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1hesis submitted to

Institute o Lducation
Uniersity o London
or the degree o Doctor o Philosophy

September, 2012






1

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1his thesis looks into the actors underlying the emergence, deelopment, and
understandings o priate higher education in Saudi Arabia rom three perspecties. 1he
irst perspectie is regional-historical, rom which I examine the rise and growths o the
priate sector rom a regional and historical point o iew. 1he second perspectie is
institutional, rom which I examine the perceptions o priate higher education among
dierent groups o stakeholders in comparison to its counterpart, the public sector,
through three dierent phases o priate higher education proision: 1,the entry point
2, the experience stage and 3, the exit to the job market. 1he third perspectie can be
perhaps understood as socio-political`, rom which I look at the relationship between
the priate sector and the wider political enironment, and also the use o the Lnglish
language in priate higher education proision: how it presents itsel as both a challenge
and beneit or arious stakeholders o it.

My analysis leads to a conclusion that the priate sector is a necessary complement to a
public one, which not only lacks the capacity but also is being challenged by many
ronts. 1he public sector was ound to all short in meeting quantitatie and qualitatie
demands or higher education. 1he sector o priate higher education in Saudi Arabia is
ound to proide more` opportunities to higher education, to hae dierent`
characteristics rom the public sector, leading it to be perceied as better` than the
public sector.

Oerall, this research is o a qualitatie nature. lor the regional-historical perspectie, I
use a wide range o literature and second-hand data. lor the institutional perspectie, I
make use o empirical data collected rom my ieldwork, which is also used or
discussions in the third dimension along with goernment policy documents.

Based on the oerall indings o this research, tentatie recommendations are made or
the uture deelopment o Saudi priate higher education.






2

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I would like to extend my sincere appreciation and gratitude to God and to all those
who encouraged and assisted me in this monumental task. Completion o this journey
would not hae been possible without God, my superisors, the prayers and support o
my amily and riends. 1hey were all incredibly supportie to me as I tackled this
endeaor. 1heir presence in my lie has enabled me to grow intellectually, emotionally,
and spiritually. 1hese ew words are not enough to express my deep appreciation.

I would like to thank my superisors Dr. Paul 1emple, Dr. Vincent Carpentier, and
Pro. Daid \atson or their academic support and adices.

Special thanks goes to pro Ley, a distinguished proessor at uniersity o Albany and
the director o PROPlL ,program or research on priate higher education,, who
despite o his busy schedule and obligations was generous enough with me. le has
gien me his ull attention, encouragement, suggestions, and guidance throughout my
research journey

I would like to express my special gratitude to my ather and mother who were
instrumental in my pursuit o this degree. 1hey hae set such a solid oundation in my
lie rom which I hae grown. I am also deeply grateul to my loely siblings, who
without their loe and understanding I wouldn`t hae accomplishes my educational
goals. I am oreer indebted or their loe and enduring support and patience.

I am also thankul to my cousins, uncles, aunts and riends. 1hey hae been a source o
blessing and support throughout my educational journey.

I would like to thank most sincerely, Saudi Arabia`s Ministry o ligher Lducation or
granting me a scholarship pursue my postgraduate degree in the UK.

linally, I am grateul to all participants who helped me make this study possible.



S

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1lL GRO\1l Ol PRIVA1L lIGlLR LDUCA1ION \ORLD\IDL 11
PRIVA1L lIGlLR LDUCA1ION IN 1lL ARAB \ORLD 14
ORIGINS Ol SAUDI PRIVA1L lIGlLR LDUCA1ION 13
RLSLARCl QULS1IONS 17
PLRSONAL PLRSPLC1IVL 18
CONCLP1UAL lRAML\ORK 19
CON1RIBU1ION 1O KNO\LLDGL 21
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O\NLRSlIP AND GOVLRNANCL 29
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GOVLRNANCL: PRIVA1L lIGlLR LDUCA1ION AND 1lL S1A1L 39
CONCLUSION 42
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DLMOGRAPlICS 46
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1lL LCONOM\ AND 1lL lIVL \LAR DLVLLOPMLN1 PLANS 30
1lL SAUDI LABOUR MARKL1 33
UNLMPLO\MLN1 AMONG SAUDI NA1IONALS 33
\OMLN`S PAR1ICIPA1ION IN 1lL LABOUR MARKL1 36
CONCLUSION 39


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ML1lODS Ol DA1A COLLLC1ION 96
DA1A ANAL\SIS 103
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CONCLUSION 112
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LX1RACURRICULAR AC1IVI1ILS 143
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S1RUC1URLD \ORK LXPLRILNCL 163
CARLLR CLN1RL AND S1UDLN1S` CONNLC1IONS 168
1lL PROlLSSIONALISM Ol 1lL GRADUA1LS 173
CONCLUSION 176
SUMMAR\ lOR PAR1 III 178
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1lL LN1R\ PlASL : S1UDLN1S` ClOICL AND ACCLSS 186
1lL LXPLRILNCL PlASL: 1LAClING AND LLARNING 190
1lL lACUL1\ RLCRUI1MLN1 ClALLLNGL 193
1lL LABOUR MARKL1 ClALLLNGL 200
CONCLUSION 204
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1lL S1A1L`S lINANCIAL SUPPOR1 1O PRIVA1L lIGlLR LDUCA1ION 221
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I hereby declare that this thesis has not been submitted either in the same or dierent
orm, to this or any other Uniersity or a degree. I also declare that, except where
explicit attribution is made, the work presented in this thesis is entirely my own. 1he
word length o this thesis ,inclusie o table and igures, and exclusie o bibliography
and appendices, is: 81,91 \ords.




8


2!34 5



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In this opening chapter o my thesis, I shall begin with a brie historical reiew o the
rise, the deelopment and the growth o the priate higher education sector. I shall
then discuss the rise o priate higher education in the Middle Last, and in particular,
Saudi Arabia, in order to amiliarise my readers with the regional context o priate
higher education. 1hen I shall present my research questions in this regard and also the
conceptual ramework and the structure o this thesis. loweer, at this point, allow me
to briely elaborate on the immediate background o this research.

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1hough priate higher education has been common worldwide or many decades, it was
only in 1998 that the irst such institutions were permitted to open in the Kingdom o
Saudi Arabia. Also, there are ew works on Saudi priate higher education. 1hereore,
this thesis makes its unique contribution through an examination o the actors that
hae contributed to the emergence and the deelopment o the priate sector. In doing
so, this study also inestigates the extent to which this sector is distinct rom its
counterpart, the public sector.

1he public sector was ound to all short in meeting quantitatie and qualitatie
demands or higher education. 1he demand on higher education has been beyond the
capacity o the public sector. Stakeholders perceie dierences between public and
priate higher education. 1he priate sector is seen to oer higher quality education in
terms o teaching, learning, and extracurricular actiities, etc. 1he priate sector is also
seen to improe graduates` employability because o the eatures aboe as well as its
emphasis on practical class assignments and internships which link graduates more
directly with the labour market. Although still only a small part o total enrolment, the
priate sector also proides access to some students who cannot gain admission to the
public uniersities. 1he Goernment is ound to hae a major role on the emergence o
the priate sector - no priate institution existed beore its ormal initation to the

1u

sector. 1he Goernment, howeer, has demonstrated an ambialent attitude towards
priate higher education-in terms o planning, regulation, recognition and inancial
support.


lor the purpose o this research, I adopted a qualitatie research design or this
exploratory study. 1he perceptions o a broad range o stakeholders--students,
graduates, aculty and administrators, employers, goernment oicials--were gathered
through semi-structured interiews and thematically analysed. Secondary research
sources included releant literature on higher education and goernment policy
documents.


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A wider research background or this research is the rise o priate higher education in
the global context. Oer the past ew decades, higher education throughout the world
has undergone signiicant changes regarding its role and structure ,1eichler, 1988, 2006,.
Until the early twentieth century, higher education was limited to a ew uniersities
outside Lurope, North America, and the colonies o Great Britain ,Rohstock, 2011,.
ligher education was considered a public space|s| or ree inquiry and the
deelopment o minds`, an exemplary locus or deliberation, communication,
interaction, and searching or truth or inter-subjectie consensus` ,lreid et al., 200,
p.594,. \hile these remain important unctions or higher education other economic
and social demands became important ocuses or it. 1hus, higher education was no
longer limited to the purpose o training or the elite.
1he massiication` o higher education systems started to take place in the 1930s in the
USA, and shortly ater the Second \orld \ar in the UK, the USSR, and other
Luropean countries. During this period, the economic and social roles o goernments
changed and as a result, higher education expansion was seen as a signiicant means to
ulil wider political, social, and economic objecties o modern goernments ,Robbins,
1963, \ittrock & \agner, 1996,. Policymakers were chiely concerned with the human
capital requirements in their planning or higher education. Modern neoclassic
economists like Mincer ,1993, and Becker,1964, argued that inestment in human

11

capital through education and training would lead to economic prosperity or both
indiiduals and businesses. It was argued that in order to increase the store o human
capital within a nation, higher education should be aailable tuition ree to all because
their knowledge and skills would be o social beneit ,Sadlak,2000,. Similarly,
goernments o deeloped and deeloping countries towards the end o the twentieth
century became more concerned about improing the store o human resources,
especially with the adent o globalisation and the knowledge economy ,Blondal et al.,
2002,. Indiiduals also became increasingly keen to pursue higher education or its
obsered positie impact on their employability, personal income, and social status
,Mincer, 1993,. 1hus, higher education and goernments hae been acing signiicant
inancial and academic challenges because o this expansion o higher
education,1eixeira, 2009,. As the world globalises, economic competitieness oten
depends on the extent to which a country can participate in the knowledge-based
economy ,Blondal et al., 2002,.

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\hile many goernments in adanced economies were adopting a modern welare state
model in which equality and distribution o wealth was a key principle, unding the
continuous expansion in higher education proed challenging ,Barr, 2004,. 1he
increasing demand or higher education proed to be beyond the inancial capacity o
many goernments, especially with the crisis o the welare state rom the 1980s
onwards ,Barr, 2004,. Since then, there has been a need or greater eiciency in the
allocation and distribution o public resources ,Cae et al., 1990,. Managerial alues and
conducts were promoted in public institutions, including higher education ,Amaral et
al., 2003,. It was no longer easible or goernments to be ully responsible or the rising
cost o higher education ,Neae & Van Vught, 1994,. 1his was in line with macro-leel
iscal policies designed to restrain goernment expenditure and to increase priate
inolement in the proision o social serices, a process o liberalisation ,Middleton,
1996, Ball, 200,.
As goernments began to reduce their direct control oer higher education, the system
became more diersiied and public institutions were no longer the only orm o higher
education proided ,1eichler, 2006,. Priatisation was one policy introduced to reduce

12

dependence upon goernment unding. Recognising and accrediting priately managed
higher education institutions has been an increasingly popular practice. One reason or
this has been to enable such institutions to meet the increasing demand o higher
education, which the public sector inds diicult to manage alone. Research by the
Programme or Research on Priate higher education ,PROPlL, ound that up to 31
o the global share o higher education is now run priately ,Ley, 2011,, in the sense
o its not being a state institution. loweer, ideas such as priate` or public` are now
rather complex, which will be discussed at length later in this thesis.
Unlike in Saudi Arabia, the priate proision o higher education is not new around the
world. In the USA, Latin America and Japan, it has existed or oer a century. loweer,
since the late 1980s priate higher education has expanded and spread to most countries
,Ley, 2010b,. 1he rapid growth o priate higher education has been particularly
signiicant since the last decade o the twentieth century ,Altbach, 2005,2009, Ley,
2002, 2005,. In the early twenty-irst century, there hae been increases in the
aailability o priate higher education in post-socialist Central and Lastern Luropean
countries ,Altbach, 2005, Ley, 200,.
listorically, growth in this sector ranged rom the old and traditional-aimed at the
elite and religious groups-to educational institutions which had a wider appeal.
According to the extant literature, there are ery ew countries which hae a long history
o priate higher education. One notable exception is the USA, which depended on the
priate sector until the late nineteenth century ,Chronister, 1980, 1helin, 2011,. It is
interesting to note that although the USA is considered to hae the largest number o
priate higher education institutions, student enrolment in these institutions accounts
or less than 20 o the total enrolment ,Altbach, 1999, 2005,. loweer, there is a
notable increase in the emergence o priate proit-making institutions such as Phoenix
and Strayer in the USA in recent decades ,Kinser & Ley, 2006,. Similarly, a number o
Last Asian countries, including Japan, South Korea, 1aiwan, Indonesia, and the
Philippines, hae long-established priate higher education , with up to 80 o the
students in these countries pursuing courses in them ,Altbach, 1999,.
1here are some countries in which there is not a long-standing tradition o priate
higher education. \et in these countries, when priate education was irstly introduced,
it was oten considered to be growing too ast` ,Altbach, 1999, 2005, Ley, 1992, 2002,
2006b,. lor example, there are Asian countries such as China and Vietnam which do

1S

not hae an established tradition o priate higher education institutions, but they are
currently witnessing substantial growth in both the supply o and the demand or public
higher education. China now has around 1,200 such institutions ,Altbach et al.,2009,
Gupta, 2008,. In India, the sector is growing extremely rapidly, with one o the largest
number o priate higher education institutions in the world ,Gupta, 2008, Ley, 2008,.
Altbach et al. ,2009, and Ley ,2005,200, explain that the priate sector has been the
astest growing segment o higher education in many Central and Lastern Luropean
countries since the 1990s and the all o Soiet Communism. But the percentage o
enrolment in priate higher education aries greatly between countries o the old Soiet
bloc ,Slantchea & Ley, 200,. Ley indicates that this expansion has been unplanned
and unregulated ,Ley,2002,. Interestingly, countries such as Poland hae deeloped
priate higher education sectors which account or up to 30 o the entire higher
education sector ,Ley, 2003,. In other countries, such as Russia and Bulgaria, the
priate sector accounts or roughly 10 o higher education, while in Albania and
Croatia the priate sector is extremely minimal ,Ley, 2003,. Although priate higher
education institutions are the astest growing segment o higher education in Arica, the
enrolment still accounts or a small share o the total enrolment ,Varghese, 2004,. South
Arica is among the Arican countries in which the priate sector is growing ery rapidly
and, interestingly, most o these are proit-making institutions ,Mabizela, 200, Kinser
& Ley, 2006,.
Latin America presents an interesting case. Although there is a long tradition o priate
higher education, at the same time the region is experiencing extremely ast rates o
growth. Latin American countries hae been experiencing a large growth in the priate
sector since the 1960s ,Ley, 1986a,, and in most o them the percentage o student
enrolment in priate institutions accounts or about a third o the total enrolment in
higher education ,Kinser et al., 2010,. In places like Brazil and Chile, the priate sector
accounts or hal the total enrolment ,Altbach, 1999, Ley, 2005,.
Research shows that in other parts o the world, growth in the priate sector is slower.
\estern Lurope remains cautious about the emergence o the priate sector. 1here its
contribution to higher education is limited and is the lowest or any region in the world.
In this geographical area 90 o the enrolment is in the public sector ,Altbach, 1999,
2005,. 1he priate sector is still small in major Luropean countries like lrance, the UK,
and Germany. Research also shows that there are countries such as Japan and Poland

14

which are experiencing a decline in priate higher education growth ,Ley, 2010a, due
to demographic trends rather than anything directly related to the perormance o
uniersities. Ley explains that this is a result o social and political actors, such as
declining population and urther control rom the goernment. Although Portugal was
one o the irst countries in \estern Lurope which allowed priate higher education,
there is now a decline in the number o students enrolled in those institutions ,Amaral
& 1eixeira ,2000, 1eixeira, 2006,.
Lxploring the growth o priate higher education institutions in an international context
allows or better understanding o dierences in the deelopment o the priate sector
throughout the world. 1he preiously cited research makes clear that priate higher
education institutions hae begun to step into the market o higher education in many
parts o the world. lurther, when we look at the growth we ind that there is signiicant
ariation across countries, as some exhibit tremendous growth while other countries
experience moderate or mild growth. \e can see how deeloping countries are
increasingly dependent upon priate institutions, whereas the deeloped countries are
still primarily dependent upon their strong public education sectors.
Coman ,2003, and Ley ,2009, hae traced the recent growth o priate higher
education institutions in the Gul Cooperation Council States ,GCC, o Saudi Arabia,
Kuwait, Bahrain, Qatar, United Arab Lmirates, and Oman. In Saudi Arabia a second
attempt has recently been made to establish a priate higher education sector. 1he irst
attempt in 196 ailed to take root and inoled just one institution, which was
transormed into a publicly unded and goerned uniersity. 1he ollowing section
seres as a brie introduction to the deelopment o priate higher education in the
Arab region.

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Priate uniersities in the Middle Last were irst established in the late nineteenth and
early twentieth centuries. 1he Uniersity o Saint-Joseph de Beyrouth, ounded in 185,
was a lrench medical college located in Beirut and. 1he American Uniersity o Beirut
was established in 1866 ,Ghabra & Arnold, 200,lerrera,2006,. 1he American
Uniersity in Cairo was ounded in 1919 by American missionaries and was an Lnglish-
language school. It was licensed in the State o New \ork with its Board o 1rustees

1S

and administratie oices in New \ork City ,Ghabra & Arnold, 200,. 1hese early
institutions, with \estern curricula, administration, and accreditation, sered as models
or the wider Arab world. Bertelsen ,2009, obseres that these institutions
demonstrated:
Successul goernance, quality assurance and unding can achiee academic
success and recognition, as well as contributing signiicantly to human and
other deelopment in the host societies and the wider Middle Last. ,p. 2,.
1hese institutions all eentually aced political pressures, backlash against the \est,
nationalist pride and resentment, threats o nationalisation, and in the case o Lebanon,
iolence. \hile struggling to maintain their autonomy, the two American uniersities
were required to hire eer greater numbers o Lgyptian and Lebanese aculty members.
1he real beginnings o widespread priate higher education in the Middle Last dates
rom the 1980s. Priate uniersities were ounded in Jordan, Lgypt, Sudan, and the
UAL with arying degrees o quality, success, and educational approaches. By the early
1990s, in the Gul States the pace rapidly accelerated. \illoughby ,2008, accurately
characterises this phenomenon as an explosion o new higher education institutions in
the small GCC countries` ,p. 25,. Between 1992 and 200, 54 new priate uniersities
with \estern ,or Asian, ailiations were established in the Gul countries. 1he totals
or each country were: Bahrain-4, Kuwait-5, Oman-19, Qatar-4, the UAL-21
,\illoughby,2008,. A complete list o these institutions is presented in Appendix 1.
Noticeably, Saudi Arabia, the largest and wealthiest nation in the Gul, had shown the
least openness to this trend.

