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Pictorial Atlas of Soilborne
Fungal Plant Pathogens
and Diseases
Pictorial Atlas of Soilborne
Fungal Plant Pathogens
and Diseases
Tsuneo Watanabe
CRC Press
Taylor & Francis Group
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Boca Raton, FL 33487-2742
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v
vi Contents
xi
Acknowledgments
The following journals are acknowledged for granting copyright permissions:
Annals of the Phytopathological Society of Japan, and Journal of General Plant
Pathology (the Phytopathological Society of Japan); Mycologia (the Mycological
Society of America and the New York Botanical Garden); Mycologia Helvetica
(the Swiss Mycological Society); Phytopathology (the American Phytopathological
Society); Transactions of the British Mycological Society and Mycological Research
(the British Mycological Society); and Transactions of the Mycological Society of
Japan and Mycoscience (the Mycological Society of Japan) in relation to the previ-
ous works.
xiii
Author
Tsuneo Watanabe received his BA from the University of Tokyo in 1961 and his
MS and PhD degrees in plant pathology from the University of California, Berkeley,
in 1964 and 1967. Dr. Watanabe worked as a plant pathologist and mycologist in the
field of soilborne diseases of plants, their pathogens, and soil fungi at the National
Institute of Agro-Environmental Sciences from 1967 to 1983; at the Forestry and
Forest Products Research Institute from 1983 to 1997; and after retirement, as an
invited research scientist at the National Institute of Advanced Industrial Science
and Technology (AIST) at Tsukuba from 1997 to 2015 including a five-year engage-
ment in the national projects. Over the course of his career, Dr. Watanabe has pub-
lished approximately 170 scientific papers on the subject and three books titled
Photomicrographs and Illustrations of Soil Fungi (Soft Science Publications, Ltd.,
Tokyo, Japan, 1993), Dictionary of Soilborne Plant Diseases (Asakura Publishing
Company, Ltd., Tokyo, 1998), and Pictorial Atlas of Soil and Seed Fungi (1st, 2nd,
and 3rd eds., CRC Press, Boca Raton, FL, 2010).
xv
Manual Design and Usage
Design and usage of this book are summarized as follows:
The fungus diseases and topics related by various plant pathogenic species are
alphabetically described, including oomycetous, zygomycetous, ascomy-
cetous, basidiomycetous, and deuteromycetous (anamorphic or mitosporic
fungal) species.
Latin binominals are adopted, following recent literature, including Farr et al.
(1989), Jong et al. (1996), Kirk et al. (2008), and NITE Biological Resource
and Center (NBRC, 2005).
Most of the fungi studied were isolated from soil, plant roots, and seeds, and
the rest from wood-inhabiting fruiting bodies. Their spores or the spore-like
structures associated with them were mostly collected in Japan, but some
were from the Dominican Republic, Paraguay, Switzerland, and Taiwan,
the Republic of China (ROC).
Living fungal cultures are deposited at the MAFF Genebank, National
Institute of Agrobiological Sciences, Ministry of Agriculture, Forestry and
Fishery (MAFF), and the Institute of Biological Resources and Functions,
National Institute of Advanced Industrial Science and Technology (AIST),
both in Tsukuba, Ibaraki, Japan, as well as at the Biological Resource
Center, National Institute of Technology and Evaluation (NITE) (previ-
ously Fermentation Institute [IFO], Osaka incorporated) in Kazusa, Chiba,
Japan, at American Type Culture Collection (ATCC), United States, and at
Centraalbureau voor Schimmelcultures (CBS), Netherlands, and they are
mostly listed in the Appendix of Pictorial Atlas of Soil and Seed Fungi,
3rd ed. (2010). Most fungi have been deposited domestically, but foreign
GenBank accession numbers have been recorded preferably.
All pictures on morphologies, and fresh and dried fungal specimens are
described based on my own materials, and reproduced or created using
Adobe Photoshop Elements 5.0. Dimensions of some representative organs
of the respective fungi are also recorded whenever necessary.
