, Rachel, Duse, Mrs. Siddons.... No Elaine I’m
tellin you, d’you understand? There’s no art like the stage that soars
so high moldin the passions of men.... If I could only do what I
wanted we’d be the greatest people in the world. You’d be the
greatest actress.... I’d be the great producer, the unseen builder,
d’you understand? But the public dont want art, the people of this
country wont let you do anythin for em. All they want’s a detective
melodrama or a rotten French farce with the kick left out or a lot of