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(Download PDF) Community Based Urban Development Evolving Urban Paradigms in Singapore and Seoul 1St Edition Im Sik Cho Online Ebook All Chapter PDF
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Advances in 21st Century Human Settlements
Cho Im Sik
Blaž Križnik
Community-
Based Urban
Development
Evolving Urban Paradigms in Singapore
and Seoul
Advances in 21st Century Human Settlements
Series editor
Bharat Dahiya, Bangkok, Thailand
More information about this series at http://www.springer.com/series/13196
Cho Im Sik Blaž Križnik
•
Community-Based Urban
Development
Evolving Urban Paradigms in Singapore
and Seoul
123
Cho Im Sik Blaž Križnik
Department of Architecture, Graduate School of Urban Studies
School of Design and Environment Hanyang University
National University of Singapore Seoul
Singapore Korea, Republic of (South Korea)
and
In their rise as centres of two of Asia’s “tiger economies”, Seoul and Singapore
have overcome numerous seemingly insurmountable obstacles over the past five
decades to reach the highest levels of economic performance in the world. In this
co-authored book on the histories and contemporary circumstances facing these two
cities, Cho Im Sik and Blaž Križnik compellingly present the thesis that Seoul and
Singapore have reached another crossroads. Instead of continuing to try to repeat
past responses to crises through state and corporate driven policy adjustments, the
authors cogently reason and present evidence for a paradigmatic shift toward
community engagement in participatory governance as the most promising pathway
into what is expected to be a rapidly changing and turbulent global era.
As an academic and practitioner engaged in urban planning in Asia for many
years, I welcome this comparative study of two of the most prominent cities in the
world today. Both of the authors are scholars who live in these cities where they
carry out research, teach at universities and advise governments on urban policy.
Their rich knowledge of other cities in the region adds to their ability to bring
multifaceted perspectives and multiscalar methods of inquiry that give life to
Singapore and Seoul as theatres of social and political action and as key nodes in
networks of global flows articulating the world system. Their approach of revealing
the world by focusing on urban communities confirms the truism that when viewed
from a global scale downward, research becomes trapped in its own assumptions
and is not readily capable of capturing or accounting for the twists, turns and
unexpected counter-intuitive outcomes in actual real world settings. In contrast, by
looking upward from community and city scales of analysis to the world, Cho and
Križnik are able to reveal how the machinations of global linkages are filtered
through local constellations of power that have no predetermined outcomes either in
terms of policy choices or improvements in the lives of people.
v
vi Foreword
Cho and Križnik carefully build the case that the twenty-first century is wit-
nessing the interplay of new dynamics for urban policy and planning that make the
pursuit of past modes of governance increasingly counterproductive. Among the
most prominent changes at play today are those toward slow global economic
growth, demographic shifts toward both greater social and cultural diversity and
aging societies, and rising social awareness and contestations over issues of
inclusion and social justice directed at both the state and the corporate economy.We
could add to this the highly destructive anthropogenic impacts on the global
environment that will certainly amplify growing vulnerabilities of cities to envi-
ronmental disasters. Together these trends tell us that the high growth industrial
models for human advancement that seemed to work through top-down functional
city planning and trickle-down economics in the past are no longer tenable. Cho and
Križnik illustrate the many ways in which the governments of Seoul and Singapore
are aware of these dramatic changes in policy contexts, and each in its own way is
attempting to devise more inclusive governance structures. To what extent and how
successful are these efforts are questions insightfully assessed in the chapters of this
book.
As the authors explain, much of what has been occurring at city, national and
global scales of policymaking is the result of the political hybridization of
neoliberalism with developmentalism that locally evolved into a neodevelopmental
state, namely, a state that remains powerfully invasive in society but takes the role
as corporate facilitator rather than as leader of the production of urban space. For
Cho and Križnik their call for a shift toward a “post-developmental city” is also a
call for a paradigmatic transition away from the neo-developmental city of
megaprojects that erase neighborhoods and vernacular histories in their wake. Their
proposal is one for a fundamental re-orientation of the purposes of government
toward human-centered processes of material and non-material progress that rise
from the capacities and richness of cultural and civic life to not only generate a
robust urban economy, but to also create a more stable and meaningful pathway
into what can only be expected to be a turbulent global era of risks, vulnerabilities
and uncertainties.