Dried specimens were prepared: fruit bodies dried at 50°C until completely
dry, stocked one by one in specific plastic cases; similarly, their fungal
agar cultures in plastic Petri dishes dried at 50°C until completely dry, then
removed from the plates, and filed in albums one by one. These specimens
were always kept nearby and used.
xvii
Dried Fungal Specimens
Specimens are most significant for research, for establishing continuity beyond time
and sites, and are basic and essential for any works. Although live specimens have
been preserved in the public culture centers (that is, ATCC), most dried specimens
have been neglected. These specimens were preserved simply around us.
1. Two Pleurotus ostreatus isolates, each in test tubes and in plastic petri
dishes.
2. Dried cultures filed together.
3. Fruit-body-forming specimens stocked in slide cases.
4. Dried fruit bodies: Armillaria, Morchella, and an unidentified basidiomy-
cete from left to right.
5. Dried culture specimens: Pythium, Mortierella, Mucor, and Alternaria
(top row, left to right); Nectria, Sordaria, Flamulina, and Armillaria
(bottom row, left to right).
1
1
2 3
4
5
xix
The Contents Covered
ETIOLOGY
Studies related to etiology, or the discovery of causal agents, are the most important
investigations of the soilborne fungal disease problems of plants and should be the
first approach to any problem. The procedures have been taken to purely isolate the
pathogenic organisms from diseased plants, soil, substrates, or air. Then, they are
separated from one another, and subsequently, the respective organisms are tested
one by one for the pathogenicity with the most suitable inoculation methods under
the most appropriate environments. Koch’s postulates must be proved during the
process of etiological works.
It is possible to know the respective organisms in relation to the host plants and
its pathogenicity. In isolation procedures, media and culture conditions, including
temperature, humidity, light and pH, are selected or tested. Furthermore, inocula-
tion methods must be considered in each procedure or toward particular organs.
The organisms to inoculate are to be selected and tested directly on the host plants,
through seed or soil infestation.
ECOLOGY
The fungi may be studied ecologically. How does the fungus survive? Where, when
and/or how does it start to germinate, contact with the host, and penetrate the plant?
The survival abilities are important to know, including morphologies of the resting
structures in soil or any environments without any host plants.
DISEASE CONTROL
The contents covered in this book are essential for knowing the diseases that fungi
cause, ways to protect against diseases using biocontrol or ecological measures,
and how to achieve healthy environmental conditions without traditionally used
chemicals.
xxi
1 Aphanomyces and
Plectospira
1
2 Pictorial Atlas of Soilborne Fungal Plant Pathogens and Diseases
(A) (B)
4 Pictorial Atlas of Soilborne Fungal Plant Pathogens and Diseases
(D) (E)
6 Pictorial Atlas of Soilborne Fungal Plant Pathogens and Diseases
There is still another question connected with his simple entity and
identity. Ancient traditions make mention of a Thaddeus, who first
preached the gospel in the interior of Syria; and the question is,
whether he is the same person as the apostle Juda, who is called
Thaddeus by Matthew and Mark. The great majority of ancient
writers, more especially the Syrians, consider the missionary
Thaddeus not as one of the twelve apostles, but as one of the
seventy disciples, sent out by Jesus in the same way as the select
twelve. Another confirmation of the view that he was a different
person from the apostle Jude, is found in the circumstance, that the
epistle which bears the name of the latter, was not for several
centuries received by the Syrian churches, though generally adopted
throughout all Christendom, as an inspired apostolic writing. But
surely, if their national evangelizer had been identical with the
apostle Jude who wrote that epistle, they would have been the first
to acknowledge its authenticity and authority, and to receive it into
their scriptural canon.
Tertullian (A. D. 200) is the earliest writer who has distinctly quoted this epistle. He refers
to it in connection with the quotation from the book of Enoch. “Hence it is that Enoch is
quoted by the apostle Jude.” (De cultu feminarum, 3.) Clement of Alexandria also
repeatedly quotes the epistle of Jude as an apostolic writing. Origen (A. D. 230,) very
clearly expresses his opinion in favor of this epistle as the production of Jude, the brother of
Jesus. In his commentary on Matthew xiii. 55, where James, Simon and Jude are
mentioned, he says, “Jude wrote an epistle, of few lines indeed, but full of powerful words of
heavenly grace, who, at the beginning says, ‘Jude, the servant of Jesus Christ, and the
brother of James.’” Origen thought everything connected with this epistle, of such high
authority, that he considered the apocryphal book of “the Ascension of Moses,” a work of
authority, because it had been quoted by Jude, (verse 9.) He confesses however, that there
were some who doubted the authenticity of the epistle of Jude; and that this was the fact,
appears still more distinctly from the account of the apostolic writings, given by Eusebius,
(A. D. 320,) who sets it down among the disputed writings. The ancient Syriac version
(executed before A. D. 100,) rejects this as well as the second of Peter, and the second and
third of John. After the fourth century all these became universally established in the Greek
and Latin churches. The great Michaelis however, utterly condemns it as probably a forgery.