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1he irst priate uniersity in Saudi was opened in 196-King Abdul Aziz Uniersity
,KAAU,. It was located in the city o Jeddah, and unctioned as a priate higher
education institution or our years beore it became a public uniersity. 1he KAAU
originated rom an idea in an article in Al-Madina Saudi newspapers in 1964 by its chie
editor Mohamed Ali laiz ,Batary,2005,. 1hough not eeryone welcomed the idea, it
was supported by seeral businessmen. At that time, the country`s sole uniersity was
King Saud Uniersity in Riyadh, a public institution. Prominent citizens in the coastal

16

city o Jeddah argued that the country`s only uniersity was not accessible or people in
other parts o the country. 1he Goernment, howeer, contested the establishment o a
priate uniersity in Jeddah. A prominent businessman donated land and premises to
be the campus o the new institution. 1he enture took o with the enthusiasm o its
local supporters and the dedication o experts rom Arab and \estern countries
,Batary,2005,.
Lentually, success brought its own problems. 1uition was ree, and income rom
donations and real-estate trusts were not suicient to sustain the enture. 1he
increasing demands in access to the newly born uniersity led to serious inancial
diiculties. 1he uniersity managed to gain minimum support rom the Goernment,
but the support was not suicient to alleiate the problem. In 191, the Uniersity
Board asked the Goernment to take it oer. 1he uniersity thus became a public higher
education institution under the same name-King Abdul Aziz Uniersity ,Batary,
2005,.
1he ailure o KAAU as a priate uniersity and its takeoer by the Goernment was to
hae a long-lasting negatie impact on the uture deelopment o priate higher
education in the Kingdom which was to persist or decades. 1he consequences o that
ailure will be urther discussed in details in Chapter 10. Ater 191, priate higher
education ceased to exist in the Kingdom and remained dormant. 1he idea was reied
in the Goernment`s Sixth Deelopment Plan o 1995-2000. Studies were conducted,
and the Council o Ministers approed the re-establishment o priate higher education
in 1998. 1his was only the second time the Goernment authorised the deelopment o
priate higher education in the kingdom o Saudi Arabia ,KSA,, and it is thus
considered a ery new phenomenon. 1he irst institutions opened as recently as 2000.
\hile there are now 18 priate colleges and 9 uniersities, this whole sector is still
eeling its way`. lor those Saudi educators inoled in the ield, priate higher
education remains ery much an experiment.





17

F$&$(%2/ W1$&')3"&

In this thesis, I explore the reason behind the rise and deelopment o priate higher
education in Saudi Arabia. lere are my main research questions:
1, \hat are the contributing actors behind the emergence and deelopment o priate
higher education in the Saudi Arabia
2, 1o what extent is the Saudi priate higher education sector perceied to be distinct
rom the public sector
3, \hat are the wider implications o priate higher education or the higher
education system and the country in general
A qualitatie research design was employed to address these research questions. Data
are gathered rom two major channels: irst, interiews with oer a hundred
stakeholders, and second,-goernment policy documents and some other texts such as
websites. I also analyse secondary literature to proide background and context or the
research. 1hese second-hand data are also used to complement and,or support the data
rom the interiews.
1he unction o priate higher education in one country cannot be deduced rom
experiences in other national contexts. loweer, priate higher education in one
country may relect global trends, while haing some distinctie elements o its own.
1his study hopes to ascertain to what extent this is possible.









18



,$%&3"(; ,$%&<$2')-$

Apart rom my academic studies or this PhD, this research is much inspired by my
personal educational experience and also working experience in Saudi Arabia and
beyond.

I receied my B.A. degree in Business Administration at King Abdul-Aziz Uniersity
,KAAU,, a public uniersity in Saudi Arabia but which, at one time, had been the irst
priate uniersity in Saudi Arabia. I then obtained an M.A. degree in Inormation
Management at Marymount, a priate college in \ashington D.C. Subsequently, I
completed an M.A. degree in Assistie 1echnology ,technology or the disabled, at
George Mason, a public uniersity in Virginia. 1hus, in my own academic path I hae
experienced both public and priate higher education institutions in two ery dierent
countries. 1hese experiences heightened my awareness o dierences between public
and priate higher education.

In addition, priate education has also been part o my amily history. My amily hae
been educational pioneers in Saudi Arabia with my grandather, Abdul-Raou Jamjoom
establishing with colleagues, Al-lalah school, the irst priate school or boys in Jeddah
1905. In the 1960s, an uncle o mine was a co-ounder o the country`s irst priate
uniersity. \hen I returned rom the US to Saudi Arabia at the end o 2006, I began
working at a priate college in Jeddah which opened in 2000 marking the new beginning
o priate higher education in Saudi Arabia. Initially, I helped instructors to deelop
practical elements in their courses linked to speciic market needs. lor example, I tried
to link up Inormation 1echnology course materials to the banking sector based on
discussions with bank oicials. My work was made possible because the college was a
new institution in a new ield o education, one which was especially ocused on linking
theory to practical class assignments related to the labour market. 1his was itally
important as the public uniersities had not managed to proide employers with
suicient numbers o adequately trained graduates.


19

My personal working experience added some new perspecties to my understanding o
the priate sector in Saudi Arabia. In 200, I became Vice Dean o Student Aairs at
this priate college. By that time, it had 400 emale students and 00-800 male students
attending on two separate campuses. My position included oerseeing enrolments and
registration, extracurricular actiities, the student union as well as the career and
counselling centres. 1hese arious areas o college operations and my daily contact with
students gae me new insight into the special qualities ,and problems, o priate higher
education and its contrast with the public sector. lor example, I initially did not
consider extracurricular actiities to be o particular signiicance compared to academic
courses but I came to see the importance these had or students, especially in a closed,
restrictie society like Saudi Arabia. Similarly, the importance o internships, student
union actiities and the career centre were also a reelation to me. 1he impact o these
aspects o college lie is iidly expressed by the student stakeholders themseles in
Chapter o this study.

\hen I let or the US or my graduate work, priate higher education was just
beginning in the Saudi Arabia. \hen I returned and took the position o Vice Dean at a
priate college, I became keenly aware o the diicult transitional state o a new
institution oering a new kind o education. Many people, particularly the parents o
prospectie or newly enrolling students, were doubtul and hesitant about this new
college. Did the goernment really recognize it Did it hae the proper licenses \as
it accredited \ould it last \hat would sustain it \as it really better than public
higher education which in Saudi Arabia is tuition-ree and comes with a paid stipend
1hese were questions I had to answer on a daily basis and with serious questioning on
my own part. It was these kinds o questions that led me to the research questions o
the present study. By exploring explore stakeholders` perceptions o Saudi priate
higher education it has been possible to proide answers to a number o questions.

I3"2$<'1(; D%(8$V3%S

lor the purpose o this research, there is perhaps no single theory which can it
perectly as a research ramework. 1hereore, I deelop my own conceptual ramework
to conduct this proposed multi-aceted analysis o priate higher education in Saudi

2u

Arabia. I intend to explore the rise, deelopment, and perceptions o priate higher
education rom three perspecties: regional-historical, institutional, and socio-political.

Allow me to elaborate a little more on these three perspecties. lor the irst perspectie,
I place a discussion o the rise and deelopment o priate higher education in a
regional context, and look or releant inormation in history which will shed some light
on the birth and growth o the priate sector. 1his is perhaps among the most
commonly used approaches. loweer, I do not intend to inestigate certain
understudied historical eents or to clariy some misunderstandings about the local
educational history. Instead, I intend only to conduct a regional-historical reiew which
would proide enough background inormation or my examinations in another two
analyses: Parts III and IV o this thesis.

\ith regard to the second perspectie, institutional, I do not plan to inestigate the
goernance or daily management practices o priate institutions. Rather, I only wish to
place my discussions and analysis in an institutional setting. lor this part, I look into, in
particular, the perceptions o the priate sector among dierent stakeholders o higher
education-students, aculty members, administrators, regulators, and employers, in
terms o the three phases o higher education: Lntry to the system, Lxperience within
the system, and exit to a job market. 1his, I beliee, is a rather straightorward way to
organise the themes and topics which emerged rom my ield.

lor the third perspectie, I must be cautious in pointing out that my analysis bears a
ery small ambition. I do not propose to inestigate local politics, international
relationship, or social changes in the Middle Last, as one might read in a conentional
political or social study. Rather, my scope o analysis is much narrower than the
conentional Middle Last studies. I choose two issues which I ind most releant to the
inquiry o this thesis: the use o the Lnglish language in the priate sector, and also the
changing relationship between the priate sector and the Saudi Goernment. 1hese two
issues, I beliee, can shed some interesting light on the past growth and also the uture
deelopment o priate higher education in a Middle Last country such as Saudi Arabia.
1he use o the Lnglish language, or instance, brings both beneits and challenges to the
participants o higher education and also others who iew this issue rom a non-
educational angle. 1he changing relationship between the priate sector and the Central
Goernment seres to remind us that there is no single uniersal way to understand

21

priate higher education, eery country has its particular socio-political context, without
which one cannot possibly understand what really happened, and why things happened
in the ways they did.

In the light o this conceptual ramework, I now moe on to present the structure o
this thesis.

I3"'%)61')3" '3 X"3V;$#*$

1his research contributes to two study areas: irst, to higher education studies, in
particular studies o the priate sector, second, to regional studies o the Middle Last
and, in particular, Saudi Arabia.
lor the ormer, studies o the priate sector only began to attract wider attentions in the
1990s, and in general, literature on priate higher education is still ery limited. It is
more so, on the regional leel o the Middle Last. A reason or this scarcity is that the
system is relatiely new to the region compared to other parts o the world. Also, the
research area is less actie in this region. Lxploring the situation o priate higher
education in the KSA will add a ield to the global landscape, proiding comparisons
and contrast with the situation in other countries.
lor the latter, the Middle Last, although not a new topic, has been intensiely studied
rom social, cultural, and political perspecties. \ith regard to the case o Saudi Arabia,
most o the international publications are around its modern history, political economy,
oreign policy, and cultural identities. lew, i any, study the country rom the
perspectie o higher education. 1hereore, this research brings in a new angle to studies
o the region. By looking into the role o priate higher education, one can better
understand how a modern Middle Last country such as Saudi Arabia is coping with the
changes and challenges which come with the global economy.
1he present study is stimulated by the work o Daniel Ley o \ale Uniersity. Ley has
been a prominent in arguing that the priate ligher Lducation system has not been a
static entity but instead has changed and eoled oer many years in response to social,
economic and political change ,1986a, 2006a, 200,. Ley`s work, amongst others, has
asserted that with recent expansion o the priate sector, it has now become a major
presence within ligher Lducation generally and thereore it deseres sustained critical

22

inestigation. 1he present study is a contribution towards this aim that Ley adocates,
ocussing upon deelopments within the Saudi Arabian l.L. Sector which up to now
has not been studied in much detail. 1he intention o the present study is to make a
contribution to the international understanding o the growth and character o priate
l.L. Roger Geiger o Pennsylania state Uniersity has been another key inluence or
the present study through his work on typologies o the purpose o the priate higher
education system. lis work has drawn attention to the inherent diersity that exists
within this sector, something that is traced in some detail through this study in relation
to Saudi Arabia

@)8)'(')3"&

One o the major limitations o this study is related to its data sample. I managed to
collect data or my empirical work rom one city only, where higher education
institutions are most concentrated. 1his will ineitably raise the issue o the
generalisabitity o my indings. 1his also applies to the act that all student interiewees
at the higher education institutions inoled in this study specialise in business-related
subjects. Another limitation is related to the access to goernment personnel and policy
documents, I managed to interiew only a relatiely small number o goernment
oicials and gain access to a number o goernment documents on priate higher
education. 1his limits the scope o my research in particular rom the socio-political
perspectie.




2S

4'%12'1%$ 3Q '/$ '/$&)&

1his study is organised into our parts. Part I, including this chapter, seres as a
background discussion or later sections. Part II, including Chapters 2 and 3, looks into
the rise and deelopment o priate higher education in Saudi Arabia rom a regional-
historical perspectie. Part III, including Chapters 6, , and 8, adopts an institutional
perspectie, looking into the three phases o higher education: Lntry, Lxperience, and
Lxit. Part IV, including Chapters 9 and 10, takes up a socio-political perspectie, by
looking at the use o the Lnglish language in the priate sector, and also the changing
relationship between the priate sector and the Saudi Goernment.
lor the plan with each indiidual chapter, Chapter 2 discusses the complexity inoled
in deining priate higher education. It presents concepts used in the literature or
analysing priate higher education.
Chapter 3 proides a brie history o the country, its goernance, and its demographics.
1he Saudi economy is analysed with regard to national deelopment plans, the labour
market, unemployment among Saudi Arabian nationals, and the participation o women
in the workorce.
Chapter 4 sureys the deelopment o the Saudi Arabian education system, particularly
public higher education. Chapter 4 analyses the newly emerging priate higher education
sector. 1his is seen in the regional context o the Gul States. Lnrolment trends and
supply,demand challenges are examined.
lollowing these background chapters, Chapter 5 outlines the methodology o the study,
discussing in detail the qualitatie interpretie research approach selected. Methods used
to gather and analyse the data deried rom stakeholders` perceptions o Saudi priate
higher education are described.
Chapters 6 and present an in-depth look at a wide ariety o stakeholders` perceptions
o that sector in relation to admission requirements, subjects` choices, teaching, learning
and extracurricular actiities. Chapter 8 explores the relationship between priate higher
education and the Saudi labour market. Literature on graduates` employability and the
labour market is reiewed. 1he skill leels o graduates are considered and the alue o
practical class assignments and internships as links to the labour market are presented
through the perceptions o stakeholders.

24

Chapter 9 coers stakeholders` perceptions on the use o the Lnglish language as a
medium o instruction in priate higher education institutions, and the implication it has
or students` choice o institutions ,public or priate,, teaching, learning, and graduates`
employability.
Chapter 10 examines the relationship between Saudi priate higher education and the
Goernment. Goernment policies, regulations, and inancial support, as well as quality
assurance mechanisms, are analysed as a complement to stakeholders` perceptions.
1he Conclusion will address the oerall indings o the research, and explore some
bigger issues that emerge rom my discussion in this thesis. 1he thesis will end with
some recommendations or the uture deelopment o Saudi priate higher education.


2S

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!"#$%&'("#)"* ,%)-('$ .)*/$% 0#12(')3"

A"'%3#12')3"

1his chapter attempts to discuss priate higher education in Saudi Arabia with reerence
to some concepts and typologies used in priate higher education studies. I irst look
into the diiculty o identiying priate higher education. 1his chapter presents some
conceptual tools used to analyse priate higher education in deeloping countries, which
is also applied to the case o Saudi Arabia. 1he types and unctions o priate higher
education institutions are sureyed, and key categories or deining and understanding
priate institutions are presented. linally, I make use o the typologies produced by
Ley ,1986a, and Geiger,1986, in identiying key unctions o priate higher education.

:$Q)")"* ,%)-('$ .)*/$% 0#12(')3"

Scholars such as Altbach ,1999,, Geiger ,1986,, and Ley, ,1986b, 1999, 2002,
acknowledge the complexity o deining priate higher education and agree that there is
no uniersal deinition applicable to institutions in dierent countries and regions. 1he
sector emerged diersely in dierent countries with dierent histories and contexts
,Altbach, 1999,. Lery nation, to some extent, has its own criteria which dierentiate its
public and priate higher education institutions. 1hese criteria are dierent rom those
in other national contexts. Boundaries between the two sectors in arious regional and
national contexts are becoming increasingly blurred, with priatisation taking place
within the public sector and with arious degrees o state control and superision oer
the priate sector ,Altbach 1999, Ley, 1986b, 2002, 2003,.
1hereore, there is a need to understand how priate higher education is related to the
concept o priatisation`. Butler ,1991, p. 1,, deines priatisation as a shiting o a
unction, either in whole or in part rom the public sector to the priate sector`.
According to Maldonado et al. ,2004,, priatisation in higher education coers a
spectrum o organisational orms. At one end is the public higher education institution
priatising` aspects o its operation, while at the other end is the priate sector,

26

establishing institutions designed to be seen as separate rom those which all within the
public sector. 1he latter type will be considered here, and will orm the main ocus o
this study-priate higher education in Saudi Arabia.
1o exempliy this critical approach o unction shiting`, one must irst identiy hybrid`
orms which blur the boundaries between public and priate sectors. 1his would include
those established by public uniersities. Murphy ,1996, describes a range o orms o
organisation, including priatisation o serices by contracting them to the priate
sector: an example o this is the leasing o internal printing and reprographic serices to
a priate contractor to operate exclusiely within a uniersity, another example is a sub-
contractual arrangement with a catering company to proide a ull range o serices
throughout the institution.
Another orm o priatisation may be identiied as cost-shiting`. An example o this is
when public higher education institutions begin to charge tuition ees to students to
coer some o their costs. In eect, this means charging or public serices which were
preiously paid by the public purse. A urther example o a orm o priatisation is the
establishment by a public higher education institution o an independent company, or a
cost unit, or a corporation with operational autonomy as a way o generating extra
reenue. Varghese ,2004, called this type o priatisation the Corporatisation o
Uniersities`.
1hese cases o priatising` public higher education reeal the blurring boundaries
between the public and priate sectors. 1his distinction is also blurred by the tendency
or priate institutions to operate like public bodies. Ley reers to this as
isomorphism` ,Ley, 1999,. In some cases, institutions are coerced to assume certain
organisational orms, while or others certain orms are adopted or purely commercial
reasons, a sort o copying or mimicry ,mimesis,. One thereore oten sees tactics used to
disguise certain aspects o a priate higher education organisation, or instance the
adoption o the curricular outline o an accredited public counterpart by a priate
institution to ensure its own accreditation.
Ley suggests that this blurring between public and priate is increasing and that almost
the only way to dierentiate between the two sectors is through identiying their legal
status ,Ley, 198b,. According to Ley ,1986b, ...no behaioural criterion or set o
criteria distinguishes institutions legally designated priate rom institutions legally
designated public.` ,p. 10,. 1his iew will be examined in relation to Saudi Arabia.

27

Based on my readings o the scholarship on priate higher education ,Altbach, 1999,,
Geiger ,1986,, and Ley ,1986a, 1986b,1999, 2003,, the key categories used in analysing
the priate sector are presented in the table below:


B(6;$ JY ,$%&<$2')-$& Q3% 1"#$%&'("#)"* <%)-('$ .)*/$% 0#12(')3"
Perspecties in
understanding priate
ligher Lducation
lunding
Dierent types o inancial resources it relies
on
Ownership
1he extent to which it is owned by priate
inestors,bodies
Orientation
1he extent to which it is about:
1,1eaching,
2, Research,
3, Religion or
4, Market oriented
lunctions and Roles
1he extent to which it aims to proide
1, \ider access to higher education,
2, Dierent orms o higher education, or
3, ligher quality education
Goernance
1he extent to which it is subject to direct
goernment superision
*Baseu on the woik of Altbach(1999), ueigei (1986), anu Levy (1986a,
1986b,1999, 2uuS)


1he ollowing sections inestigate these dimensions and will present the complexity o
deining priate higher education using any o these criteria alone ,Ley, 1986b,. I shall
examine how these perspecties are explored in studies o priate higher education, and
to what extent they can be applied to the Saudi context.