Among the contributions of this book is its investigations into the contrasting
contexts and strategies adopted in the Seoul metropolis and the city-state of
Singapore that vary in practice and outcomes not only at the city scale but also
among neighborhoods and communities within each city. While each city shares
many of the same general problematics of translating global impulses into socially
desirable outcomes, their successes and limitations in the past arose from policies
and institutional structures that were substantially different from each other in
critical ways, and were certainly much greater than suggested by the literature on
the “developmental state” that has tended to treat the East Asia miracle economies
as a homogeneous flock of geese flying in formation differentiated only by levels of
per capita GDP.
Foreword vii
The differences between Seoul and Singapore that Cho and Križnik identify and
explicate in great detail are instructive in cautioning against abstracting a model for
all cities from a single experience. Korea’s avoidance of reliance on foreign
investment and Singapore’s exceptionally high level of dependence on global
corporate capital for its economic growth is one example. And while both used
advances in material welfare as a justification for tight control over civil society, the
contrast between the earlier overt use of police force to discipline labour and society
as a whole in Korea and Singapore’s use of public housing and welfare to
accomplish the same ends vividly shows a wide array of possibilities in meeting
perceived imperatives for globally competitive economies. Equally striking is the
leap accomplished in Korea into democratic governance and participation in city
planning in Seoul in recent years. Singapore, as the authors explain, has taken a
more circumspect movement in this direction.
While looking inside each city, I invite readers to give full attention to the
authors premises and arguments for a new urban paradigm that is founded on
strengthening communal life and shared identities through participatory policy-
making and planning. In calling for a transformative approach to governance, their
claim is that in the twenty-first century inclusion, distributive justice, and thriving
cultural and social life provide the greatest hope for steering urbanization with
shared prosperity and stability. This position resonates with findings from related
research that I and others have been conducting on the rise of progressive cities in
Asia. Improbable just a few decades ago when levels of urbanization in Asia were
low and political power was highly concentrated in the hands of developmental
states, the shift in paradigm toward participatory governance through community
engagement that Cho and Križnik detail is now occurring in varying degrees in
cities in many countries. Very little research has yet been done on the prospects for
political realignments for more progressive cities in Asia, which makes Cho and
Križnik research among the few of its kind.
In critically reflecting on the past and present in Singapore and Seoul as an
evolving process always in the making rather than moving toward a final state of
completion, the provocations of this book bring readers into conversation with the
authors about alternative futures. The principal one put forth is a future realized
through the formation of an inclusive cosmopolitan civic culture that prizes
diversity and stands in stark contrast to the fragmented and socially unequal,
divided globopolis appearing in Asia in recent decades. In appropriately cautioning
that shifting to such a paradigm faces many challenges, the authors sound the
warning that the accelerating societal transformation toward ever greater social
diversity cannot be ignored or made invisible through policies and actions that
marginalize increasing shares of populations living and working in cities.
From 2015 to 2050, an estimated one billion people will be added to cities in
Asia, accounting for more than two-thirds of the population of this world region by
mid-century. As major protagonists in planetary urbanization, cities in Asia are at
the forefront of confronting the need to direct public policy in more socially ful-
filling and environmentally responsible directions. This well-crafted, carefully
researched and engaging book by Cho Im Sik and Blaž Križnik is an essential
viii Foreword
reading for scholars and policymakers who wish to know how the search for
resilience through the expression of collective human agency in urban governance
can find their way forward in contrasting contexts. Its recognition for the need to
provide for greater public participation in an increasingly socially diverse world
could not have come at a more important moment in Asia — and world — history.