(Introduction, IV. xxix. 5.)
The clearest statement of the character of this reference to the book of Enoch, is given
by Hug’s translator, Dr. Wait. (Introduction. Vol. II. p. 618, note.)
“This manifestly appears to have been the reason why Jude cited apocryphal works in
his epistle, viz. for the sake of refuting their own assertions from those productions, which,
like the rest of their nation, they most probably respected. For this purpose the book of
Enoch was peculiarly calculated, since in the midst of all its ineptiae and absurdities, this
point, and the orders of the spiritual world, are strongly urged and discussed in it. It is
irrelevant to the inquiry, how much of the present book existed at this time, for that it was
framed by different writers, and at different periods, no critic can deny; yet that this was the
leading character of the work, and that these were the prominent dogmata of those parts
which were then in existence, we have every presumptive evidence. The Hebrew names of
angels, &c., such as the Ophanim, plainly indicate it to have been a translation from some
lost Jewish original, which was doubtless known both to Peter and to Jude; nor can the
unprejudiced examiner of these epistles well hesitate to acknowledge Hug’s explanation of
them to be the most correct and the most reasonable.”
The whole defense of the epistle against these imputations, may
be grounded upon the supposition, that the apostle was writing
against a peculiar class of heretics, who did acknowledge these
apocryphal books to be of divine authority, and to whom he might
quote these with a view to show, that even by their own standards of
truth, their errors of doctrine and life must be condemned. The sect
of the Gnostics has been already mentioned in the life of John, as
being the first ever known to have perverted the purity of Christian
doctrine, by heresy. These heretics certainly are not very fully
described in those few passages of this short epistle that are
directed at the errors of doctrine; but the character of those errors
which Jude denounces, is accordant with what is known of some of
the prominent peculiarities of the Gnostics. But whatever may have
been the particular character of these heretics, it is evident that they
must, like the great majority of the Jews in those days, have
acknowledged the divine authority of these ancient apocryphal
writings; and the apostle was therefore right in making use of
quotations from these works, to refute their very remarkable errors.
The evils which he denounced, however, were not merely of a
speculative character; but he more especially condemns their gross
immoralities, as a scandal and an outrage on the purity of the
Christian assemblies with which they still associated. In all those
passages where these vices are referred to, it will be observed that
both immoralities and doctrinal errors are included in one common
condemnation, which shows that both were inseparably connected in
the conduct of those heretics whom the writer condemns. This
circumstance also does much to identify them with some of the
Gnostical sects before alluded to,――more especially with the
Nicolaitans, as they are called by John in the beginning of the
Apocalypse, where he is addressing the church of Pergamos. In
respect to this very remarkable peculiarity of a vicious and
abominable life, combined with speculative errors, the ancient
Christian writers very fully describe the Nicolaitans; and their
accounts are so unanimous, and their accusations so definite, that it
is just and reasonable to consider this epistle as directed particularly
against them.
Nicolaitans.――An allusion has already been made to this sect in the life of John, but
they deserve a distinct reference here also, as they are so distinctly mentioned in Jude’s
epistle. The explanation of the name which in the former passage (page 343,) was crowded
out by other matters prolonging that part of the work beyond its due limits, may here be
given most satisfactorily, in the words of the learned Dr. Hug. (Introduction, Vol. II. note, §
182, original, § 174, translation.)