28

D1"#)"*

lunding used to be the most clear-cut distinction between public and priate higher
institutions. loweer, many goernments since the 1980s hae endorsed polices which
support the cost-sharing o higher education. 1he introduction o such policies around
the world represented a shit in ideology rom perceiing higher education as a public
good` to seeing it as a priate good` ,Johnes, 2004,. Although sources o inancing
ary among priate higher education institutions, Altbach ,1999, and Ley ,1992, 2003,
hae shown how the majority o priate ones rely upon tuition ees as their main source
o unding. In the USA, or example, reliance on tuition ees has a long history. A small
number o priate institutions also hae external sources o unding, such as sponsoring
by religious organisations. Resources may also take arious orms such as endowments,
student grants, loans, research grants, or alumni contributions ,Altbach, 1999,. Indirect
supports rom goernments towards priate institutions can also take the orm o
research contracts. 1his is the case with most elite priate institutions in the USA, where
goernment-sponsored research is undertaken ,Altbach, 1999,. Using the source o
unding to identiy priate higher education institutions thus can be conusing. Many
public higher education institutions now charge their students and some priate
institutions receie unds rom goernments ,Ley, 1986a,. Altbach ,1999, suggests that
the only dierence which can be ound in this regard is that tuition ees in public higher
education institutions are not the main source o unding, rather, each public institution
has its budget allocation within the total goernment budget. In addition, there are
priate higher education institutions, such as some in lolland and Belgium, which
receie unds rom their goernments, much equal to the public counterparts ,Geiger,
1986,. 1hereore using unding as a criterion is not suicient in examining the nature o
higher education institution.
Sources o unding, howeer, can still be a reliable dierentiating actor between public
and priate higher education institutions when the public sector does not charge
students any ees. In Saudi Arabia or example, public sector education is still tuition-
ree, the exception being a small number o programmes which hae been recently
introduced to the sector. Students in the public sector are also proided with a monthly
stipend. 1he Goernment has only recently begun oering inancial support towards
priate higher education institutions, which will be discussed in detail in Chapter 10.
Since 2010, goernment scholarships hae been aailable to und up to 50 o those
enrolled in priate institutions, based on their indiidual merits. No stipends are paid.

29

As will be seen, there is no culture o goernment support towards priate higher
education in Saudi Arabia.
CV"$%&/)< ("# E3-$%"("2$

1he legal ownership o higher education institutions is ound to be less ambiguous than
other criteria to classiy institutions as public or priate ,Ley, 1986b,. Altbach ,1999,,
howeer, points out the signiicant ariations o ownership within and between
countries. Priate institutions could be owned by either non-proit or proit-making
agencies, or both. Indiiduals or companies might also own priate higher education
institutions, as in the case o the Uniersity o Phoenix, which is owned by the Apollo
Group ,Kinser & Ley, 2006,. According to Altbach,1999,, in most parts o the world
priate colleges and uniersities began as non-proit institutions and were legally
established by religious organisations. loweer, proit-making higher education
institutions hae recently emerged and been expanding at a rapid rate ,Kinser & Ley,
2006,.
Varghese ,2004, adds to Altbach`s ,1999, obseration by discussing another orm o
ownership in which priate institutions work with oreign collaborators. le explains
how an institution might be set up in one country but owned by indiiduals in another,
a orm o transnational ownership. 1he term transnational` here is used in the sense
employed by McBurnie and co-authors ,2001,, in which learners are located in a
dierent country rom where the awarding institution is situated. According to Altbach
,1999, transnational priate proiders are usually based in deeloped countries, e.g. the
UK and Australia, and receiers are in deeloping countries. 1his type o proision has
seeral adantages or the receier country, such as absorbing the excess demand or
higher education, decreasing the brain-drain` phenomenon occurring mostly in
deeloping countries, helping students to be with their amilies, and most importantly,
saing the expenses o earning a degree abroad ,Altbach, 2005,. lor example, the
Uniersity o Nottingham has established campuses in Malaysia and China, and Cornell
Uniersity in Qatar.
Australia and the UK present an interesting case, in which public uniersities hae
established transnational` priate arms, through setting up oreign campuses and
proiding distance education serices to students in other countries, mostly in South
Arica, Asian countries, and in the Paciic regions. 1hat means that these higher

Su

education institutions are public in the home country whereas priate in their host
country. Public higher education institutions rom deeloped countries are establishing
sub-branches in other deeloping or transition countries ,Varghese, 2004, imitating the
ranchise model o the commercial world.
In the Gul nations, or example, 1he higher education boom o the 1990s was marked
by a reaching out to \estern higher education institutions and, to a lesser degree, Asian,
or collaboration in the deelopment, administration, curricula, aculty recruitment and
training, and quality standards o these new national institutions. Coman notes the
unquestioned dominance o the American uniersity model in the Gul` ,2003, p. 1,.
Characterising these many new collaborations is not easy. Seeral terms are used such as
ailiations`, loose ailiations`, partnerships`, alliances`, branches`, or satellite
campuses` o \estern or Asian institutions. But these terms can be easily conusing and
their meanings oerlapping.
\illoughby constructs what I beliee is the most useul typology or these arious new
ailiations. le points out ie existing models: 1, symbolic association 2, ormal
superision 3, ormal endorsement 4, subcontracting, and 5, branch campus
,\illoughby, 2008, pp. 14-15,. Among them, symbolic association` denotes a Gul
institution collaborating with an external partner in deeloping its academic programme
which is modelled on those o its partner` ,\illoughby, 2008,. lormal superision`
occurs when the external partner deelops and monitors parts ,or all, o the academic
programme. lormal endorsement`, which may oerlap with ormal superision,
describes a Gul institution obtaining the endorsement o its programme ,or institution,
by an external partner who normally proides credentialing serices to higher
education institutions in the \est` ,\illoughby, 2008, p. 14,. In eect, such an
endorsement means the Gul institution is comparable to the \estern institution.
\illoughby`s ourth model-subcontracting`-designates a Gul institution which
obtains its initial academic and administratie sta to deelop the new institution
through the external partner. 1he Gul institution may then hire its own sta but asks
its \estern partner to oersee either all or part o its academic and administratie
deelopment`. 1his oersight will then in turn create a more credible academic
institution` ,\illoughby, 2008, p. 15,. 1he ith model-branch campus`-is a ariant
o subcontracting. 1he prospectie Gul entity does not seek \estern help in setting up
its institution. Instead, the \estern institution is inited to create a branch campus .

S1

with the power to grant a degree in the name o that ,\estern, uniersity` ,\illoughby,
2008,. In essence, the \estern institution exercises control oer all major elements o
the school.
\illoughby`s models proide a spectrum o choices relecting greater or lesser amounts
o control by the external \estern partner. 1he choice aced by the Gul institution-its
ounders-is: low much do they want to exercise control, ersus how much credibility
do they wish the institution to hae rom a particular association with a \estern
uniersity
In Appendix 2, \illoughby`s ie models are applied to all o the 54 new Gul
institutions with \estern ,and Asian, ailiations which hae opened between 1992 and
200. 1he large number and ariety o models clearly indicate that the Gul is a centre
or educational innoation. \illoughby links this phenomenon to the oil wealth o the
region, the extreme dependence on oreign skilled workers, the preious weakness and a
lack o deelopment o the education sector. A urther signiicant actor is the high
population growth rate o the region as a whole. 60 o the Gul population is under
16 ,Coman, 2003,. So the demand actor in the education sector is immense. In the
Gul, priate higher education is seen as a means o ensuring quality o instruction and
the releance to market needs that hae been missing rom the public uniersities`
,Coman., p. 3,. As we shall see, this is ery much the case in Saudi Arabia.
1hese new Gul ailiations ,see Appendix 1, with the \est ,and Asia, include
institutions o a remarkable diersity. Oman has ailiations with uniersities in Lngland
,Bedordshire, Leeds, and Coentry,, Scotland ,Glasgow Caledonian Uniersity,, the
USA ,Carnegie Mellon, Uniersity o Missouri-St. Louis,, Leipzig Uniersity, and
uniersities in India and Australia. Kuwait has partnerships with multiple Indian
uniersities, an Australian uniersity, and Dartmouth College. Qatar has ailiations with
American uniersities ,Cornell, Georgetown, Virginia Commonwealth, 1exas A&M, as
well as ClN Uniersity o ligher Proessional Lducation in 1he Netherlands. Bahrain
has relationships with the Uniersities o London, Leicester, and 1he Royal College o
Surgeons ,Ireland, as well as 1he Uniersity o Newoundland ,Canada,. 1he UAL
presents a dizzying array o priate institutions that are quickly eclipsing the
goernment uniersities` ,Coman, 2003, p. 2,. 1hese include partnerships with
uniersities in India, Pakistan, Malaysia, Belgium, Australia, \ales, Scotland, USA, and

S2

in Lngland. Although these many new joint entures in the Gul are still new, their
impact are likely to be socially and economically signiicant:
1he act that so many uniersities and colleges hae come into existence suggest
that there are strong social and political dynamics within the region supporting the
deeper economic integration o Gul societies with global and regional economic
lie. ,\illoughby, 2008, p. 29,.
In Saudi Arabia, no transnational institutions exist yet, as no oreign ownership is
allowed - unlike in many countries where ownership by oreign indiiduals is permitted,
Saudi Arabian law requires that there be at least ie partners acting jointly as owners. A
company may also be an owner. Non-proit status and proit-making status are both
permitted or priate institutions. 1he majority o priate institutions, howeer, are
operating on a proit-making basis. 1his complexity in orms o ownership and in legal
status highlights the diiculties o deining the priate`, as any orm o ownership in
Saudi Arabia is heaily conditioned by regulation and control. 1he extent o control
which Saudi goernment has on the sector is discussed throughout the ollowing
chapters. As Ley has written ,1986a,, the status o legal ownership does not reeal how
the institution actually unctions. le has shown that in many cases priate higher
education institutions are ound to be less autonomous than their public counterparts,
which are completely unded by the goernment. Pachuashili ,2011, also explains how
in a post-communist setting, legally deined non-proit and proit-making priate
institutions can hardly be dierentiated as both o them rely mainly on tuition ees, and
hae a market orientation.

"#$%&'('$)&

Priate higher education institutions ary in their orientation: some are research-
oriented, others are religiously ailiated, while others are specialised institutions
,Altbach, 1999, Geiger, 1986, Ley, 1986a, 1986b, 2003,. Most prestigious priate
uniersities hae a research ocus ,Altbach, 1999,. According to Ley ,1992, 2003, and
Altbach ,2005,, the religiously ailiated institutions used to constitute the majority o
priate institutions world-wide. loweer, their dominant position is diminishing as
specialised institutions are coming to lead the market, such as colleges ocusing upon
business and inance, legal, or medical studies, rather than oering a ull range o
academic subjects ,Altbach, 1999,. Ley ,1999, 2003, 2006a, 2006b, asserts that recently

SS

deeloped priate higher education institutions possess a unique potential, which allows
them to ill certain special niches in preparing graduates or uture employment.
One piece o eidence which Ley ,1986a, uses to highlight the distinctieness o
priate institutions is their mission statement. Ley argues that the mission o priate
higher education institutions is less inclusie and broad, ocusing rather on speciic
target markets. 1he students they seek to attract tend to be narrowly ocused, selectie,
and specialised themseles. le urther ,1986a, 2002, 2006a, obseres that priate
institutions concentrate on ields which are related to uture` jobs. Notwithstanding the
aboe, some studies criticise programmes oered by priate institutions or giing
priority to priate beneits oer social ones. lor instance James ,1991a, p.193-194,
argues that research and broad educational needs are less important to the priate
sector.
Some studies point out that priate institutions concentrate on ields that are less
expensie to teach and maintain. Comparatie study by 1eixeira and Amaral ,200,
similarly ind priate higher education institutions to hae a low-risk` strategy and
concentration on low-cost and ,sae initiaties. loweer, there are exceptions, such as
priate higher education institutions oering ery expensie courses o study, such as
medicine, as is the case n the KSA. 1his will be examined more ully in later chapters.
In terms o orientation, Saudi priate higher education is not characterised by a ariety
o religious ailiations, unlike in other nations where Islam or Christianity is the
dominant and,or institutional religion. A particular school o Islam is aoured and
imposed throughout the country`s institutions. But it must be stated that unlike a
country such as the USA, no priate higher education institution in the KSA ocuses on
religious ,Islamic, studies also in contrast to some o their counterparts in the public
sector. Also, most o the Saudi Arabian priate institutions are ocused on teaching
rather than research, with only one exception - the King Abdullah Uniersity o Science
and 1echnology ,KAUS1,, a new research uniersity.
Beore I end my discussion in this section, I also want to discuss briely a special higher
education institution, as it may shed some interesting lights on the uture deelopment
o higher education in the KSA. In September o 2009 King Abdullah Uniersity o
Science and 1echnology ,KAUS1,, a graduate-leel research uniersity was opened or
admission. Located by the Red Sea about 50 miles rom Jeddah, KAUS1 has a ast
campus--36 sq. kilometres--which includes a marine sanctuary and research acility--and

S4

a small city contained with its borders. 1he cost o the project-->12.5 billion--comes
with the inancial support rom King Abdullah and the royal amily. A >10 billion
endowment und is also being created or the Uniersity ,Cambanis, 200,. lor
students who are admitted, tuition is ree with additional stipends. Graduate students
may receie stipends o up to >20,000 per year. KAUS1 oers both M.Sc. and Ph.D.
degrees.

1he King bypassed the MOlL by selecting ARAMCO ,the country`s state oil
company, to deelop the initial plan, build the campus and assist in curriculum. 1he
Uniersity o 1exas ,Austin,, the Uniersity o Caliornia ,Berkeley, and Stanord
Uniersity hae partnered with KAUS1 to deelop speciic curricula and assist with
selecting aculty ,KAUS1, 2012,. 1hese are among the irst such \estern ailiations in
Saudi Arabia. KAUS1 is ocused on applied research and has established multi-
disciplinary research centres. 1hese centres will pursue research in areas such as clean
combustion, solar and alternatie energy science, water desalination and computational
bioscience. KAUS1 may sere another unction ital to the Kingdom`s uture--the
training o the next generation o uniersity proessors. Dr. Mohammed Kuchai, a
microbiologist at KAAU, remarked: Saudi Arabia is projected to need 100,000
uniersity sta by 2030 but only has 40,000 today so training uture sta is a priority`
,Sawahel, 2006,.

KAUS1 also represents a ery signiicant departure rom traditional Saudi social norms.
Men and women are on the same campus and attend the same classes. 1his is the irst
time this has been allowed in the Kingdom. \omen are not required to hae their
heads coered in class and may drie on campus. In addition, non-Saudi students may
also enrol. 1he entire Kingdom will be closely watching the results o this educational
and social experiment.`
In general comparison, Saudi Arabia`s priate institutions are more market-oriented in
their degree programmes and course works. 1his will be urther explored in Chapter 6



SS

Functlonx unJ Rolex: lfferent, Better, unJ More
In this section I shall explore the unctions and roles o priate higher education in the
light o what I call three assumptions`. 1hese three assumptions reoled around the
emergence and deelopment o the priate sector in higher education world-wide. 1o
one extent, the priate sector is set to proide more educational opportunities or to
oer dierent orms o education than is proided by the existing public sector, or to
introduce educational proision o higher quality as a response to a public sector which
ails the expectations o its stakeholders.
Geiger ,1986, and Ley ,1986a, hae obsered that priate higher education institutions
around the world also ary in their missions. 1hey both discuss qualitatie` and
quantitatie` roles or priate higher education in each country, which emerged to ulil
a speciic role or unction ,Ley, 1986a, 1999, 2003, Geiger, 1986,. Ley ,1986b, 2010b,
identiies three waes` which appeared in sequence. 1he Q)%&' wae represents the
establishment o priate higher education to accommodate the needs o certain religious
or ethnic,identity groups. 1he &$23"# wae is marked by the establishment o elite
priate institutions as a reaction to the mass orientation o public higher education
institutions, when students are looking or prestigious orms o education. In Latin
America, or example, public higher education growth came irst as a religious response
to public sector secularisation , and then as an elite response to a massiying and socio-
economically more open public sector open ,Ley, 1986a,. 1he '/)%# wae witnesses
the establishment o priate institutions to absorb the excess demand on higher
education which the state public sector can no longer ulil. le adds, howeer, that
demand-absorbing institutions may cross these category boundaries and also hae a
religious orientation and,or be prestigious.
Geiger ,1986,, working at the same time as Ley, deelops his ideas along similar lines.
le describes three main unctions or priate higher education institutions. 1hey are to
proide more`, better`, and dierent` education. 1he more` unction occurs when
priate higher education institutions exist to absorb an immense demand which public
institutions cannot meet. 1he priate sector in this case becomes a mass` sector, and
thus becomes the major proider o higher education. 1he reason behind the public
sector`s inability to meet the demand or higher education is usually because those
public institutions are small in size and hae restrictie admission policies. loweer, the
quality o priate higher education institutions which ulil this more` unction is

S6

questioned. 1hese are the institutions which Ley ,1986b, describes as demand-
absorbing`. In deeloping countries, most priate higher education is belieed to all
within this category ,Ley, 2003, 2006b,. In countries where public-sector education is
limited and deicient, a large non-selectie priate sector is oten deeloped to proide
or the large group which is expelled rom the public sector, such as happened in the
Philippines ,James,1991a,.
1he second unction, outlined by Geiger, is to proide dierent` education. Priate
higher education institutions are ound to exist een when the public sector has the
capacity to absorb the demand or places in higher education. 1his role is played when
the state allows priate proision to respond to certain needs which are not met by the
public sector institutions. An example o this is the necessity o public sector colleges to
be aailable or all, thereore they cannot discriminate in aour o minority groups.
Ley ,2011, has urther categorised this type o institution under the identity` type. An
example o an identity institution is the Catholic Uniersity o Korea, a priate
institution with a history 150 years. It seres a distinct minority group within the country
o speciic cultural and religious orientations. 1hus, the public sector in this case is not
aced with a capacity issue, but rather an issue o a demand rom speciic cultural groups
to hae access to a distinctie orm o higher education, which is obiously outside their
norms o higher education proision. \here cultural, social, and economic diersity is
alongside a strong and relatiely uniorm public sector, the priate sector can exploit the
demand or distinctie orms o proision. Supposedly, the issue o quality ,real or
perceied, may also encourage the growth o a high-quality priate sector.
In Geiger`s analysis o the dierent roles o priate higher education institutions, the
third unction is to compensate or the low quality ound in the public sector by
proiding better` education. In this scenario the priate sector is o a higher quality and
is perceied by students and their parents as oering a better alternatie to a ailing
public sector. Priate institutions may also oer courses o a quality matching what is
oered by the public sector, thus enhancing competition within the higher education
system.
Ley ,2011, proides a similar typology on priate institutions according to their criteria
or access and the clientele they sere. In addition to the identity` type, mentioned
aboe, his typology includes elite`, semi-elite`, serious demand-absorbing` and
demand-absorbing` priate institutions. Priate institutions become elite`, not or

S7

sering priileged clientele but or their academic and intellectual leadership` ,Ley,
2009, p. 15,. Ley ,2010b, 2011, highlights the act that the USA is an exception to
haing priate elite` institutions, as this type mostly exists in the public sector ,Ley,
2009,. Llite priate institutions are distinct or their high selectiity and or their ocus
on research. Ley ,2009, obseres that research is rarely a concern or new priate
institutions. 1hereore, he categorises them as semi-elite` and ound their ocus to be
more upon practical learning and training. Ley ,2009,2010b, 2011, obseres that semi-
elite` priate institutions hae aerage leels o selectiity in recruiting students and
aculty, less than those o elite institutions` but more than those in the serious demand-
absorbing` category. 1he aerage selectiity and the high tuition ees o semi-elite
institutions imply that their clientele is ormed o those rom wealthier socio-economic
groups and with good academic standards. Like elite priate institutions, semi-elite ones
are thus less likely to be primarily addressing access` issues ,Ley, 2008, 2009,. Ley,
howeer, suggests that semi-elite institutions indirectly contribute to increasing access to
higher education, as they:
,a, bring more inance to higher education, ,b, open public slots or others by
attracting some students away rom those slots,,c, diminish the low o domestic
students going abroad. ,Ley, 2009, p. 16,.
lis point is that when examining the place o such institutions within the wider higher
education system, one needs to look at the indirect impacts they exert. In addition,
serious demand-absorbing and demand-absorbing institutions are also sometimes
described as garage` institutions or diploma mills`, and are less selectie in recruiting
students and sta.
Demand-absorbing and serious demand-absorbing institutions are less selectie with
regard to student access. loweer, serious demand-absorbing institutions tend to hae
a clearer ocus upon their graduates` uture employability. 1hey thereore orient
themseles to the labour market through dierent actiities ,Ley, 2008,. Serious
demand institutions are ound to be more innoatie and entrepreneurial in their linkage
with the labour market. In contrast, demand-absorption institutions lack academic
quality and inrastructure deelopment, partly because inancial resources are taken out
o the system as proit.
Along with the \orld Bank ,1994,, adocates o priate sector proision within higher
education argue that such expansion rees places within the public system. 1hey also

S8

point out that it reduces state spending commitments and increases diersity and choice.
Using a shareholder model rom businesses, priate institutions are arguably more
accountable. Possibly the strongest argument is that this brings additional inancial
resources into the system. Priate proision may be an ideal complement where public
institutions are perceied to be weak.
loweer, recent studies suggest that quality issues in priate education remain, one
being academic sta - priate colleges are likely to employ academic sta on a part-time
basis, who also work ull-time in the public sector , or instance, lried et al., 200, pp.
619-634,. Lidence rom a surey o many Luropean countries ,lried et al., 200,
shows that the quality o education oered by the priate sector is likely to be inerior
to that o the public sector. loweer, in their conclusion the authors suggest that
negatie indings may partly be the result o using criteria or assessment which were
designed or public-sector higher education institutions and thereore discriminate
against priate sector institutions.
Another key dimension in examining characteristics o priate sector higher education is
its relation to the state. It is to this that we turn in the ollowing section.