Mike Douglass
Professor and Leader of Asian Urbanisms
Asia Research Institute and
Professor, Lee Kuan Yew School of Public Policy
National University of Singapore and
Emeritus Professor and former Chair
Department of Urban and Regional Planning and
Former Director of the Globalization Research Center
University of Hawaii
Preface
ix
Acknowledgements
This work is partly based on two research projects: ‘A Study on the Impact of the
Built Environment on Community Bonding, 2012–2014 (R-294-000-035-490)’ and
‘A Study on the Application of Design Recommendations to Foster Community
Bonding—Hello Neighbour, 2014–2015 (R-294-000-050-490)’. Both are collabo-
rations between the National University of Singapore (NUS) and Singapore’s
Housing and Development Board (HDB). As Principal Investigator for both pro-
jects, Cho Im Sik would like to thank the HDB for their support and funding.
She would also like to express her gratitude to Prof. Heng Chye Kiang and
Prof. Wong Yunn Chii at the Department of Architecture, School of Design and
Environment in NUS for their continuous support throughout the years, and to her
research team members at the Centre for Sustainable Asian Cities (NUS), especially
to Nina Mascarenhas for her assistance in the initial phase of this work. Cho Im Sik
is thankful to her friends and colleagues in NUS and in many other parts of the
world for sharing their insights and comments. Her beloved son Yong Hoon and her
family are her utmost pillar of strength, without whom this work would not have
been possible.
This work was supported by Seed Program for Korean Studies through the
Ministry of Education of Republic of Korea and Korean Studies Promotion Service
of The Academy of Korean Studies (AKS–2015–INC–2230013).
Institute for Spatial Policies in Ljubljana has also supported this work. Blaž
Križnik would like to thank all of his colleagues at the institute for their comments
on topics, which are discussed in this book. His earlier research, which this work is
partly based on, was supported by the Korea Foundation Fellowship for Field
Research in 2006 and Hanyang University Research Fund in 2014.
He would also like to thank Alban Mannisi, Canan Çelik, Prof. Cho Myung-rae,
Eva Križnik, Prof. Jeong Seok, Kim Hyung-suk, Kim Jieun, Prof. Kim Kiho, Ko
Ara, Prof. Koo Ja-hoon, Lee Bokyung, Lee Taehee, Prof. Reigh Young-bum, Lee
Yuri, Prof. Park Bae-gyun and Park Hayun for their comments or assistance with
his research.
xi
xii Acknowledgements
Moreover, Blaž Križnik would like to express his deepest gratitude to Hongyi,
Jena and Dan. Without a generous and lasting support of his family, this book could
not have been finished.
Finally, Cho Im Sik and Blaž Križnik would like to express their sincere grat-
itude to Prof. Mike Douglass for his support and deep insights presented in his
inspiring Foreword.
Foreword . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . v
1 Introduction . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1
References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 7
2 Developmental Urbanisation in Singapore and South Korea . . . .... 9
2.1 The Rise of Developmental State in Singapore
and South Korea . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 9
2.1.1 Early Nation-Building in Singapore . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 12
2.1.2 Modernisation of the Fatherland in South Korea . . . . . . . . . 15
2.2 City and Developmental State . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 18
2.2.1 The Housing and Development Board in Singapore . . . . . . 18
2.2.2 Joint Redevelopment Project in Seoul . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 27
2.3 Conclusion: Between Strong State Control and Speculative
State-Business Alliance . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .... 33
References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .... 36
3 Singapore and Seoul as Neo-Developmental Cities . . . . . . . . . . . .... 41
3.1 Structural Transformation of Developmental State
in Singapore and South Korea . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .... 41
3.1.1 Changing Approach to Governance and Urban
Development in Global Singapore . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .... 45
3.1.2 Neoliberalisation of Urban Development
in Global Seoul . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .... 49
3.2 Growing Market Influence on Transformation of Residential
Areas . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .... 53
3.2.1 Upgrading, Renewal, Rejuvenation in Singapore’s
Heartlands . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .... 53
3.2.2 New Town Development in Seoul . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .... 56
3.3 Everyday Consequences of Neo-Developmental Urbanisation
on Civic Participation and Communal Life . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .... 60
3.3.1 Decentralization of Town Management in Singapore . .... 60
xiii
xiv Contents
xv
List of Figures
Figure 1.1 Singapore and Seoul are among the most developed cities
in East Asia. (a) Aerial view of Singapore downtown.