“The arguments of those who decide them to have been the Nicolaitans, according to
my opinion, are at present the following:――John in the Apocalypse describes the
Nicolaitans nearly as the heretics are here represented to us, with the same comparison,
and with the same vices; persons who exercise the arts of Balaam, who taught Balak to
ensnare the children of Israel, and to induce them to partake of idolatrous sacrifices, and to
fornicate, (Acts ii. 14: Jude 2: 2 Peter ii. 15.) Even בלעםaccording to its derivation, is
equivalent to Νίκολαος. They also certainly denied the Lord’s creation and government of
the world. Alterum quidem fabricatorem, alium autem Patrem Domini ... et eam
conditionem, quae est secundum nos non a primo Deo factam, sed a Virtute aliqua valde
deorsum subjecta. (Irenaeus L. iii. c. 11.) If now all corporeal and material existence has its
origin from the Creator of the world, who is a very imperfect and gross spirit, it flows
naturally from this notion, that they could not admit a corporeal resuscitation by the agency
of the Supreme Being, or by the agency of Jesus, in a universal day of judgment. With
respect to the spiritual world, they also actually taught such absurdities, that it must be said
of them δοξας βλασφημοῦσι; for they supposed, Aeones quosdam turpitudinis natos; et
complexus, et permixtiones execrabiles, et obscaenas. (Tertullianus in append. ad Lib. de
praescript. c. 46.) But, as to their excesses and abominable mode of life, the accounts of
the ancients are so unanimous, and the accusations are so constituted, that the two
apostolic epistles may have most pertinently referred to them.”
The passage from Irenaeus relating to this sect, (quoted on page 343,) contains a
remarkable Latin word, “vulsio,” not found in any other author, and not explained at all, in
the common dictionaries. That miserable, unsatisfactory mass of words, Ainsworth’s
Thesaurus, does not contain it, and I was left to infer the meaning from the theme, vello,
and it was therefore translated “fragment,”――a meaning not inconsistent with its true
sense. Since that was printed, a learned friend, to whom the difficulty was mentioned, on
searching for the word in better dictionaries, found it in Gesner’s Thesaurus, distinctly
quoted from the very passage, with a very satisfactory explanation of its exact meaning.
Gesner’s account of it is as follows: “Vulsio, Irenaeus, iii. 11. Nicolaitae sunt vulsio ejus. i. e.
surculus inde enatus, et revulsus, stolo, ἀπὀρρώξ. Secta una ex altera velut pullulavit.” The
meaning therefore is a “sucker,” “a shoot or scion, springing out of the root or side of the
stock,” and the expression in this passage may therefore be translated, “The Nicolaitans are
a slip or sprig of the old stock of the Gnosis.” And as Gesner happily explains it, “One sect,
as it were, sprouted up from another.”
The word “scientia” in this wretched Latin translation, is quoted along with the adjacent
words from Paul’s second epistle to Timothy, (vi. 20.) where he is warning him against the
delusions of the Gnostics, and speaks of “the dogmas of the Gnosis,” (γνωσις,) translated
“science,” but the word is evidently technical in this passage. Irenaeus no doubt quoted it in
the Greek, but his ignorant translator, not perceiving the peculiar force of the word,
translated it “scientia,” losing all the sense of the expression. The common translations of
the Bible have done the same, in the passage in 2 Timothy vi. 20.
Another circumstance in this epistle which has attracted a critical
notice, and which has occasioned its condemnation by some, is the
remarkable coincidence both of sense and words between it and the
second chapter of the second epistle of Peter. There are probably
few diligent readers of the New Testament to whom this has not
been a subject of curious remark, as several verses in one, seem a
mere transcript of corresponding passages in the other. Various
conjectures have been made to account for this resemblance in
matter and in words,――some supposing Jude to have written first,
and concluding that Peter, writing to the same persons, made
references in this manner to the substance of what they had already
learned from another apostle,――and others supposing that Peter
wrote first, and that Jude followed, and amplified a portion of the
epistle which had already lightly touched in some parts only upon the
particular errors which the latter writer wished more especially to
refute and condemn. This coincidence is nevertheless no more a
ground for rejecting one or the other of the two writings, than the far
more perfect parallelisms between the gospels are a reason for
concluding that only one of them can be an authorized document.
Both the apostles were evidently denouncing the same errors and
condemning the same vices, and nothing was more natural than that
this similarity of purpose should produce a proportional similarity of
language. Either of the above suppositions is consistent with the
character of the writings;――Peter may have written first, and Jude
may have taken a portion of that epistle as furnishing hints for a
more protracted view of these particular points; or, on the
supposition that Jude wrote first, Peter may have thought it worth
while only to refer generally, and not to dwell very particularly on
those points which his fellow-apostle had already so fully and
powerfully treated.