S9

E3-$%"("2$Y ,%)-('$ .)*/$% 0#12(')3" ("# '/$ 4'('$

Altbach ,1999,, Altbach et al. ,1999,, Geiger ,1986,, and Ley ,1986a, 1986b, hae
outlined the diersity in priate higher education within and among nations. Although it
is now widespread, goernments around the globe do not equally recognise this sector
,Kinser et al., 2010,. In some countries, or example, priate higher education, although
long-standing, remains marginalised by goernments. 1his is one o the key indings o
the Lurope-wide study undertaken by UNLSCO ,lried et al., 200,. It was also ound
that policies in a particular country aect the emergence, growth, and nature o this
sector ,Ley & Zumeta, 2011, Slantchea, 200,. According to Ley ,2008, p. 9,,
Much o priate higher education growth and ultimately size and shape is a unction o
goernment policy, the goernment policy on priate higher education strongly condition
priate higher education growth, whether intentionally or not.` 1hereore, goernment
inolement in the priate sector is an important dimension not to be missed while
understanding priate higher education in the KSA, and I will explore this dimension
more thoroughly in Chapter 10.
Ley ,2011, p.383, also explains, Goernments and goernment policies hae not
usually been the central driing or the sector`s appearance.` Ley ,2003, 2006a, also
obseres that the deelopment o priate higher education seems to take goernments
by surprise, especially in deeloping or transitional countries. loweer, he suggests that
goernment superision is growing commonly through delayed regulations ,Ley, 2011,.
Neertheless, priate higher education in the Arabian Gul countries dier rom Ley`s
obseration as its early emergence is due to the initiatie o the indiidual goernments,
rather than the eorts o the priate sector itsel ,Ley, 2006,. Varghese ,2004, argues
that internal and external policies can encourage the presence o priate higher
education institutions. In Central and Lastern Lurope, with the all o communist party
state, the priate sector was encouraged to enter the educational arena ,Altbach, 2005,
Varghese, 2004,. In most deeloping countries it was an external policy which droe the
expansion o the priate education sector, such as that o the \orld Bank`s Structural
Adjustment Programme o the 1980s ,\orld Bank, 1994,. 1hrough these policies, the
\orld Bank encouraged deeloping countries to reduce their inestment in higher
education, and to open the door or priate inestment.
In his 1996 empirical study, Zumeta analyses state policies aecting priate non-proit
higher education in the USA. le inds that state policy usually tends toward one o

4u

three modes: laissez-aire`, central planning`, and market competitie`. In the laissez-
aire` mode, priate higher education institutions are, to a large extent, oerlooked by
goernment policymakers. In countries which all within this category, the state beneits
rom the priate sector absorbing the excess demand or higher education, without
haing to pay any subsidies to the priate sector. Basically, there is a remote relationship
between the State and the priate education sector. Oerall, the priate sector is
ignored. 1he demand-absorbing type o priate institution, discussed aboe, is mostly
the result o this lax regulatory growth policy ,Ley, 2008,. Since then goernments
hae gien more attention to the priate sector.
In nations which all within Zumeta`s central planning` mode, the priate sector is
recognised and receies the same treatment as the public sector. It plays its role in a
planned higher education system. 1he distinction between the public and priate sectors
is barely discernible. Priate institutions hae their own allocation within the main
higher education budget, they are thus orced to ollow goernment regulations. Zumeta
suggests that this kind o control makes the priate sector quasi-public, making it less
lexible in meeting market demands and less able to diersiy its actiities.
In Zumeta`s market competitie` mode, the State plays less o a planning and regulatory
role. 1he State employs market orces to guide the allocations o programmes and
resources. In this case, the State encourages competition between public and priate
higher education institutions. 1he State, in eect, allows the public and priate
institutions to operate in a similar enironment. Student aids and grants in these States
are portable, giing the student reedom o choice. 1he student can choose either a
priate or a public institution, since the aid and support rom the State will be there,
regardless o the student`s choice.
Neertheless, there are some cases which demonstrate changes in the Goernment`s
stance toward the priate sector. In Japan, or example, ater three decades o the
existence o priate higher education, the Goernment recognised its importance,
increasing subsidies to this sector. 1he State policy chose to support priate higher
education institutions inancially, howeer, with some control oer enrolment quotas.
Priate higher education became a part o goernment planning ,Goodman&
\onezawa, 200,. But since the late 1980s, the market model has been adopted in the
Japanese higher education system. Georgia is another example where the goernment
stance towards the priate sector o higher education changed rom being laissez-aire

41

towards greater central planning immediately ater its independence rom the Soiet
Union ,Pachuashili, 2011,. Pachuashili ,2011, p. 404, suggests that actors which
shape goernment policies towards priate higher education are multiple and range
rom political economic to those historical and cultural`.
Policies inluencing priate institutions range rom a goernment`s legislatie and
regulatory rameworks on the priate higher education sector, to those related to
unding the priate sector ,Zumeta, 2011,. It should be noted that not all priate
institutions, especially proit-making ones, operate within the regulatory or accreditation
system o the country in which they operate. 1hey thereore oer something which they
call higher education` but it is not oicially recognised by goernment.
In his discussion o the relation between goernments and priate higher education,
Zumeta ,1996, 2011, suggests that goernments` support can be both direct and
indirect. 1hereore, policies do not hae to be particularly or the priate sector to aect
its growth. Goernment can aect the priate higher education sector through its
policies or the public sector ,Zumeta, 1996, 2001,, such as policies or public
expansion, or or tuition ees ,Ley, 2008, Zumeta, 1992, 1996, 2011,. Goernments can
promote the priate sector`s growth through reducing the tuition ee gap between
public and priate institutions, and by exempting priate institutions and students rom
paying taxes ,Zumeta, 2011,. Geiger ,1986, obsered that goernments, in countries like
Belgium and lolland, treat public and priate higher education institutions equally. le
een classiied the priate sector as parallel priate sector`.
Also, there is not necessarily a correlation between goernment inancial support and
control. In countries like 1hailand or example, the Goernment places more regulation
on the priate sector than on the public,Ley, 2009,. linally, as Ley has suggested,
Priate higher education`s roles emerge mostly unanticipated, not ollowing a broad
preconception or systemic design` ,2003, p. 2,. Kensir et al. ,2010, suggest that the
local context and the goerning ramework distinguish the leel o the priate sector
rom the public. 1his leads us to conclude that we cannot predict the role o priate
higher education in Saudi Arabia based on other countries` experiences, especially since
there are nation-speciic political structures, culture, and society or the country.

42

I3"2;1&)3"

1he chapter irst presented the complexity inoled in deining priate higher
education. 1his is because the boundaries between public and priate higher education
institutions are becoming more blurred. I examined the concept o priatisation in
higher education studies, and the case o Saudi Arabia with reerence to ie
perspecties o priate higher education, namely unding, ownership, orientation,
unction and roles, and goernance. I explored what these dierent perspecties meant
or the priate higher education sector in other countries and how it was releant to the
Saudi context.

In terms o unding priate higher education, the institutions, in contrast to the ree
public sector, heaily rely on tuition ees with limited support rom the Goernment in
the orm o scholarships. In terms o orientation, these priate institutions are more
concern with teaching rather than research or ocational training. In terms o
ownership, priate institutions are owned by priate inestors or non-proit
organisations. In terms o unctions and roles o priate institutions, three assumptions
were explored respectiely: wider access, dierent orms, or higher quality, and I will
urther explore these three assumptions in later chapters. In terms o goernance, the
priate sector is under the close superision o the Goernment and this will also be
urther explored in Chapter 10.

1hese perspecties will appear again in later chapters. I will also bring in data collected
rom my empirical work, in order to enrich my discussions rom certain perspecties.
lor instance, I will come back to the issue o unctions and roles in Chapter 6, with
particular ocuses on admission, teaching, and learning. I will urther discuss the issue o
orientation in Chapter with particular reerence to the labour market in the Saudi
context, I will also ocus on the relationship between the priate sector and the
Goernment in Chapter 10.

In the next chapter I will moe on to proide a general introduction to the Kingdom o
Saudi Arabia in terms o its demographics, economy, and the labour market.

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1his chapter proides an oeriew o the context in which the research takes place. It
proides a brie historical oeriew o the Kingdom which only became a uniied nation
in 1932. 1he ounding Saud monarchy`s close partnership with the \ahhabi religious
moement underlines the proound impact o Islam on all aspects o lie in the
Kingdom. 1he country`s rapid population growth is analyzed. 1he economic
deelopment o the country associated with the discoery o oil is described with some
elaboration o the Saudi goernment`s lie \ear Deelopment Plans. 1his is ollowed
by a description o the eect o this sudden wealth on the country`s social abric.
linally, the chapter introduces the structure o the Saudi labour market, the ratio o
nationals to expatriates, unemployment rates and the role o women in the economy.


B/$ A&;(8)2 4'('$

Saudi Arabia occupies about three-ourths o the Arabian Peninsula. \ith a land area
o 830,000 square miles, it is about one-third the size o the continental US. It is
bordered by Iraq, Kuwait, and Jordan to the north, by \emen and Oman to the south,
the UAL, Qatar and the Arab Gul to the east and by the Red Sea to the west. \hile
most o its land mass is rugged desert, there is a central plateau and a narrow western
coastal plain bordered by high mountains. Once at the centre o the caraan routes,
Saudi Arabia is strategically located between three continents: Lurope, Asia, and Arica.
Riyadh, the largest city, with a population o about six million and the country`s capital,
lies on the central plateau. 1he second largest city in Saudi Arabia is the Red Sea port o

44

Jeddah. \ith a population o about our million, the city is the gateway or Muslim
pilgrims arriing by air or sea to perorm lajj ,the Pilgrimage, or any other liturgical
duties in the holy cities o Islam, Makkah and Medina. Jeddah is the country`s
commercial capital, with a cosmopolitan population and outlook deeloped through
centuries o contact with pilgrims rom all parts o the Muslim world. North o Jeddah
is the industrial city o \anbu. Saudi Arabia is the world`s largest oil producer and has
the world`s largest deposits o oil. Petroleum and its deriaties are ound in the
country`s eastern region where the cities o Alkhobar, Dammam and the industrial city
o Jubail are situated. Other centres o population include 1abuk in the north, Abha and
Khamis Mushait in the south and Buraidah, the capital o Al-Qaseem proince, in the
central region, Al-larsi, 1998,.
1he origin o the Saudi state lies in the historical partnership that eoled between the
ruling clan o Al-Saud and the puritanical Muslim moement that emerged in the 18th
century in central Arabia. 1hat moement is based on the teachings o the religious
scholar Mohamed ibn Abdul-\ahhab--103-92 ,Al-Rasheed, 2002,. 1he essence o
\ahhabism is a ierce monotheism and the indiisibility o state and religion. It came
about as a result o the perceied ignorance o the populace in the eighteenth century o
true Islam. It rejected the opulence o oicial` Islam as represented by the Khaliate o
the Ottomans Lmpire that ruled the region rom Istanbul. It declared Jihad` on those
Muslims who were perceied to hae deiated rom the true path. 1he moement
ound in a local emir, one Muhammad bin Saud ,d. 165, a willing partner ,Al-Rasheed,
2002,.

1he political religious partnership between Al-Saud amily and \ahhabism went
through three incarnations ,Champion, 2003,. 1he irst rose in 144 and ended in the
second decade o the 19th century. Its demise came because o the missionary zeal o
this undamentalist moement. It incurred the wrath o the Ottomans Lmpire and was
crushed in 1818 by Lgyptian troops commanded by the sons o Muhammad Ali, the
ruler o Lgypt. 1he second Saudi state established itsel in 1824, but was deeated in
1891 by the rise o a rial clan, the Al-Rasheeds rom northern Arabia, who had the
support o the Ottomans,Champion, 2003,.
It was Abdul-Aziz ibn Saud ,186-1953,, a direct descendant o the irst Saudi rulers,
who laid the basis o the present Saudi Arabian state. In a daring raid in 1902, he led a
small group o ollowers to capture Riyadh and deeat his enemies, the Al-Rasheeds. le

4S

declared the establishment o his state on 8th January 1926. 1his was internationally
recognised in 192. By 1932 he managed to uniy the country through urther conquests
and political manoeuring and established an absolute monarchy: the present Kingdom
o Saudi Arabia,Al-Rasheed, 2002,. 1he partnership with \ahhabism continued and
the new state was ruled, and continues to be ruled, under the Islamic Shari`a law ,the
code set out in the Qur`an and the teachings o the Prophet., 1he Islamic religion, as
interpreted by \ahhabism, thereore colours eery aspect o lie in the Kingdom.
\ahabbism is a crucial actor to consider when analysing education in general and the
role o women in particular in Saudi society. Underpinned by age old tribal
conentions, the puritanical teaching o that creed strictly limited the role o women to
amily and child care. \omen`s education was limited to religious studies. 1heir
mobility in the wider society was also restricted ,Baki, 2004, lamdan, 2005, Islam is the
only oicially recognized religion, and other aiths are not publicly tolerated. Its
importance as a actor in goernmental decisions cannot be underestimated. 1he State
justiies this by the special signiicance o the country as the birthplace o Islam and the
existence o the religion`s holiest shrines in the Kingdom.
1he other signiicance o the country lies in its role as a major producer o oil. 1he
substantial wealth generated by the oil boom since the early 190s has allowed Saudi
Arabia to undergo rapid deelopment in all material ields. \et this rapid deelopment
has highlighted the contradictions elt by a society that needs all o its human resources,
yet strictly limits emale employment. Adding to the problem, Saudi Arabia has been
orced to import a disproportionate number o oreign workers, while a signiicant
number o its own nationals ,women, are orced to remain at home by social
conention. Seen through a modern socio-economic lens, it is easy to eel that there is
something wrong somewhere. Surely, it would be argued, the state should introduce
measures to deal with this problem`. It is not so simple.
Perhaps the current social situation in the Kingdom today is the product o centuries o
isolation underpinned by a undamental adherence to a religious doctrine that has been
perceied as pure Islam`. It is buttressed by a proud, paternalistic and tribal code that
sees constancy as a irtue and change as raught with danger. 1hese social attitudes are
organic, embedded into the ery abric o the society. 1hey are entrenched so deeply
that een so called westernised` Saudis eel a degree o comort in them. 1he all-
powerul religious establishment is igilant or any sign o dilution o these social

46

norms. 1his religious establishment is a powerul and isible presence in the daily lies
o all Saudis. Len in an absolute monarchy, where the monarch`s pronouncements are
unchallengeable, the ruler cannot orce change. Successie Kings hae been adept at
steering social legislations in a manner that does not antagonise the religious
establishment or public sensitiities,Champion, 2003,. 1he question is can the current
social reality o the Kingdom co-exist with its emerging economic reality, in a world
where ast change is the norm not the exception 1his is important as context, this
tension between state, aith, culture and the demand or rapid and transormatie
economic deelopment.

As an absolute monarchy, the central institution o the country`s goernance is the
monarch. 1he King directly administers the country through his goernors. Lentually,
bureaucratic complexities made it necessary to deelop a modern central administration.
In 1953, a Council o Ministers appointed by and headed by the King was established.
Decisions were taken ater consultation with senior members o the ruling amily and
the religious establishment. In 1992, 1he Basic Law o Goernment was promulgated
and the National Consultatie Assembly was established. 1his body o 150 members
appointed by the King is charged with superising goernment departments as well as
initiating certain types o legislation. A tribal tradition that suried the modernisation
o the Kingdom gies access by ordinary citizens to high oicials through direct
petitioning. In discussing the goernance o the country it is also itally important to
emphasis the doctrine that underpins the whole structure--the indiisibility o state and
religion. 1he religious establishment in the Kingdom plays a signiicant role in shaping
the laws that goern the country ,Vassilie,1998,.


:$83*%(</)2&

According to the Central Department o Statistics and Inormation ,CDSI,, in 2004
Saudi Arabia had a population o 22,68,262 million o which 16,52340 million were
Saudi citizens while 6,150,922 were non-Saudi nationals which represented 2.9 and
2.1 o the population, respectiely. \ith a growth rate o 3.2 , population
increased to 2,136,9 million in 2010. O that, 18,0,56 million were Saudi
nationals, representing 68.9 o the total population while expatriates increased to
8,429,401 million, representing 31.1 o the population ,CDSI, 2011,. 1he gender split

47

in the population is almost eenly diided: 50.1 male and 49.9 emale ,CDSI, 2011,.
As illustrated in ligure 1 below, Saudi Arabia is a young country. According to
goernment statistics o 200, 58.4 o the population were under the age o twenty
ie ,Ministry O Planning, 2009,.