Source © Can Stock Photo Inc./joyfull. (b) Aerial view
of Seoul downtown. Source © Can Stock Photo
Inc./gutarphotoghaphy . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4
Figure 1.2 Map of Singapore with locations of the cases
introduced in the book . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 6
Figure 1.3 Map of Seoul with locations of the cases introduced
in the book . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 6
Figure 2.1 Growth of GDP per capita in USD in Singapore
and South Korea, 1960–2014. Source Department
of Statistics Singapore (2015), Seoul Metropolitan
Government (2015) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 10
Figure 2.2 Population growth in Singapore and Seoul, 1960–2015.
Source Department of Statistics Singapore (2015),
Seoul Metropolitan Government (2015) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 18
Figure 2.3 First HDB flats completed in 1960 (at Stirling Road
in Queenstown, Singapore). Source Jorven Tan (2016) . . . . . 20
Figure 2.4 (a), (b) HDB flats built in the 1960s in Toa Payoh
(Singapore’s second oldest satellite town) [Built in 1964,
Toa Payoh is also the first new town to be built
by the HDB after the development of Queenstown
by the Singapore Improvement Trust (SIT)
in the late 1950s]. Source Jorven Tan (2016) . . . . . . . . . . . 22
Figure 2.5 (a) Typical void deck in Singapore’s public housing
estates. (b) Senior Citizens’ Corner in a void deck.
(c) Residents’ Committee centre in a void deck.
Source National University of Singapore. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 24
Figure 3.1 Cheonggyecheon has become an increasingly popular
place in downtown Seoul, 2006. Source Založba FDV . . . . . 52
xvii
Chapter 2
Developmental Urbanisation in Singapore
and South Korea
Singapore and South Korea are two of the so-called Asian Tigers along with Hong
Kong and Taiwan. They earned this name for their successful economic develop-
ment in the past and consequent rise among the world’s most developed countries.
Since the 1960s Singapore and South Korea have sustained one of the highest
economic growth rates in the world for more than two decades, which is remark-
able, considering that the two countries had to start developing from virtually
nothing. In 1960, a year after gaining self-governance within the British Empire, the
GDP per capita in Singapore was 428 USD. When Singapore was forced to leave a
short-lived Malaysian Federation and became an independent state in 1965, there
were very little resources to build upon. Fifty years later the GDP per capita of
Singapore is one of the highest in the world and has reached 52,888 USD in 2015
(Department of Statistics Singapore 2015). South Korean economic development
over the past decades has been equally remarkable. Korea was liberated from
Japanese Empire and gained independence in 1945. Establishment of Republic of
Korea (South Korea) and Democratic People’s Republic of Korea (North Korea) in
1948 has effectively divided the nation, and South Korea has been heavily dev-
astated during the tragic Korean War years later. In the late 1950s, social and
economic situation in a war-torn South Korea was in this sense much grimmer than
in Singapore. The GDP per capita of South Korea in 1960 was merely 156 USD,
but has reached 27,970 USD in 2014 (Fig. 2.1) (Seoul Metropolitan Government
2015). These outstanding economic achievements has been largely attributed to the
extensive industrialisation of Singapore and South Korea, which was in both cases
directly led by a so-called developmental state (Castells 1992; Perry et al. 1997;
Park 1998; Johnson 1999; Woo-Cumings 1999; Cumings 2005; Pirie 2008; Park
et al. 2011).
Fig. 2.1 Growth of GDP per capita in USD in Singapore and South Korea, 1960–2014. Source
Department of Statistics Singapore (2015), Seoul Metropolitan Government (2015)
Two infantry regiments, the 11th and 12th, forded and swam across the river (see
page 216)
To face page 222