Its date is involved in the same uncertainty that covers all points in
its own history and that of its author; the prominent difficulty being its
great brevity, in consequence of which it offers but few
characteristics of any kind, for the decision of doubtful points; and
the life and works of Juda must therefore be set down among those
matters, in which the indifference of those who could once have
preserved historical truth for the eyes of posterity, has left even the
research of modern criticism, not one hook to hang a guess upon.
JUDAS ISCARIOT.
This name doubtless strikes the eye of the Christian reader, as
almost a stain to the fair page of apostolic history, and a dishonor to
the noble list of the holy, with whom the traitor was associated. But
he who knew the hearts of all men from the beginning, even before
their actions had developed and displayed their characters, chose
this man among those whom he first sent forth on the message of
coming grace; and all the gospel records bear the name of the traitor
along with those who were faithful even unto death; nor does it
behove the unconsecrated historian to affect, about the arrangement
of this name, a delicacy which the gospel writers did not manifest.
Of his birth, his home, his occupation, his call, and his previous
character, the sacred writers bear no testimony; and all which the
inventive genius of modern criticism has been able to present in
respect to any of these circumstances, is drawn from no more
certain source than the various proposed etymologies and
significations of his name. But the plausibility which is worn by each
one of these numerous derivations, is of itself a sufficient proof of the
little dependence which can be placed upon any conclusion so lightly
founded. The inquirer is therefore safest in following merely the
reasonable conjecture, that his previous character had been
respectable, not manifesting to the world at least, any baseness
which would make him an infamous associate. For though the Savior
in selecting the chief ministers of his gospel, did not take them from
the wealthy, the high-born, the refined, or the learned; and though he
did not scruple even to take those of a low and degraded occupation,
his choice would nevertheless entirely exclude those who were in
any way marked by previous character, as more immoral than the
generality of the people among whom they lived. In short, it is very
reasonable to suppose; that Judas Iscariot was a respectable man,
probably with a character as good as most of his neighbors had,
though he may have been considered by some of his acquaintance,
as a close, sharp man in money matters; for this is a character most
unquestionably fixed on him in those few and brief allusions which
are made to him in the gospel narratives. Whatever may have been
the business to which he had been devoted during his previous life,
he had probably acquired a good reputation for honesty, as well as
for careful management of property; for he is on two occasions
distinctly specified as the treasurer and steward of the little company
or family of Jesus;――an office for which he would not have been
selected, unless he had maintained such a character as that above
imputed to him. Even after his admission into the fraternity, he still
betrayed his strong acquisitiveness, in a manner that will be fully
exhibited in the history of the occurrence in which it was most
remarkably developed.
Iscariot.――The present form of this word appears from the testimony of Beza, to be
different from the original one, which, in his oldest copy of the New Testament, was given
without the I in the beginning, simply; Σκαρίωτης; (Scariotes;) and this is confirmed by the
very ancient Syriac version, which expresses it by (Sekaryuta.) Origen also, the
oldest of the Christian commentators, (A. D. 230,) gives the word without the initial vowel,
“Scariot.” It is most reasonable therefore to conclude that the name was originally Scariot,
and that the I was prefixed, for the sake of the easier pronunciation of the two initial
consonants; for some languages are so smoothly constructed, that they do not allow even S
to precede a mute, without a vowel before. Just as the Turks, in taking up the names of
Greek towns, change Scopia into Iscopia, &c. The French too, change the Latin Spiritus into
Esprit, as do the Spaniards into Espiritu; and similar instances are numerous.
The very learned Matthew Poole, in his Synopsis Criticorum, (Matthew x. 4,) gives a
very full view of the various interpretations of this name. Six distinct etymologies and
significations of this word have been proposed, most of which appear so plausible, that it
may seem hard to decide on their comparative probabilities. That which is best justified by
the easy transition from the theme, and by the aptness of the signification to the
circumstances of the person, is the First, proposed by an anonymous author, quoted in the
Parallels of Junius, and adopted by Poole. This is the derivation from the Syriac
(sekharyut,) “a bag,” or “purse;” root cognate with the Hebrew ( סכרsakhar.) No. 1, Gibbs’s
Hebrew Lexicon, and ( סגרsagar,) Syrian & Arabic id. The word thus derived must mean the
“bag-man,” the “purser,” which is a most happy illustration of John’s account of the office of
Judas, (xii. 6: xiii. 29.) It is, in short, a name descriptive of his peculiar duty in receiving the
money of the common stock of Christ and his apostles, buying the necessary provisions,
administering their common charities to the poor, and managing all their pecuniary
affairs,――performing all the duties of that officer who in English is called a “steward.”