1he UNDP`s ,2009, Arab luman Deelopment Report states that the ertility rate
,births per woman, or Saudi Arabia was 3.8 in 2005--one o the highest leels in the
Arab world. \hat is remarkable about this ertility rate is that it is the same leel ound
in countries in the UN`s low income` category yet the KSA is obiously one o the
world`s wealthy nations. It must also be noted that this high ertility rate is not linked
with high mortality rates as in poorer countries: lie expectancy in the KSA was 1 years
in 2000. 1his high population growth has been accompanied by social changes this
traditional rural society has neer experienced beore. According to the \orld Bank, in
190 49 o the Kingdom`s population was urbanised,\orld Bank, 2002,. 1his
percentage rose to 86 in 2000. It is estimated that by 2015, the percentage o Saudis
liing in cities with a population o oer one million may reach 30 ,Cordesman, 2003,.
Len i due to urbanisation and education, the birth rate declines to a moderate 2,
Saudi Arabia`s population is expected to increase to 31 million by 2020 ,Cordesman,
2003,. 1he high birth rate, and a low mortality rate, implies increasing pressure on the
health, education and employment resources o the country.

D)*1%$ JY 4(1#) ,3<1;(')3" ,$%2$"'(*$& 6U E$"#$% ("# 5*$ E%31<YKTTP

Source: Ministry o Planning ,2009, p. 192,



48

B/$ 4(1#) 023"38U

\hen the new Kingdom emerged in 1932, its economy relied heaily on income rom
the large number o Muslim pilgrims isiting the holy places in Makkah and Madinah. A
simple agricultural base complemented by desert husbandry proided a urther modest
element to the country`s income,Champion, 2003,. Lconomic actiities with the
outside world were largely conined to the neighbouring countries centred on the
coastal cities o the Red Sea and the Arabian Gul. In 1936 oil was discoered in the
eastern region o the Kingdom and by 1938, when commercial production o crude oil
commenced, the country was gien the key to a prosperous uture. 1he Second \orld
\ar put a brake on the exploitation o oil, but intensie production was resumed in
1946 and continued to grow, dominating the Kingdom`s economy. 1he country sits on
almost a quarter o the world`s proen reseres o oil ,Ramady, 2005,. 1oday, 90 o
the country`s export earnings come rom oil. A huge petrochemical sector has been
deeloped, centred in the coastal cities o Jubail in the east and \anbu in the west ,Al-
larsi, 1998,. Substantial resources hae been deoted to the deelopment o the
religious sites, thus increasing the capacity to host oreign pilgrims and isitors. Non-
religious tourism to the picturesque parts o the country hae been encouraged ,Al-
larsi, 1998,

1he economic health o the country has not been characterised by steady dramatic
growth oer the past six decades, but by periods o recession as well as periods o
tara`. 1ara, literally meaning the take o`, is a term used locally to describe the
explosie growth that took place as a result o the dramatic rise in oil prices and the
resulting increase in the country`s income. 1he most dramatic o these taras`
accompanied the quadrupling o crude oil prices in 190s. 1his, howeer, was
ollowed by a period o recession resulting rom the oil embargo in 193 and the
atermath o the Gul \ar in Kuwait in the 1990s. 1his was ollowed by a second oil
boom between 2002-2008,Cordesman, 2003,Abdelkarim,1999,. In this period, oil prices
exceeded >100 a barrel. Neertheless, that increase in wealth was not ree rom
challenges-including unemployment among Saudis, inlation and lack o diersiication
in the general economy,Sai, 2009,. Since goernment spending is by ar the main
dynamo o the economy, the ebb and low o oil income directly impacts the economic
health o the country`s institutions.


49

In a country like Saudi Arabia, where traditions and constancy are perceied to be the
bedrock o society, not only by the rulers, but also by the ast majority o the ruled,
globalisation is seen as a mixed blessing. 1raditional social norms in general, and
education, in particular, hae had to interact with the global marketplace o ideas and
ace the challenges that this interaction presents. In the recent past, the Kingdom was
not immune rom the eect o globalisation and the new trend towards a knowledge-
based economy. Saudi Arabia ormally joined the \orld 1rade Organisation ,\1O, in
December 2005 ,Abdul-Ghaour & lanware, 2005,, ater negotiations that began
twele years earlier, with the world body`s orerunner, the General Agreement on
1aris and 1rade ,GA11,. 1his resulted in the liberalisation o the Kingdom`s trade
and it accelerated its integration into the world economy.


Su

B/$ 023"38U ("# '/$ D)-$ =$(% :$-$;3<8$"' ,;("&

1he central plank o the Saudi goernment`s economic thinking is to reduce
dependence on income rom oil ,Ministry O Planning, 2009,. It seeks to direct the
country`s economy through a series o ie-year plans. Initially, adice was sought rom
oreign deelopment planners. International organizations, such as the United Nations,
assisted in early planning. 1he United Nations Deelopment Programme ,UNDP,
oice in Riyadh ocused on the technical training o Saudi nationals. 1hen the need or
a systematic mechanism was elt and in 1960, the Supreme Planning Board o Saudi
Arabia was established. In 1965, this eoled into the Central Planning Organisation
which in 195 became the Ministry o Planning. Since then, the Ministry has been
responsible or the deelopment o the economic direction o the country and has been
the primary author o Saudi Arabia`s lie \ear Deelopment Plans,Al larsi, 1998,.1he
irst o these coered the period 190-195. Light more plans hae been written since
then and implemented. 1hough not all plans were completely implemented, they hae
been guiding the country`s deelopment throughout the past our decades.

lrom the beginning, because o the country`s lack o trained labour, it became apparent
that these plans were unlikely to be ully implemented. 1he import o expatriate labour,
on a massie scale, thus became a necessity. In 1984, the \orld Bank reported:
Nowhere outside the capital-surplus oil countries had massie immigration been so
impressiely utilised to carry out what is possibly the largest scale transormation o a
deeloping economy in social history. lor this reason, the Saudi labour market has
undergone undamental changes in a short period o time`,\orld Bank, 1984, p. 4,.
Although the deelopment o human resources has been an aim o Saudi planners since
the lirst Deelopment Plan, it seems that it did not become a priority until the 1hird
Deelopment Plan ,1980-1985,. 1he two earlier plans ocused on deeloping the
inrastructure o the country. \ith the realisation that the country lacked qualiied
manpower to implement those plans, a substantial increase in expatriate manpower
became ineitable. Simultaneously, there was a signiicant increase in educational
acilities at all leels, with concentration on ocational training. Construction o schools
expanded signiicantly, ollowed by an increase in enrolment at all academic leels. It
was hoped that the output o these educational acilities would satisy the labour market
and thus lessen the country`s reliance on imported labour,Ministry o Planning, 2001,.


S1

1he 1hird Deelopment Plan ,1980-1985, changed spending emphasis. Spending on
inrastructure declined, but it rose markedly on education, health, and social serices.
1he planned diersiication and deelopment o the productie sectors o the economy-
-such as primary industries--did not meet its targets. loweer, the two major new
industrial cities o Jubail and \anbu were largely completed. \ithin the 1hird Plan,
there was an emphasis on the management skills o Saudi nationals ,Al-larsi, 1998,.
Saudi citizens were encouraged, through incenties, to enrol in training courses.
Concurrently, the priate sector was encouraged to expand training programmes and
goernment loans were made dependent upon the proision o ull-time training
schemes or Saudi citizens ,Al-larsi, 1998,. 1he objecties or manpower deelopment
were: a substantial increase in the size o trained Saudi manpower aailable to the
market, an increase in productiity in all sectors, the deployment o trained nationals in
sectors with the greatest potential or growth, and reduced dependence on oreign
manpower. Other objecties o the Plan included diersiying the economy, reorming
goernment administration and encouraging and deeloping the priate sector ,Ministry
o Planning, 2000,.

1he lourth Deelopment Plan ,1985-1990,,while consolidating the preious three,
emphasised seeral other noticeable themes, one o which was a commitment to reduce
the number o unskilled and manual labour oreign workers in the Kingdom by more
than hal a million. It also aimed to continue the deelopment o Saudi manpower,
through the ealuation o education and training programmes and curricula. An
emphasis was placed on modiication o curricula to conorm to Islamic Shari`a law, as
well as the changing needs o society and the requirements o the deelopment process.
In addition, the priate sector`s contribution to the economy was encouraged. 1his
sector expanded and began inesting heaily in construction, agriculture and industry,
thus contributing to the country`s non-oil productie resources. loreign companies
were also allowed to operate in the KSA, in partnership with priate or public sector
enterprises ,,Ministry o Planning, 2000,.

1he lith Deelopment Plan ,1990-1995, reairmed the objecties established in prior
Deelopment Plans. Again, one o its objecties was ...to orm a productie national
workorce by encouraging citizens to aail themseles o the beneits o the
inrastructure and institutions proided or them by the state--ensuring their lielihood
and rewarding them on the basis o their work.` ,Al-larsi, 1998, p.164,. It was during

S2

the period o this lith Deelopment Plan, that the priate sector was expected to
undertake most o the growth in employment.

1he Sixth Deelopment Plan ,1996-2000, attached particular signiicance to the much-
cherished objectie o Saudisation` ,Ministry o Planning, 1995,. Saudisation` in the
words o Alzalabani ,2002, p. 132, reers broadly to the need to replace non-Saudi
manpower with Saudi nationals in the workorce. 1hus, it aims to encourage Saudi
citizens to take a more actie role in the economic and social deelopment o their
country.` 1he goal o Saudisation was to reduce the number o non-Saudi workers and
to encourage irms to increase the employment o Saudi nationals ,Al-lamid, 2005,. It
requires companies to hae 30 o their workorce to be Saudis i they hae twenty or
more employees in their companies. 1o achiee this goal, a range o measures was
introduced. A reeze on applications to hire new oreign workers or renew residence
permits or existing workers was put into eect. Non-compliance incurred exclusion
rom participation in goernment tenders. It also incurred exclusion rom access to
goernment subsidies and acilities ,Madhi and Barrientos, 2003,. As employers were
not ulilling the Saudisation` quota required by the Goernment, in 2011 the
Netaqat` project was introduced as another method to orce the priate sector to
employ Saudi nationals. Under this programme, companies are categorised to a scheme
o our colours: red, yellow, green, and premium. Companies are labelled under one o
these our categories, based on the leel o Saudisation they ulil. Companies under
premium, then green categories, receie more incenties and acilities than the other
two categories-the red category being the worst ,Ministry o Labour, 2012,.

1he Seenth Deelopment Plan ,2000-2004, is not much dierent rom the Sixth.
loweer, it ocused more on economic diersiication and a greater role or the priate
sector in the Saudi economy. 1he Plan called or 95 o jobs or Saudis to be created
by the priate sector. 1hereore, educational planners aced the challenge o acilitating
the supply o graduates required to satisy the speciic needs o the priate sector. In
particular, it was obsered that emale graduates had studied subjects --such as
education--more suited or employment by the public sector,Ministry o Planning,
2000,,

1he Lighth Deelopment Plan ,2005-2009, again ocused on economic diersiication
as well as education. It also marked a major shit in ocus towards the inclusion o

SS

women in the workorce. 1he Plan called or establishing new uniersities and new
colleges with technical specializations. It argued that priatization, and the deelopment
o a knowledge-based economy and tourism, would help promote the goal o economic
diersiication,Ministry o Planning, 2009,. Clearly training and education hae been o
major concern to the Goernment. \ithout success in these ields, it is diicult to see
how the economy can be diersiied and reliance on the export o oil substantially
reduced, let alone enhancing employment opportunities or its citizens.

B/$ 4(1#) @(631% O(%S$'

An examination o the structure o the Saudi labour market helps underscore the
possible contribution that priate higher education can make. 1his requires a reiew o
the national` and non-national` elements o the workorce, both male and emale.
As o 2008, the labour orce in Saudi Arabia consisted o 8 million workers, 3.8 million
o whom were Saudis and about 4.2 million were non-Saudi ,Ministry o Planning,
2009,. As 1able 2 below shows, Saudis` employment in the public sector is higher than
that in the priate sector. 1he situation is reersed in the priate sector where non-
Saudis predominate. Len in 2004, the priate sector sourced more than hal its
workorce rom outside the country.

B(6;$ KY 4(1#) ("# H3"74(1#) R3%SQ3%2$ :)&'%)61')3",16;)2 ("# ,%)-('$
4$2'3%&

1999 2004
No o
\orkers

Distribution
No o
\orkers

Distribution
1otal labour lorce ,16.3 100.0 ,504.9 100.0
Saudis 3,12.9 44.2 39990.2 53.2
Non-Saudis 4,003.4 55.8 3,514. 46.8
1otal labour Goernment Sector 916 12.8 923.3 12.4
Saudis 16.5 8.2 806.1 86.5
Non-Saudis 199. 21.8 126.2 13.5
1otal Labour at Priate Sector 6,260.1 8.2 6,52.6 8.6
Saudis 2,422. 38. 3,184.1 48.4
Non-Saudis 3,83.4 61.3 3,388.5 51.6

Sources: Ministry o Planning ,2001, and SAMA,2004, p313,

S4

loweer, looking at the occupational structure o the labour market will gie an
indication o the skill base o Saudi nationals and determine the skills required by the
market. 1able 3 below displays the manpower structure o Saudis and non-Saudis, by
major occupations.

B(6;$ MY O("<3V$% 4'%12'1%$ 6U C221<(')3" ("# H(')3"(;)'U

Source: Ministry o Lconomy and Planning- Central Department o Statistics, Obtained rom 1able 5.6, UNDP,
luman Deelopment Report - Saudi Arabia, 2003, p.82,

1he high dependency on expatriate labour is not unique to the KSA, but is common to
almost all the Arabian Gul countries, because they all deeloped in a similar way:
accelerated deelopment uelled by increasing oil reenue. In all those states the lack o
suicient competent national human resources was a problem acing their goernments,
orcing them to import capability rom outside ,Donn & Almanthri, 2010,.
Dependency on oreign labour was not a temporary one, rather, the number o
expatriates employed has increased consistently year on year. Alharthi ,2000, examined
the complexity o the phenomenon and suggested economic and socio-cultural actors
behind the high percentage o non-nationals in the labour market. Some o these will be
discussed in the section below.



C221<(')3"(; E%31<
,$%2$"'(*$ 4/(%$
B3'(; 4(1#)& H3"7
4(1#)&
4/(%$ 3Q
4(1#)&
Scientiic and technical
proessions
11.8 11. 11.9 42.3
Managers administratie 1. 2.9 0. 6.8
Clerical .2 12.1 3.1 5.
Sales personnel .2 5.9 8.4 35.8
Serice workers 31.2 46.9 18.4 6.1
Agricultural workers 8.4 8. 8.2 52.8
Production and similar workers 32.5 11.9 49.5 16.5
All occupational groups ,, 100.0 100.0 100.0
All occupational groups
,number,
,830,143 3,516,393 4,313,50 44.9

SS


!"$8<;3U8$"' (83"* 4(1#) H(')3"(;&

Paradoxically, in spite o the massie petro-drien economic deelopments that hae
taken place and the huge expansion o the priate sector, the KSA is bedeilled by a
high unemployment rate. 1he unemployment rate or Saudis has been estimated to be
10 o the total labour orce o which 6.8 are male and 29.6 are emale,Ministry O
Planning, 2009,. Neertheless, this rate aries among dierent age groups, being the
highest among ages o 20-24 ,Ministry o Planning, 2009, Unemployment among Saudi
nationals is unlike unemployment in most other countries where it usually results rom
poor economic conditions and the general poerty o a country. 1his cannot be said o
Saudi Arabia. Al-Shammari ,2009, proides a list o reasons behind Saudi nationals
unemployment based on the work o Ghaban et al, 2002, Al-sheikh, 2001, and Al-Gaith
and Al-Ma`ashoug, 199:
1he massie presence o roughly 4 million non-Saudi workers in the Saudi labour
market reduces employment opportunities or Saudis
1he reduction in the country`s annual economic growth rate accompanied with the
country`s high birthrates
1he Goernment sector`s declining role as the major employer o Saudis
1he negatie cultural ineriority attitude towards certain occupations in the labour
market
1he mismatch between training and education outcomes and labour market skills and
demand
1he lack o accurate up-to date inormation and statistics on the labour market
1he inconsistency o goernment bodies regulating and superising the labour market
1he low wages leel paid to Saudis entering the priate sector

Generally, it is claimed that Saudi graduates lack the skills and knowledge that meet the
requirements o the labour market ,\amani, 199,. 1his is an important actor as are
gender discrepancies ,lack o women in the labour orce, and the large amount o
immigrant labour. It has been argued that the Kingdom`s education and training system
has ailed to meet the needs o the economy with hal o the Kingdom`s uniersities
ocusing on religious studies and only 12 o Saudi students graduating in engineering
and science, while 42.2 graduate in social and religious studies ,Diwan & Girgis,
2002,.

S6

In addition to educational qualiications, Ramady ,2005, suggesed reasons related to
Saudi attitudes which make them less aoured in the priate sector compared to
oreign labour. 1he rapid increase in oil prices in the seenties or as it is called 1ara`
was not without its own dramatic eect on society in Saudi Arabia Abdelkarim ,1999,.
A massie programme o economic deelopment implemented at a rapid rate in a
traditional, conseratie society ineitably leads to social upheaal. One maniestation
o this in KSA is the migration rom rural areas to cities and urban centres, in the hope
o better education and better careers. 1horia Al-1urki ,2006, also ound the oil boom
to hae contributed to reshaping the identity o the Saudi citizen, particularly in the way
in which Saudis see themseles and perceie others. Algothami ,2004, concluded that
Saudi society became schizophrenic` as citizens let ocational and manual work or
expatriates to do, while they became bosses` giing orders and demanding to be obeyed.
Many Saudis took adantage o the guarantor , sponsor system` in which Saudi
sponsors receie a percentage o the wages or salaries o oreign workers who they are
sponsoring. 1his allows those Saudis to generate wealth without actiely inoling
themseles in any work. 1his was also possible because the country did not permit
oreigners to own enterprises in the country. Some Saudis generated wealth by
speculating in real estate. 1hus, sudden wealth might help us later in understanding
some attitudes o Saudi nationals in the society.


R38$"'s ,(%')2)<(')3" )" '/$ @(631% O(%S$'

It is worth mentioning that Saudi emale participation in the labour market is low,
especially when compared with women in other Arab countries. Al-Munajjed`s ,2010,
study shows that women in Saudi Arabia currently represent only 14.4 o the national
workorce. In the Gul region women constitute 59.9 o the workorce in the UAL,
42.49 in Kuwait, 36.4 in Qatar and 34.9 or Bahrain ,Al-Munajjed`s ,2010,.
\omen`s participation in the goernment sector is higher than in the priate sector
being 62 and 38 respectiely. \ithin the public sector, women are mostly ound in
the education, health, and social serice sectors constituting 88, 9, and 1
respectiely , Al-lumaid, 2002,. According to Ramady ,2005,, high enrolment by
women in education, is due to the greater employment opportunities this ield oered.
In the words o Al-lamid and Jamjoom: 1here was an urgent need or emale
graduates in education to work in the schools whose number were increasing day in and

S7

day out as a result o the spread o women`s education.`,Al-lamid & Jamjoom, 2009, p.
61,. Additionally, Al- Munajjed ,2010, suggests that this pattern could also be a result
o sex segregation by occupation. In Saudi Arabia, women are concentrated in certain
proessions that are seen as eminine ,Al- Munajjid, 2010,. 1hereore, the education
sector includes the largest proportion o emales participating in the goernmental labor
market ,Al-lamid & Jamjoom, 2009, Al- Munajjed, 2010,. 1his proportion reached
around 8.6 in 2002 o the total number o women working in the Goernment
sector.

\hile the Goernment sector was recruiting emale employees, recruitment o women
by the public sector has been decreasing oer the years. According to the Ministry o
Ciil Serices records, the number o emale applicants or teaching posts in KSA
reached 3,500 when the total number o aailable posts was ,10 ,Al- Munajjed,2010,.
1his means that 89 o applicants or job posts will not ind a job, which constitutes a
serious burden on the labor market. 1his coincides with a more recent study by Al-
Munajjed ,2010, which reeals that women do not eel optimistic about their uture in
the labour market. According to the Al- lamid and Jamjoom study ,2009,, there is a
current saturation in the market, in particular with unemployed emale teachers. 1he
priate sector has been charged, through goernment policies, to proide job
opportunities because o the saturation o the public sector. loweer, the Goernment
realised that the labour market`s absorption capacity is not the only actor aecting the
women`s employment in the priate sector. Additionally, they were ound not to hae
suicient education and training as needed by the labour market ,Al-lamid &
Jamjoom, 2009,. Al-Munajjed ,2010, p.11, or example, criticised the education system
or not preparing women or the labour market:
1he Saudi educational system simply is not proiding girls with the skills and
background they need to successully compete in the labour market. 1he current
educational system relies on rote learning and does not suiciently promote analysis,
skills deelopment, problem soling, communication, and creatiity. In addition, there
is a shortage o appropriate education in areas ital to the deelopment o the new
knowledge-based economy, such as math, science, technology, and computer literacy.
As a result, Saudi women are not suiciently empowered to participate in digital
society.`
In 2004, the Shura Council called or a comprehensie national strategy to address the
expansion o education, work and training areas or Saudi women in a way that suits
their nature and does not conlict with the Islamic Sharia laws ,Al-lamid & Jamjoom,

S8

2009,. Perhaps, economic planners and policymakers started to realise that the
recruitment and training o women could help sole the diiculties o Saudising the
workorce. Such educational expansion would also help to satisy the rising expectations
o the increasing number o women who will begin graduating rom secondary schools,
colleges and uniersities. 1his ocus may hae been compounded by the tendency o
girls to excel academically in secondary schools, with proportionately more emales than
males graduating.

Ramady ,2005, suggests that the kind o educational programmes aailable to women
are still limited. Al-lamid & Jamjoom ,2009, suggest widening women`s participation in
the labour market by tailoring programmes to specializations needed in the labor
market. 1hey also suggested using technology to proide distance work or women
and also or expanding the scope o careers open to women. loweer, they place more
emphasis on preparing women or the labour market through education and training
institutions.

In Al- Munajjed`s words:
1he national system o education is ailing to prepare Saudi women or competitie
roles in the labor orce limiting them to traditional ields o work such as teaching
and work in the serice sector` ,Al-Munajjed 2010. p.3,
Neertheless, the extent to which priate higher education is addressing the
unemployment issue in Saudi Arabia will be the ocus o our discussion in Chapter 8.



S9

I3"2;1&)3"

As has been seen, the Kingdom o Saudi Arabia aces a unique combination o
challenges-- historical, cultural, social, demographic and economic. 1hese challenges
each hae a direct impact on the deelopment o and need or a better higher education
system. 1he country`s ounding dynasty--the Saud amily--ormed an enduring
partnership with the \ahhabi religious moement, a strict interpreter o Islamic law.
1hat relationship and the Kingdom`s role as the Custodian o the loly Places ,Makkah,
Medina, has meant that religion has a proound eect on all aspects o Saudi lie
including education and economic deelopment. 1he monarchy, which rules within a
centralized state apparatus, must at all times balance deep cultural traditions with the
need or rapid, transormatie change.

As the world`s leading oil producer, the Kingdom has amassed great wealth but
economic deelopment has been subject to the unpredictable cycle o rising and alling
oil prices, and to inlation and unemployment. 1he oil boom ,tara`, in the 0s and
80s led to a huge inlux o oreign labour--necessary or the rapid building o a modern
inrastructure. But that came with a high cost--continuing unemployment among Saudi
nationals. As a consequence o sudden prosperity and high leels o spending by the
Goernment, Saudis shunned manual and ocational work--eeryone wanted to be a
boss.` 1he Goernment came to be the country`s largest employer through an
expanding and not always eicient public sector. \hen oil reenues declined, the
Goernment placed new emphasis on jobs or Saudis in the priate sector. 1he Seenth
Deelopment Plan ,2000-04, called or 95 o Saudi jobs to be in the priate sector,
somewhat unrealistically since more than hal the labour orce remains expatriate.
Contributing to this unemployment is a high birth rate and a low mortality rate. Nearly
60 o the population is under 25.

Lack o high quality education has ill prepared Saudis or priate sector work. lal o
those who graduate rom the higher education system hae majored in social or
religious studies--or which there is little need and ew hae scientiic, technical or
management training. 1he market tends to iew Saudis as unqualiied, lacking in
specialised skills. Cultural actors again are in eidence with the role o Saudi women.
listorically, women were gien little or no education, had limited social mobility and no
possibility o employment. Len today, woman only comprise 14 o the workorce,

6u

low een by Gul standards. Now, women are being educated in huge numbers ,as will
be seen in the next chapter, but there are still ew places or them in the job world. In
conclusion, there are many challenges beore the Kingdom. A key to addressing them
will be the role o higher education--public and priate--which will be the topics o the
next two chapters

61

67&8$.% 9
.)*/$% 0#12(')3" )" 4(1#) 5%(6)(
7 08$%*$"2$9 :$-$;3<8$"' ("# I/(;;$"*$&


A"'%3#12')3"

1his chapter proides a sketch o the Saudi Lducation system-its emergence,
deelopment and challenges. It begins with a brie reiew o the deelopment o the
education system in the Kingdom o Saudi Arabia ,KSA,. 1he structure o the system
o education will be presented, ollowed by a discussion o the dierent orms o
institutions it currently constitutes. In terms o its present challenges, I particularly
ocus on the mismatch between the deelopment o the general and the higher
education systems. I highlight the capacity issue acing the higher education sector, I
also examine the role o the priate sector in this regard.


C%)*)"& 3Q 0#12(')3" )" 4(1#) 5%(6)(

Since the emergence o the modern Kingdom in 1932, Saudi Arabia has undergone
rapid and dramatic changes in the economic, social, and most importantly educational
spheres. Beore 1932, ew people had the opportunity to acquire basic skills such as
reading and writing. 1hese skills were oered and taught only in religious institutions,
which were known as katateeb`, as well as in mosques. An organised educational system
known as madrasah` then eoled in major regional centres such as Makkah, Medina,
and Jeddah--cities that were historically under 1urkish control ,Al-lamid et al, 200, .
Beore the emergence o a uniied country, conditions aried rom region to region.
\hile the western region o the lejaz was relatiely stable, the Najd, in the central
region, and the regions o the Last were rie with instability and tribal disputes. Neglect
by the controlling Ottoman Lmpire, which preailed until the lirst \orld \ar,

62

contributed in general to what amounted to the total absence o a nationwide
educational system. Lconomic and social conditions were not conducie to any orm o
ormal education. People`s daily lies were a constant struggle or surial, leaing little
time or inclination to think o education.

According to Al-Sunbul et al., ,1998,, beore the establishment o the Directorate o
Lducation, education in KSA went through three phases: traditional inherited
education, organized Ottoman public education, and priate education. 1he traditional
inherited education was a type o education that was deliered in mosques ,that is, two
laram Mosques in Makkah and Madinah, and in katateeb`. 1eaching in mosques
coered the subjects o history, religion, and literature, while instruction in katateeb`
ocused on the alphabet, reading, writing, and memorising erses rom the Qur`an. 1he
Ottoman goernment, on the other hand, superised the organized Ottoman public
education system, with 1urkish as the main language o instruction. Under this system,
pupils spent three years in primary education, while secondary education students had a
choice o either three or ie years o education. Lastly, priate education was managed
and inanced by the priate sector. In essence, it ollowed traditional education
guidelines, but proided subjects other than the purely religious ones. Schools o this
type were established through eorts by indiiduals and inanced by donations. 1he
irst school o this type was established by a man rom India who recognised the need
or establishing a proper school or the Indian community. 1he school had a
curriculum based on what was used in Islamic schools in India. 1his type o priate
schools prospered in both the eastern and western regions, while the central region o
Najd remained dependent on the traditional type o teaching ,Al-Sunbul et al., 199,.

1hese three phases characterized the educational landscape o the country beore the
rise o the modern Saudi state. Among the irst things the ounding monarch, King
Abdul Aziz, did ater capturing the western region o lejaz was the establishment o
the Directorate o Lducation on March 16, 1926 ,Al-Aqil, 2005,. 1he role o this
directorate was to set policies, rules and regulations or the educational system o the
country. 1he King began to establish a modern political system to goern the country,
by setting up a number o ministries. In 1954, the Directorate o Lducation became the
Ministry o Lducation and was entrusted with the task o uniying the education system
o the country. 1he Directorate superised a number o educational institutions, both
public and priate ,Al-Aqil, 2005,. loweer, there was still no uniied curriculum, with

6S

each educational institution haing its own. A number o schools imported their
curriculum rom neighbouring Arab countries. 1he main eort o the Ministry o
Lducation was directed at establishing public schools in all regions o the country.
Neertheless, the Ministry was aced with the challenge o inding enough qualiied
teachers. Setting up enough schools to serice the increasing demand or education in
the dierse regions o the country was a daunting challenge ,MOlL, 2010,. 1o
operate, the Ministry had to import all its resources the neighbouring countries. 1he
Ministry aced not only a lack o teachers, but also the absence o basic equipment to
publish or print educational materials. 1he situation was brought on largely due to the
Goernment`s religious orientation, which orced the Ministry to deelop its learning
resources internally ,Al-Dawoud,1996,.

In 2002, the Ministry was renamed the Ministry o Lducation and 1eaching, and it
oersees kindergarten education as well as general education or boys and girls.
loweer, it is worth noting that girls` education has only been superised by this
Ministry since 2003. Beore then, due to the segregation o the sexes, this task was
perormed by the General Presidency or Girls` Lducation ,GPGL,. It should be noted
that education or women was rowned upon until the 190s. As such, it can be said
that the creation o this organization with its opportunity or girls` education relected
policy changes that had been agreed upon by King laisal and some inluential leaders
within the religious community. 1he agreement stipulated that the education o girls
would be strictly superised. Lducation would be conducted by emales, but still under
the watchul eyes o dependable men ,Sabbagh, 1996,.


4'%12'1%$ 3Q '/$ E$"$%(; 0#12(')3" 4U&'$8

1he duration o the school programme in the KSA totals 12 years: 6 years in primary
school, 3 in intermediate, and the inal 3 in secondary education. Also, prior to starting
their primary education, students hae the option o spending 2 years in pre-school and
kindergarten. Upon the completion o their primary education, students are admitted to
intermediate education. Ater inishing intermediate education, students can then
choose among three paths. 1hey can either pursue ocational training in secondary
institutions ,industrial, commercial, agriculture, superisory,, or enrol in normal
secondary school. Notably, only students choosing the last path can pursue uniersity

64

education or any other post-secondary degrees. 1he others are more limited to technical
colleges. In addition, students attending normal secondary school can major in either
science or arts ,literature,, proided that their grades meet the entrance requirements.
ligure 2 below depicts the education system in the KSA.


6S


Sources: 1, Lducation System in the Kingdom o Saudi Arabia, Al- Sunbul et al. ,1998, p. 91,
2, Lducation System and Policy in the Kingdom o Saudi Arabia, Al-logail ,1998, p.24,

Until recently, the Ministry o Lducation set the examinations or the inal semester o
secondary school: the General Certiicate o Secondary Lducation`, so that all students
take the same tests. 1his sered as a iltering method to mitigate the great demand on
the limited capacity o higher education institutions by giing priority to highest
achieers in exams. 1he importance attached to the general secondary education exams,
howeer, led secondary schools to raise their graduates` results to gie them a better
chance to compete or uniersity seats. 1his, howeer, has again put more pressure on
higher education ,Al-Saud, 2009,. 1hereore, in 2000 the Ministry o ligher Lducation
established an assessment centre, known as 1he National Centre or Assessment in
higher education. Since then the Ministry o Lducation no longer administers general
secondary education exams, and each school now administers its own exams. 1his new
centre deelops and administers aptitude and attainment tests to measure students`
abilities, skills, attitudes, and their academic achieements ,Al-Saud, 2009,. 1here are
two types o aptitude tests: one is tailored or secondary school graduates o scientiic
majors, and the other or literature majors. 1hey were ormulated to ensure the
selection o best applicants or the arious disciplines while ormulating equity and
equal opportunities` ,Al-Saud, 2009, p. 2, as a way to oercome the increasing
Figure 3
:;0<%. => ?/<'&$;+* @A#$.1 +B $7. C;*0/+1 +B @&</; !%&";&

66

demand on higher education associated with high inlation in secondary education, and
to promote the deelopment o desired capabilities and skills ,Al-Saud, 2009,. lor a
student, his or her uniersity major is largely determined by the results o these
assessments, combined with secondary school results, as uniersities use both these tests
and high school grades to select student applications.


.)*/$% 0#12(')3" )" '/$ X)"*#38 3Q 4(1#) 5%(6)(

1he increasing inancial resources at the disposal o the country since the start o oil
exploitation in 1938 had a tremendous impact on the deelopment o the educational
system. As the Kingdom entered a period o signiicant economic deelopment, the
Goernment recognised the need or educational institutions that would equip Saudi
citizens or the emerging domestic labour market. At that time, the country lacked
enough skilled workers to manage the new economy ,Bahthelah, 2005,. Oer the years,
the education system enjoyed a steady, though slow deelopment until a wae o rapid
deelopment in the 190s. 1he adent o an increasingly integrated inormation and
knowledge-drien global economy are other recent actors leading the Goernment to
gie this sector highest priority or urther deelopment.

At the time o the ounding monarch, King Abdul-Aziz, the country had no higher
education institutions. 1he highest educational leel a student could achiee was to
graduate rom the Preparatory Scholarship School, which was established in 1935 under
the superision o the Directorate o Lducation. 1his establishment only prepared
students or uniersity education in other countries ,Al-lamid et al., 200,. 1he irst
Saudi students to pursue higher education were sent in 1926 on scholarship to Al-Azhar
Uniersity in Lgypt. loweer, the goernment soon realised the necessity o haing its
own higher education system and thus began to build and expand it. According to the
MOlL ,2010, report, the deelopment o the Saudi higher education system went
through three stages.

During the oundation stage ,1949-1960,, the building blocks o the higher education
sector were deeloped . 1he irst college was opened in the Kingdom in 1949. 1hat was
the laculty o Sharia ,Jurisprudence, in Makkah ,Al-Sunbul et al., 199,. Less than ie

67

years later, two colleges were established in Riyadh - the College o Jurisprudence and
the College o Arabic Language. 1he educational orientation and emphasis on religious
subjects and language remained at the core o the curriculum. In 195, a royal decree
ordered the establishment o the Kingdom`s irst uniersity: the Uniersity o Riyadh,
later to be renamed the King Saud Uniersity, which consisted o our colleges. 1he
our colleges were the laculty o Literature, laculty o Science, laculty o Management
Sciences and laculty o Pharmacy.

During the expansion stage ,1961-1980,, new higher education institutions were
established, including uniersities, teacher training colleges and women`s colleges. Six
new uniersities were established in the major cities o Medina, Jeddah, Mekkah, Riyadh,
Dhahran, and Al-lasa ,see 1able 4 below,. Branches o these uniersities were
established in a limited number o cities, like Abha, Qaseem, and Lhsa ,MOlL, 2010,.
Among the existing eight uniersities, two were Islamic uniersities with no colleges or
science and technology and the third, King lahad Uniersity or Petroleum and
Minerals, has no colleges or religion, humanities or social sciences ,Bashshur, 2004,.

1eacher training colleges and women's colleges are higher education institutions that
specialize in producing teachers or general education, the ormer is or male students,
while the latter is or emale students who later teach in girls' schools. Degrees in
education are oered to students upon the completion o a our-year program, which
include the practical teaching requirement. lemale enrolment in these colleges has been
relatiely high, perhaps because teaching was the only proession aailable to women
besides working in the health sector.
1he third phase o deelopment was the comprehensie stage ,1981-2009,. Ater the
establishment o Umm Al-Qura Uniersity in Mekkah in 1980, no new uniersities were
established until the year 1998, with the establishment o King Khalid Uniersity in the
southern region. 1his was not the birth o a new institution, but the result o merging
two local branches o two main uniersities, the south branches o Imam Mohammed
bin Saud Islamic Uniersity and King Saud Uniersity. Between 1998 and 1999, new
orms o higher education were permitted--priate higher education institutions and
community colleges, which will be detailed later in this chapter. loweer, it was not
until 2009 that a royal decree approed the establishment o new public uniersities. In
sheer numbers, it appears that there are twele new public uniersities since the last one
was established in 1998. In act, howeer, there are only ie new schools, the other

68

seen are the result o merging branches o existing uniersities. 1his situation
underlines the act that there has been little expansion in the sector or almost two
decades, especially at the uniersity leel. 1his suggests issues and challenges acing this
sector as will be discussed below.


69

B(6;$ [Y 4(1#) .)*/$% 0#12(')3" A"&')'1')3"& JP\J7KTJK
.)*/$% 0#12(')3" G3#U H3] I3;;$*$& =$(% 0&'(6;)&/$# ^
!88 5;7W1%( !")-$%& 24
1980




1961-1980
5;7A8(8 O3/(88$# A6" 4(1# A&;(8)2 !")-$%&)'U
5
1961
X)"# 4(1# !")-$%&)'U 46
195
X)"* 56#1;(_)_ !")-$%&)'U 25
196
X)"* D(/# !")-$%&)'U Q3% ,$'%3;$18 ("# O)"$%(;&
9
195
X)"* D()&(; !")-$%&)'U 33
195
X)"* X/(;)# !")-$%&)'U 3
1998







1998-2010
W(&&)8 !")-$%&)'U 26
2005
B()6(/ !")-$%&)'U 21
2005
B()Q !")-$%&)'U 18
2006
X)"* 4(1# !")-$%&)'U Q3% .$(;'/ 42)$"2$&
2006
>(_(" !")-$%&)'U 14
2005
University of Ha'il 10
2005
5; >31Q !")-$%&)'U 15
2006
!")-$%&)'U 3Q B(61S 11
200
5; G(/( !")-$%&)'U 11
200
H(?%(" !")-$%&)'U 10
200
,%)"2$&& H3%( G)"' 56#1;%(/8(" !")-$%&)'U
33
2008
H3%'/$%" G3%#$%& !")-$%&)'U 12
2008
B3'(; ,16;)2 !")-$%&)')$&
M`T

B$2/")2(; 23;;$*$& 35

,%)"2$ 41;'(" O);)'(%U I3;;$*$ Q3% .$(;'/ 42)$"2$&
1

A"&')'1'$ 3Q ,16;)2 5#8)")&'%(')3" 0

=1"61 ("# >16(); I3;;$*$& 4

B3'(;
[T

,%)-('$ .)*/$% 0#12(')3" 38

2000-2010
E$"$%(; B3'(;
[a`


Source: Ministry o ligher Lducation ,2009, p.21,
,, Based on data rom the Ministry o Lducation ,2008, p.,

7u


In term o goernance, all public and priate colleges and uniersities are now under the
superision o the Ministry o ligher Lducation ,MOlL,. 1echnical colleges, on the
other hand, are superised by the General Organization or 1echnical Lducation and
Vocational 1raining ,GO1VO1,, which belongs to the Ministry o Labour. 1he
Institute o Public Administration is sel-regulating. 1he Royal Commission o Jubail
and \unbu superise Al-Jubail and \unbu Industrial Colleges. Neertheless, the
Council o ligher Lducation is the supreme goerning body or all post-secondary
institutions. 1his council is inoled in approing the establishment o new academic
units, programmes and institutions. It also has the responsibility o coordinating
actiities between higher education institutions, appointing rectors o public uniersities,
and approing the bylaws or uniersity operations ,MOlL. 2009,.