Judas Iscariot, or rather “Scariot,” means therefore “Judas the steward.”
The second derivation proposed is that of Junius, (Parall.) who refers it to a sense
descriptive of his fate. The Syriac, Hebrew, and Arabic root, ( סכרsakar,) has in the first of
these languages, the secondary signification of “strangle,” and the personal substantive
derived from it, might therefore mean, “one who was strangled.” Lightfoot says that if this
theme is to be adopted, he should prefer to trace the name to the word אשכראwhich with the
Rabbinical writers is used in reference to the same primitive, in the meaning of
“strangulation.” But both these, even without regarding the great aptness of the first
definition above given, may be condemned on their own demerits; because, they suppose
either that this name was applied to him, only after his death,――an exceedingly unnatural
view,――or (what is vastly more absurd) that he was thus named during his life-time, by a
prophetical anticipation, that he would die by the halter!!! It is not very uncommon, to be
sure, for such charitable prophetic inferences to be drawn respecting the character and
destiny of the graceless, and the point of some vulgar proverbs consists in this very
allusion, but the utmost stretch of such predictions never goes to the degree of fixing upon
the hopeful candidate for the gallows, a surname drawn from this comfortable anticipation of
his destiny. Besides, it is hard to believe that a man wearing thus, as it were, a halter
around his neck, would have been called by Jesus into the goodly fellowship of the
apostles; for though neither rank, nor wealth, nor education, nor refinement were requisites
for admission, yet a tolerable good moral character may be fairly presumed to have been an
indispensable qualification.
The third derivation is of such a complicated and far-fetched character, that it bears its
condemnation on its own face. It is that of the learned Tremellius, who attempts to analyze
Iscariot into ( שכרseker,) “wages,” “reward,” and ( נטהnatah,) “turn away,” alluding to the fact
that for money he revolted from his Master. This, besides its other difficulties, supposes that
the name was conferred after his death; whereas he must certainly have needed during his
life, some appellative to distinguish him from Judas the brother of James.
The fourth is that of Grotius and Erasmus, who derive it from ( איש יששכרIsh Issachar,) “a
man of Issachar,”――supposing the name to designate his tribe, just as the same phrase
occurs in Judges x. 1. But all these distinctions of origin from the ten tribes must have been
utterly lost in the time of Christ; nor does any instance occur of a Jew of the apostolic age
being named from his supposed tribe.
The fifth is the one suggested and adopted by Lightfoot. In the Talmudic Hebrew, the
word ( סקורטיאsekurti,)――also written with an initial ( אaleph) and pronounced
Iscurti,――has the meaning of “leather apron;” and this great Hebraician proposes
therefore, to translate the name, “Judas with the leather apron;” and suggests some
aptness in such a personal appendage, because in such aprons they had pockets or bags
in which money, &c. might be carried. The whole derivation, however, is forced and far-
fetched,――doing great violence to the present form of the word, and is altogether unworthy
of the genius of its inventor, who is usually very acute in etymologies.
The sixth is that of Beza, Piscator and Hammond, who make it ( איש־קריותIsh-Qerioth or
Kerioth,) “a man of Kerioth,” a city of Judah. (Joshua xv. 25.) Beza says that a very ancient
MS. of the Greek New Testament, in his possession, (above referred to,) in all the five
passages in John, where Judas is mentioned, has this surname written απο Καριωτου. (apo
Cariotou,) “Judas of Kerioth.” Lucas Brugensis observes, that this form of expression is
used in Ezra ii. 22, 23, where the “men of Anathoth,” &c. are spoken of; but there is no
parallelism whatever between the two cases; because in the passage quoted it is a mere
general designation of the inhabitants of a place,――nor can any passage be shown in
which it is thus appended to a man’s name, by way of surname. The peculiarity of Beza’s
MS. is therefore undoubtedly an unauthorized perversion by some ancient copyist; for it is
not found on any other ancient authority.