1he greatest challenge acing the Kingdom`s higher education system--both public and
priate--is the gap between supply and demand. Projections indicate that by 2030, o
approximately 60,000 secondary school graduates, only 250,000 will gain admittance
into the higher education system--a gap o 6 ,Arab, 200, p.223-24,. 1his gap
crisis` will be discussed more ully later in the chapter.

But beyond the demographic actors presented in Chapter 3, what socio-economic
orces contribute to this demand or uniersity education 1he sudden oil boom in the
190s, with all the social and economic deelopment brought to the country, aected
Saudi attitudes towards certain proessions and thus towards the type o higher
education institutions they may choose to enrol in. Uniersity education seems to be
important not only or employment, but also or social prestige and most importantly as
a key aspect o marriage-ability`--Saudi Arabia is still characterized by traditional
arranged marriages.` Interestingly, though this would be expected among certain social
classes, it seems that uniersity education is still highly regarded among all social classes.
Lnrolment rates or ocational education are still low in comparison to the total
enrolment in higher education - at only 9 o the total enrolment in higher education
,MOlL, 2010,, despite a gradual increase in this path oer the years.

Another possible reason why secondary school students preer higher education is the
act that it is ree. All public education in the KSA, including higher education, is
proided without cost. lurthermore, all Saudi students o higher education in the KSA

71

receie monthly stipends equialent to around >250. All enrolled students, regardless o
their academic perormance or social background, are eligible to receie this amount.
During the early years o higher education in the KSA, such an incentie was important
to encourage Saudi nationals to pursue higher education. 1his policy is still actie, een
though now the demand has greatly surpassed the supply. By calculation, we might ind
that uniersity student stipends constitute a great deal o the higher education budget,
an amount that would be more than suicient to build new uniersities. Al Khazim
,2003, has criticized the Goernment`s spending on stipends, suggesting that the
Goernment should at least link the distribution o stipends to students` academic
perormance so as to encourage them to work harder, and thus enhance the quality o
education. Certain public uniersities hae, only recently, begun to charge tuition ees.
A programme called 1he Parallel Lducation Program` ,PLP, was created speciically
or students who ailed to be admitted in the regular programmes. In PLP, courses are
oered at night or in the late aternoon. 1he notion o tuition was also introduced in
the Saudi higher education system through the newly emerging priate higher education
sector.

It may be diicult to comprehend the slow, unbalanced growth in the capacity o the
higher education system in a rich country like Saudi Arabia. Many questions are raised
regarding the act that the country`s higher education proision depended or almost
twenty-ie years on eight uniersities ,Alkhazim, 2003,. 1he Goernment strategy or
not expanding is unclear, one may speculate that the economic situation could be the
reason. Ater the great boom in receipts due to high oil prices between195-1985, the
decline in oil prices in 1996 and consequent shrinkage o goernment receipts had a
major impact on education expenditure. In addition, starting rom 1991, the Saudi
Goernments started to pay or the costs o the Kuwait \ar. According to Niblock,
and Malik ,200,, some Arab countries, including Saudi Arabia, inanced 80 o the
Kuwait war. According to Obid ,2000,, because o this war the Saudi Goernment
incurred huge debt which aected its budget and spending.

Notwithstanding the aboe, it may be worth noting that, based on the UNDP report o
2003 ,UNDP,2003,, the budget allocation or general education is higher than that or
higher education. In addition, the share o the latter was comparatiely decreased rom
what it was in 190 in the ace o the increase o expenditure on general education rom
59 to 82 o the total education budget. 1his could be a actor aecting the

72

expansion o higher education in the country. Bashsher ,2004, explains that spending
more on general education and less on higher education was a trend across world.
According to him, this orientation was based on an economic analysis preailing in the
190s and 1980s, which estimated the inancial returns to the economy rom education.
1his analysis suggested that primary education yielded a higher return to the economy
than higher education. loweer, this position was later challenged with new eidence
on this debate ,\orld Bank, 2000, p.4, which says: the quality o knowledge generated
within higher education institutions, and its aailability to the wider economy, is
becoming increasingly critical to national competitieness.` ,Bushsher, 2004, p.3,

1he Kingdom entered the 21st century, howeer, with a healthier inancial outlook.
1he Goernment was released rom the burden o the debt generated by the Kuwait
\ar and the price o oil has increased steadily. In act, inancial allocations or human
resources deelopment increased during the 8th lie \ear Plan ,2005-2009, rom about
SR69.9 billion to about SR104.6 billion, an annual aerage growth rate o 14.4, which
conirms the commitment o the Kingdom to proiding inancial support or expanding
educational opportunities,Ministry o Planning, 2009,. 1he allocated budget or higher
education has increased by more than 200 between the years 2005-2009, rom around
3 billion to around 9 billion US dollars ,MOlL, 2010,. 1his would account or the
current expansion in the Saudi higher education system.


0Z'$%"(; 42/3;(%&/)<& ("# I3881")'U I3;;$*$&

Sending students abroad on scholarships is not new to the KSA. As was briely
mentioned, the Goernment has been sending students abroad since the 1930s when
there were no higher education institutions aailable in the Kingdom. In the past many,
i not all, administrators, academics and high-ranking oicials hae receied their
qualiications rom uniersities abroad. Lxternal scholarships were exclusie to
goernment agencies and public uniersities. Additionally, some Saudi nationals
traelled abroad or education at their own expense.

1he number o scholarship beneiciaries has increased oer the years. By 19-8,
goernment scholarships already coered 9,00 students: 8,216 male and 880 emale,
with Lgypt being the major hosting country. Since the mid-190s, the United States

7S

and Lurope hae become signiicant hosting countries ,Al-Mousa, 2009,. 1he
economic recession between the late 1980s and late 1990s aected the number o
students sent abroad by the Goernments on scholarships ,Al-Lssa, 2011,. 1he
reduction, howeer, might be proportional to the demographic boom in the country.
Goernment unding or study abroad was not stopped but considerably reduced.
Scholarship leels remained low until the inception o the King Abdullah Scholarship
Programme in 2005.

1he King Abdullah Scholarship Programme ,also called 1he Custodian o the 1wo
loly Mosques Lxternal Scholarship Program`, was initially launched to coer ie
years, with dierent groups o students to be sent during this period. According to Al-
Mousa ,2009,, this programme is considered the largest in the history o the Kingdom
o Saudi Arabia. 1he State has allocated billion Saudi Riyals or scholarships in
prestigious uniersities in a number o countries,Al-Ohali & Al-Aqili, 2009,. It is
estimated that more than 80,000 students beneited during the irst phase o the
programme ,2005-2010, and were sent to 55 dierent countries around the world
,MOlL, 2010,. 1hough the year o 2010 was supposed to be the inal year o the
programme, in that year a royal decree extended it or another ie years and this is
considered the second phase o this programme. 1his scholarship programme
inancially supports Saudi students who study abroad to obtain undergraduate and
postgraduate degrees. 1he mission o the programme has been
.or scientiic, cultural, educational and scholarly exchange with dierent parts o
the world. and to establish highly qualiied Saudi calibres or the labour market.` ,Al-
Mousa, 2009, p. 19,.
1his scholarship programme ocuses on certain disciplines which hae been needed in
the labour market, including both graduate and post graduate studies ,Al-Ohali & Al-
Aqili, 2009, Al- Mousa, 2009,.

1he existence o the ast King Abdullah Scholarship Programme can be attributed to
the economic wealth o the Goernment at the start o the 21
st
century, a result o high
oil prices. In addition, Al-Lssa suggests that political considerations also played a major
role in the inception o this program:
1he Goernment was willing to start such a programme as soon as possible to
counter the criticism made against the country since 11 Saudis were among the
hijackers o 9,11` ,Al-Lssa, 2011, p. 3,.

74


1hus the Goernment needed to change its image and needed to consider countries
other than the USA where Saudi students can pursue their higher education degrees. Al-
Lssa ,2011, explains that the Saudi education system was accused internally, and by the
\est, especially the US, o limiting students` awareness o other cultures and in ailing
to prepare Saudis or the labour market. 1his resulted in high unemployment and,
eentually, inolement by some Saudis in radical organisations.

In the United States, or example, immediately ater the 9,11 incident, there was an
obious change in public attitudes towards Saudis. 1he doors were no longer wide
open to Saudi students. 1he US became less generous in issuing isas to them ,1he
Obseratory, 2006,. 1he USA was no longer a welcoming enironment in which Saudis
could pursue their education. 1he Saudi Goernment`s change o direction to Last Asia
- including India, China, Singapore, Malaysia and South Korea - was to rescue its
students rom humiliation in the USA ,1he Obseratory, 2006,. loweer, the
Goernment also sought to rebuild its relationship with the United States. King
Abdullah`s isit to the US in April 2005 sered to reduce tensions and improe
relations. Subsequently, American isas to Saudi students increased, by around 63, to
what they were in 2004,2005. \ith all the posities o this large-scale scholarship
program, there are still opponents to this initiatie. In addition to their worries o the
brain drain that this programme might cause, they complain that money spent on
scholarships should hae been inested in building new uniersities ,1he
Obseratory,2006,.

1he large number o students` pursuing their higher education abroad underlines the
need or expanding the higher education system in the KSA. Study abroad might be a
sound temporary solution to lessen the pressure on local higher-education institutions.
Neertheless, it is most likely that this programme will not last ery long, and the Saudi
higher-education sector will eentually ace the need to increase its intake capacity. 1he
establishment o new public uniersities did not make a signiicant dierence as the
majority resulted rom merging a number o branches.

Now, completely new types o higher-education institutions hae been established.
Community colleges and priate higher-education institutions are two alternaties to
public uniersities lately introduced to the Kingdom`s education system to absorb the

7S

high demand or access to higher education. A brie description o community colleges
will be presented, but the main ocus will be on priate higher education.

Community college` is a concept that seems to hae been borrowed rom the
American system. Community colleges oer two-year ocational programmes in
specialized areas o medical science, applied science, computer-engineering science, and
inancial science. Upon ulilling graduation requirements, students are granted
associate degrees. Community colleges in Saudi Arabia were irst established in 2000 in
three cities: lail, Geezan, and 1abouk. Since then, their numbers hae been increasing:
there are now around 43 community colleges, each o which is linked to a public
uniersity. Upon the completion o their associate degrees, students can enter the job
market or transer to the linked public uniersity and, in two years, can receie a
bachelor's degree.

According to data collected rom the 2003-2004 academic year, o the 9,000 students
enrolled in higher-education institutions at the intermediate diploma leel, ,500
students ,i.e., 9.5, were enrolled in community colleges, 89 o whom were male and
11 o whom were emale. 1he largest number o students enrolled in community
colleges is ound to be in Riyadh, ollowed by 1abuk and Baha at the rate o 30.85,
14.89, and 14.61, respectiely. Students who attend community colleges receie
ree tuition but they do not receie the >250 monthly stipend that students receie in
the public uniersities. Gien the lack o capacity in the higher education sector,
community colleges may be a means o addressing some o that demand but the lack o
a stipend does act as a disincentie or some students.

41<<;U ("# :$8("# I/(;;$"*$& )" .)*/$% 0#12(')3"Y B/$ 23"'%)61')3"
3Q '/$ <%)-('$ &$2'3%

ligher education in the KSA aces local challenges as well as the rapid pace o global
change. ,Al-Ohali, Al-Aqili, 2009,. Keeping pace with high population growth, the
wide geographic distribution o communities in this huge country, and the increase in
the number o secondary school graduates are among the most serious challenges acing
Saudi higher education. Indeed, rapid increases in the number o secondary school
graduates has led to a steady growth in the demand or higher education. 1his demand

76

is een expected to increase more with primary education now being compulsory. 1his
was not the case until the Seenth Deelopment Plan o the country ,Ministry O
Planning, 2000,. According to the UNDP ,2003,, gross enrolment o both genders in
primary and secondary education increased rom 813, 000 in 195 to around 4 million in
2002. In 2004 and 2008, the total enrolment in general education was 4,355, 658 and 4,
1, 25 respectiely with an aerage annual growth rate o 2.0 ,Ministry O Planning,
2009,. lor the same period ,2004-2008,, the output o secondary education increased
rom 239,39 in 2004 to 321,043 in 2008 with an annual growth rate o 9.2 ,MOP,
2009,. It was estimated that the number o high school graduates has increased by
400 between 1993 and 2008 ,Al-Ohali, 200,.

1able 5 below illustrates the dramatic changes in Saudi higher education enrolment
between 1969 and 2005. Clearly there hae been massie enrolment increases oer
time. In 190-1, there were 8000 male students and no emale students! In 1980-81,
there were 40,000 male students and 16,000 emale students. By 2004-05, there were
219,000 male students and 206,000 emale students enrolled. 1hese are impressie gains
but they do not tell the whole story which reeals a looming demand gap.

77

B(6;$ aY .)*/$% 0#12(')3" 0"%3;8$"' H186$%&Y JP\P7KTTa
\ear B3'(; H3] 3Q 4'1#$"'& H3] 3Q O(;$ &'1#$"'& H3] 3Q D$8(;$ 4'1#$"'&
1969-0 000 000
190-1 8000 8000
191-2 9000 8000 1000
192-3 11000 10000 1000
193-4 15000 13000 2000
194-5 19000 16000 3000
195-6 26000 21000 5000
196- 32000 25000 000
19-8 41000 32000 9000
198-9 44000 33000 11000
199-80 48000 35000 15000
1980-81 56000 40000 16000
1981-82 64000 44000 20000
1982-83 5000 51000 24000
1983-84 80000 52000 28000
1984-85 94000 58000 36000
1985-86 104000 63000 41000
1986-8 113000 68000 45000
198-88 116000 6000 49000
1988-89 11000 66000 51000
1989-90 122000 69000 53000
1990-91 134000 2000 62000
1991-92 142000 4000 68000
1992-93 152000 84000 68000
1993-94 163000 88000 5000
1994-95 10000 8000 83000
1995-96 185000 99000 8000
1996-9 222000 109000 113000
1998-99 22000 134000 138000
1999-2000 321000 14000 14000
2000-2001 343000 162000 181000
2001-2002 348000 150000 198000
2002-2003 380000 192000 218000
2003-2004 394000 205000 189000
2004-2005 525000 219000 206000
Source: Arab, 200, p. 195


78

1hough there has been growth in enrolment at all leels o education, there hae not
been equal expansions in the secondary and higher education sectors. As 1able 6 below
shows, the gap between the number o secondary education graduates and that o
higher education,post-secondary admissions has been airly noticeable since 1985-86
and widened in recent decades.. It is not clear rom the study o Al-Medhary ,1998,
whether the percentage o students accepted takes into account those who did not
actually apply or higher education. \hat is clear rom the table is how the gap has
been increasing oer the years. In 1985-86, 8 o secondary students were accepted
into higher education institutions but by 1999-2000 the gap had increased and only 45
were accepted.

B(6;$ \Y ,16;)2 .)*/$% 0#12(')3" 56&3%<')3" I(<(2)'U
\ear Secondary School
leaers
Students admitted in higher
education
Percentage o
Accepted Students
1985,1986 32626 28396 8
1990,1991 56085 39550 1
1995,1996 93426 63041 6
1999,2000 15000 8000 45

Source: Data 1981,1982 - 1995,1996 are rom a study conducted by Al-Medhary 1998
Data 1999,2000: Ministry o Planning ,2000,,
th
lie \ear Plan ,2000-2004,


1he Goernment`s Ninth Deelopment Plan ,2010-2014, suggests that the Ministry o
ligher Lducation is making some eort to narrow this gap ,Ministry o Planning,
2009,. According to this plan, the number o students enrolled in higher education
institutions increased by .4 rom 2004-2008, and the number o students accepted
into higher education institutions increased by 6.8.

\ith all the eorts by the Goernment to reduce this gap between supply and demand
in higher education, the high birth rate, as preiously described, is yet another signiicant
challenge to the closing o this gap. A study done by Aasim Arab ,200, estimates the
gap between general and higher education enrolment or the next 25 years ,See 1able
below,. In his study, the numbers o students graduating rom secondary education and
those to be accepted at the uniersity leel were calculated by assuming that the present
rate o growth will continue without any change in general and higher education. 1he

79

estimate indicated a tendency or the gap to increase rom 62.5 in 2009,2010 to
6.2 in 2030,31. 1he study also estimates that the gap will be wider or emales than
males.

Arab estimates that by the end o 2030-31, the number o emale secondary school
graduates will hae increased by 326 ,rom 2005, to reach 416,000, a growth rate o
4.8 per year ,Arab, 200, p.396,. lor the same period, male secondary school
graduates will increase by 324 to about 30,000 graduates, also at a growth rate o
4.8 ,Arab, 200p.395,. Len the Goernment`s own recent Lighth Deelopment
Plan ,2000-2004, estimated that the demand gap would be 69 by the end o 2004-
2005. 1hus, it is likely that by 2030 nearly hal a million secondary school graduates will
not ind places in the existing higher education system. 1his presents a daunting
challenge not only or education but in terms o meeting the needs o a modern
globalized economy.


8u


B(6;$ bY 41<<;U7:$8("#Y 0Z<$2'$# E(<

Number o students not expected to be Absorbed in ligher Lducation
in lie-\ear Periods
\ear Lxpected Graduates
o Secondary School
Lxpected to join
lL
Not Lxpected to
Join lL
o those
not absorbed
by lL
2009,2010 30618 1143 191441 62.5
2015,16 400246 143558 256688 64.1
2020,21 50105 1556 331529 65.4
2025,26 62655 21090 415965 66.4
2030,31 59195 249200 509995 6.2

Source: Arab ,200, p.230,


As has been seen, the total enrolment share o the Saudi priate sector is only 3.49.
1his can hardly address the huge uture demand indicated aboe. Aasim Arab has
conducted a detailed surey o Saudi priate higher education. In his unpublished study
he concludes:

.that under the ailure o goernment higher education to absorb the growing
number o secondary stage graduates and the ailure o priate higher education to
increase its share in absorption o these graduates, short and medium solutions will
not help in making priate higher education institutions capable o absorbing
greater numbers o these graduates` ,Arab, 200, p. 414,.