The motives which led such a man to join himself to the followers
of the self-denying Nazarene, of course could not have been of a
very high order; yet probably were about as praiseworthy as those of
any of the followers of Jesus. Not one of the chosen disciples of
Jesus is mentioned in the solemnly faithful narrative of the
evangelists, as inspired by a self-denying principle of action.
Wherever an occasion appeared on which their true motives and
feelings could be displayed, they all without exception, manifested
the most sordid selfishness, and seemed inspired by no idea
whatever but that of worldly honors, triumphs, and rewards to be
won in his service! Peter, indeed, is not very distinctly specified as
betraying any remarkable regard for his own individual interest, and
on several occasions manifested, certainly by starts, much of a true
self-sacrificing devotion to his Master; yet his great views in following
Jesus were unquestionably of an ambitious order, and his noblest
conception was that of a worldly triumph of a Messiah, in which the
chosen ones were to have a share proportioned no doubt to their
exertions for its attainment. The two Boanerges betrayed the most
determined selfishness, in scheming for a lion’s share in the spoils of
victory; and the whole body of the disciples, on more than one
occasion, quarreled among themselves about the first places in
Christ’s kingdom. Judas therefore, was not greatly worse than his
fellow-disciples,――no matter how bad may have been his motives;
and probably at the beginning maintained a respectable stand
among them, unless occasion might have betrayed to them the fact,
that he was mean in money matters. But he, after espousing the
fortunes of Jesus, doubtless went on scheming for his own
advancement, just as the rest did for theirs, except that probably,
when those of more liberal conceptions were contriving great
schemes for the attainment of power, honor, fame, titles, and glory,
both military and civil, his penny-saving soul was reveling in golden
dreams, and his thoughts running delightedly over the prospects of
vast gain to be reaped in the confiscation of the property of the
wealthy Pharisees and lawyers, that would ensue immediately on the
establishment of the empire of the Nazarene and his Galileans.
While the great James and his amiable brother were quarreling with
the rest of the fraternity about the premierships,――the highest
administration of spiritual and temporal power,――the discreetly
calculating Iscariot was doubtless expecting the fair results of a
regular course of promotion, from the office of bag-carrier to the
strolling company of Galileans, to the stately honors and immense
emoluments of lord high-treasurer of the new kingdom of Israel; his
advancement naturally taking place in the line in which he had made
his first beginning in the service of his Lord, he might well expect that
in those very particulars where he had shown himself faithful in few
things, he would be made ruler over many things, when he should
enter into the joy of his Lord,――sharing the honors and profits of
His exaltation, as he had borne his part in the toils and anxieties of
his humble fortunes. The careful management of his little
stewardship, “bearing the bag, and what was put therein,” and
“buying those things that were necessary” for all the wants of the
brotherhood of Jesus,――was a service of no small importance and
merit, and certainly would deserve a consideration at the hands of
his Master. Such a trust also, certainly implied a great confidence of
Jesus in his honesty and discretion in money matters, and shows not
only the blamelessness of his character in those particulars, but the
peculiar turn of his genius, in being selected, out of the whole twelve,
for this very responsible and somewhat troublesome function.
The nature and immediate object of this plot may not be perfectly
comprehended, without considering minutely the relations in which
Jesus stood to the Jewish Sanhedrim, and the means he had of
resisting or evading their efforts for the consummation of their
schemes and hopes against him. Jesus of Nazareth was, to the chief
priests, scribes and Pharisees, a dangerous foe. He had, during his
visits to Jerusalem, in his repeated encounters with them in the
courts of the temple, and all public places of assembly, struck at the
very foundation of all their authority and power over the people. The
Jewish hierarchy was supported by the sway of the Romans, indeed,
but only because it was in accordance with their universal policy of
tolerance, to preserve the previously established order of things, in
all countries which they conquered, so long as such a preservation
was desired by the people; but no longer than it was perfectly
accordant with the feelings of the majority. The Sanhedrim and their
dependents therefore knew perfectly well that their establishment
could receive no support from the Roman government, after they
had lost their dominion over the affections of the people; and were
therefore very ready to perceive, that if they were to be thus
confounded and set at nought, in spite of learning and dignity, by a