1here are a number o points worth emphasizing here. lirst, the priate education
sector o the KSA is in its inancy. 1he irst institutions only opened 12 years ago.
1heir wider acceptance among Saudi students ,and their parents, will take time - many
Saudi people are not een aware o the existence o this sector. Goernment
recognition has been halting and inancial support has been limited ,though increasing,,
as will be seen in detail in Chapter 10. Some o the new priate higher education
institutions are growing rapidly--ar beyond expectation. 1he College o Business
Administration in Jeddah, or example, began with 200 students in 2000, and now has

81

nearly 4000 students. Its Board projects an enrolment o up to 10,000 within a decade.
As the public deelops greater awareness o the alue o these new institutions, demand
will increase. Second, i these institutions do, in act, produce a higher quality o
education, with students better prepared or the world o work, that too will increase
demand. In this regard, my study intends to document the perceptions o those
currently inoled in and with Saudi priate higher education--students, administration,
goernment and the labour market. It is also hoped that the indings o this thesis may
reeal the strengths and weaknesses o priate higher education institutions and what
can be done to increase the competitieness o this sector in the uture.


Arab makes the case that Saudi priate education will be necessary to meet some part o
the demand gap. le recommends a long-term, large-scale plan that would increase
.the number o priate colleges by about 244 colleges to be established during
the strategy period ,2005-2030,, based on admission absorption capacity o 1000
students per year, or about 122 colleges based on admission o 2000 students per
year` ,Arab, 200, p. 415,.

1hese are ambitious goals, but one may agree that the demand cure will ineitably lead
to signiicant changes in both the public and priate higher education sectors. It is
hoped that higher education in the priate sector may be able to expand at a much
greater rate than the public sector has oer the last thirty years. As presented in 1able 8
below, the number o priate uniersities has been steadily increasing - rom 4 priate
colleges in 2000 to 18 priate colleges and 9 priate uniersities in 2010.


82

B(6;$ `Y 4(1#) ,%)-('$ .)*/$% 0#12(')3" A"&')'1')3"& KTTT7KTJK

,%)-('$ .)*/$% 0#12(')3" A"&')'1)3" @32(')3" B$(2/)"* &'(%'$# E$"#$%
J X)"* 56#1;;(/ !")-$%&)'U Q3% 42)$"2$ ("# B$2/"3;3*U
Jeddah 2009,2010 Mixed education
K ,%)"2$ 41;'(" !")-$%&)'U
Riyadh 2000,2001 Male,lemale
M 5%(6 C<$" !")-$%&)'U
Riyadh, Jeddah, 2003,2004 Male,lemale
[ ,%)"2$ O3/(8$# 6)" D(/# !")-$%&)'U
Al Khobar 200,2008 Male,lemale
a 5;Q()&(; !")-$%&)'U
Riyadh 2008,2009 Male,lemale
\ 5; =(8(8(/ !")-$%&)'U
Riyadh 2004,2005 Male,lemale
b 0QQ(' !")-$%&)'U
Jeddah 2000,2001 lemale
` :(% 5; !;338 !")-$%&)'U
Riyadh 2009,2010 Male,lemale
P D(/(# G)" 41;'(" !")-$%&)'U
1abuk 2006,200 Male, lemale
JT :(% 5;7 .$S8( I3;;$*$
Jeddah 2000,2001 lemale
JJ ,%)"2$ 41;'(" I3;;$*$ Q3% B31%)&8 ("# G1&)"$&&
Abha 2000,2001 Male
JK 5;6(/( ,%)-('$ I3;;$*$ 3Q 42)$"2$
Al Baha 2000,2001 Male,lemale
JM I3;;$*$ 3Q G1&)"$&& 5#8)")&'%(')3"
Jeddah 2004,2005 Male,lemale
J[ 43;)8(" D(S$$/ I3;;$*$ Q3% 42)$"2$ ("# H1%&)"*
Jeddah 2004,2005 Male,lemale
Ja F)U(#/ I3;;$*$ 3Q :$"')&'%U
Riyadh 2004,2005 Male,lemale
J\ A6" 4)"( H(')3"(; I3;;$*$ Q3% O$#)2(; &'1#)$&
Jeddah 2005,2006 Male,lemale
Jb W(&&)8 ,%)-('$ I3;;$*$
Qassim 2006,200 Male,lemale
J`
,%)"2$ 41;'(" I3;;$*$ Q3% B31%)&8 ("# O("(*$8$"'
Jeddah 200,2008 Male,lemale
JP G(''$%?$$ O$#)2(; I3;;$*$
Jeddah 200,2008 Male,lemale
KT 4((# I3;;$*$ 3Q H1%&)"* ("# 5;;)$# .$(;'/ 42)$"2$&
Al-khobar 200,2008 Male,lemale
KJ 5%%)U(#(/ 23;;$*$ 3Q O$#)2(; 42)$"2$&
Jeddah 200,2008 Male,lemale
KK 5;8(%$Q(/ I3;;$*$ Q3% 42)$"2$ ("# B$2/"3;3*U
Riyadh 2009,2010 Male,lemale
KM G1%(U#(/ 23;;$*$ Q3% 5<<;)$# 8$#)2(; 42)$"2$&
Buraydah 2009,2010 Male,lemale
K[ O3/(88$# 5; O(") I3;;$*$ Q3% O$#)2(; 42)$"2$&
Al Khobar 2009,2010 Male,lemale
Ka E;36(; 23;;$*$&
Riyadh 2009,2010 Male,lemale
K\ 5;7D(%(6) :$"')&'%U I3;;$*$
Riyadh 2009,2010 Male,lemale
Kb 5;7D()&(; E%(#1('$ I3;;$*$
Riyadh 2010,2011 Male,lemale
K` 5;7E/(# A"'$%"(')3"(; O$#)2(; 42)$"2$ 23;;$*$&
Riyadh, Jeddah,
Dammam, Abha,
Qassim, 1abuk,
Najran`Al-Madinah,
lar Al-Batin
2009,2010 Male,lemale
KP 41;()8(" 5; F(?/) I3;;$*$&
Al Bukayriyah 2009,2010 Male,lemale
Source: Ministry o ligher Lducation ,2012a,


8S

In terms o geographic locations, the distribution o Saudi priate uniersities is
noticeably uneen - they are more likely to be ound in major cities o the country
,MOlL, 2009, p.83,. In particular, priate uniersities and colleges are highly
concentrated in the country`s two largest cities--Riyadh and Jeddah, as 1able 8
illustrates. 1en are located in the city o Jeddah and nine in the city o Riyadh. A ew
others are located in cities such as Alkhobar, 1abouk, Abha, Qassim, Najran, Medina
and lar Albaten, Buraydah, and Albekariyah. 1his is hardly surprising as it echoes a
global trend noticed by many ,or instance Ley, 2008, 2009, that there exists a strong
connection between a region`s economic situation and its higher education proision
capacity.

\ith regard to gender, all priate uniersities sere both genders but on separate
campuses with three exceptions. 1wo priate institutions in the city o Jeddah--namely,
Lat Uniersity and Dar Al-lekma Uniersity--accept women only. King Abdullah
Uniersity o Science and 1echnology accepts both men and women students who
attend classes together on one campus.

0"%3;8$"' )" '/$ 4(1#) ,%)-('$ 4$2'3%

In absolute numbers, the number o institutions in the priate sector appears to be
higher than that o the public sector, 2 or the ormer and 21 or the latter. loweer,
such numbers do not reeal the number o colleges within each uniersity. 1o
oercome the complexity that such a calculation might entail, the priate sector`s share
o enrolment should be suicient to compare the priate and public sectors.



84

B(6;$ P: Students' 0"%3;8$"' )" .)*/$% 0#12(')3" 4U&'$8
.)*/$%70#12(')3" G3#U

O(;$

D$8(;$

B3'(;

,$%2$"'(*$

Um Alqura Uniersity

24,386

28,815

53,201

.02

1he Islamic Uniersity

8,422

0

8,422

1.11

Imam Mohammed Bis Saud Islamic Uniersity

22,908

14,613

3,521

4.95

Kind Saud Uniersity

46,088

30,144

6,232

10.06

King Abdul Aziz Uniersity

43,645

42,462

86,10

11.36

King lahad or Petroleum and Minerals Uniersity

9,451

0

9,541

1.26

King laisal Uniersity

11,899

46,489

58,388

.1

King Khalid Uniersity

14,342

40,109

54,451

.19

Qassim Uniersity

1,149

23,648

40,9

5.38

1aibah Uniersity

11,840

32,562

44,402

5.86

1ai Uniersity

29,111

19,183

29,111

3.84

King Saud Uniersity or lealth Sciences

601

849

1,450

0.19

Jazan Uniersity

,841

18,806

26,64

3.52

lail Uniersity

5,308

12,169

1,4

2.31

Aljou Uniersity

6,406

9,213

15,619

2.06

1abouk Uniersity

3,4

10,391

14,165

1.8

Albaha Uniersity

4,86

9,35

14,251

1.88

Najran Uniersity

1,342

,453

8,95

1.16

Princess Noura Bent Abdulrahman Uniersity

0

44,08

44,08

5.90

Northern Borders Uniersity

2,442

5,03

,49

0.99

1echnical colleges

6,124

3,218

0,342

9.28

Prince Sultan Military College or lealth Sciences

188

156

344

0.05

Institute o Public Administration

,224

1,40

8,964

1.18

Aljubail and \unbu Industrial Colleges

2,616

324

2,940

0.39

,%)-('$ .)*/$% 0#12(')3"

130,44

12,969

26,416

3.49

1otal
343,33

414,433

5,0

100

Source: Ministry o ligher Lducation ,2009, p. 82,


8S

At the moment, priate higher education accounts or a small share o the student
number o the current system. As 1able 9 aboe demonstrates, priate education
accounts or only 3.49 o total enrolment. Lnrolment in priate higher education are
een lower than that in technical colleges, which constitute 9.28 o total enrolment
and een slightly less than that o community colleges which constitute 3.94 o
enrolment ,MOlL, 2009,. Interestingly, while the number o emale students exceeds
male students in the public sector, the situation is reersed in the priate sector. In the
priate sector, male enrolment surpasses emale enrolment by 2--51 male students
and 49 emale students. In the public sector there are 45.3 male students and
54. emale students.

Moreoer, the priate sector`s enrolment share in the KSA is ery low compared to
other countries in Last Asia or Lastern Lurope where the aerage enrolment rate or
priate higher education is 0 or the ormer and around 30 or the latter.
loweer, only limited data on priate sector enrolment in the GCC and other Arab
countries are aailable to compare with that o the KSA. According to a UNLSCO
report ,2009, on higher education institutions in the Arab world, compared to other
GCC countries Saudi Arabia are behind the United Arab Lmirates ,UAL, and Bahrain
in the number o its priate sector uniersities: the UAL has 55 priate uniersities,
Bahrain has 13, and KSA has 9. loweer, this report did not count existing priate
colleges, which would relect a dierent iew about the size o the priate sector i
included.

1he relatiely small size o the Saudi priate education sector ,see 1able 10 below,,
especially when compared to that o the UAL, can be attributed to the UAL`s open
policy toward oreign proiders o higher education, as has been discussed in the
preious section. Saudi Arabia has not yet permitted oreign proiders to ully operate
within the Kingdom`s higher education system. 1his relects caution on the part o the
goernment. 1hough the UAL has strict policies about higher education institution
ownership, which hae to be owned by nationals, they oercame such policy restrictions
by establishing a lree Zone area, which attracted international proiders.





86

B(6;$ JT Y 0"%3;8$"' )" ,%)-('$ .)*/$% 0#12(')3" A"&')'1')3"&

Source: Ministry o ligher Lducation ,2009, p.84,
,, New institutions, no data were aailable

,%)-('$ .)*/$% 0#12(')3" A"&')'1')3"& O(;$ D$8(;$ B3'(; c
J7X)"* 56#1;;(/ !")-$%&)'U Q3% 42)$"2$ ("# B$2/"3;3*U


K7,%)"2$ 41;'(" !")-$%&)'U

908

1299

220

8.3

M7 5%(6 C<$" !")-$%&)'U

418

6155

1353

51.38

[7,%)"2$ O3/(8$# 6)" D(/# !")-$%&)'U

654

602

1256

4.5

a75;Q()&(; !")-$%&)'U

88

0

88

0.33

\75; =(8(8(/ !")-$%&)'U

56

516

1083

4.1

b70QQ(' !")-$%&)'U

0

452

452

1.

`7:(% 5; !;338 !")-$%&)'U

P7 D(/(# G)" 41;'(" !")-$%&)'U

301

18

49

1.81

`7:(% 5;7 .$S8( I3;;$*$

0

814

814

3.08

P7,%)"2$ 41;'(" I3;;$*$ Q3% B31%)&8 ("# G1&)"$&& d56/(e

361

0

361

1.3

JT75;6(/( ,%)-('$ I3;;$*$ 3Q 42)$"2$

269

0

269

1.02

JJ7I3;;$*$ 3Q G1&)"$&& 5#8)")&'%(')3"

1038

504

1542

5.84

JK743;)8(" D(S$$/ I3;;$*$ Q3% 42)$"2$ ("# H1%&)"*

151

134

258

1.08

JM7F)U(#/ I3;;$*$ 3Q :$"')&'%U

541

04

1245

4.1

J[7A6" 4)"( H(')3"(; I3;;$*$ Q3% O$#)2(; &'1#)$&

596

56

112

4.4

Ja7W(&&)8 ,%)-('$ I3;;$*$

241

8

319

1.21

J\7,%)"2$ 41;'(" I3;;$*$ Q3% B31%)&8 ("# O("(*$8$"' d>$##(/e

55

0

55

6.21

J`7G(''$%?$$ O$#)2(; I3;;$*$

142

145

28

1.09

JP74((# I3;;$*$ 3Q H1%&)"* ("# 5;;)$# .$(;'/ 42)$"2$&

0

211

211

0.80

KT75%%)U(#(/ 23;;$*$ 3Q O$#)2(; 42)$"2$&

0

132

132

0.50

KJ75;8(%$Q(/ I3;;$*$ Q3% 42)$"2$ ("# B$2/"3;3*U

KK7G1%(U#(/ 23;;$*$ Q3% 5<<;)$# 8$#)2(; 42)$"2$&

0

41

41

0.165

KM7O3/(88$# 5; O(") I3;;$*$ Q3% O$#)2(; 42)$"2$&

K[7E;36(; 23;;$*$&

Ka75;7D(%(6) :$"')&'%U I3;;$*$

K\75;7D()&(; E%(#1('$ I3;;$*$

Kb75;7E/(# A"'$%"(')3"(; O$#)2(; 42)$"2$ 23;;$*$&

K`741;()8(" 5; F(?/) I3;;$*$&

KP7A"(U( I3;;$*$

87

Another possible contributing actor to the relatiely low enrolment in the Saudi priate
education sector, despite high demand, is the large number o students sent abroad on
scholarships awarded by the goernment. 1hese King Abdullah scholarships--
described preiously in the chapter--beneited oer 80,000 students between 2005 and
2010 ,MOlL, 2010,. 1able 11 below documents that the number o Saudis studying
abroad on scholarships ,6913, is only slightly more than those studying abroad at their
own expense ,645,.

B(6;$ JJY 0"%3;;$# &'1#$"'& 4'1#U)"* 56%3(# KTTP

I31"'%U
42/3;(%&/)<& 4$;Q741<<3%' B3'(; F('$&
dce O(;$ D$8(;$ O(;$ D$8(;$ O(;$ D$8(;$
Arab Countries 8468 288 2038 595 10506 343 23.81
Last Asia 6923 1348 1636 195 8559 1543 1.21
Luropean 964 3446 180 289 1151 335 26.0
USA and Canada 13066 3066 2842 349 15908 3415 32.91
1otal 38221 1038 8323 1428 46544 12166 100
Source: Ministry o ligher Lducation ,2009, p.148,


*)&+,-.$)&

In this chapter, I carried out a surey o the general education system and also the
deelopment o higher education in the KSA. 1he Saudi education system presents its
own series o challenges to the Kingdom. Lducation began oer a century ago in small,
local religious schools. 1he irst public system was established under Ottoman rule with
instructions in 1urkish. By the 1950s, there was still no organised curriculum. It was
diicult to recruit qualiied teachers. Conseratie religious orces blocked the use o
oreign educational resources. As a result, there was a delay by the Goernment in
curriculum deelopment and the updating o older textbooks. 1he irst public uniersity
did not open until 195. By 1980, there were six new public uniersities, but no other
new ones were established until 2009.
\ith steady population growth, the higher education system has barely expanded oer
30 years. 1his has created the greatest challenge o all or higher education-a lack o

88

capacity. In 2009-10, 62 o students attempting to enrol in higher education ailed to
obtain admission. It is estimated that by 2030 this gap will increase to such an extent
that 6 o students who apply will not be admitted. Another signiicant actor driing
this heightened demand was the growth in oil reenues oer the last 40 years. 1his has
led to changing social attitudes: young Saudis saw education as ital to well-paid
employment, social prestige, and marriage. Demand was also stimulated by public
higher education being tuition-charge ree and with the Goernment paying a stipend o
>250 per month. 1his education was open to all, regardless o academic perormance.
Clearly, capacity is an important issue in the Saudi higher education system. 1hereore,
priate higher education is necessary in Saudi Arabia, and there is no question that
priate higher education is to some extent proiding wider access to higher education.
loweer, the share o the priate sector in the total enrolment is ery low. 1his is
because the sector is still in its early stages o deelopment. Its public recognition has
yet to be increased. Another possible reason is the inancial burden which it imposes
upon students. Public higher education remains ree or all but students in the priate
sector hae only limited access to scholarships. 1hereore, at this moment the irst
assumption regarding the capacity does not apply to the Saudi context. I shall approach
a discussion o this point in a later chapter with reerence to my empirical data. But now
I shall moe on to the methodology o empirical work.

89

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1he discussion in this chapter mainly applies to the empirical part o this research. Data
collected rom my ieldwork is used in Parts III and IV o this study. In the ollowing
sections, I elaborate the rationale or the empirical part o this research. I also explain
how the study was conducted, as well as how and why the participants and surey site
were chosen. Data collection methods-the interiew process-are presented in detail,
as are the data analysis procedures. Research issues such as alidity, reliability, and
ethical considerations are discussed, again with reerence to the literature in the ield.

1he purpose o my ieldwork has been to explore priate higher education in Saudi
Arabia. It intended to examine the emergence o the priate sector o higher education
through the perceptions o stakeholders. 1hereore, the principal research method used
within the study has been that o interiews with stakeholders. 1he themes and topics
coered in Parts III and IV are deried rom the iews and opinions o my interiewees.
I beliee an empirical study like this will help us understand the nature o the priate
higher education sector and will contribute in answering my research questions.


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1he design o this study depended on the paradigm adopted. Lawson and Garrod
,2003, deine research paradigm` as being a set o ideas and belies which deine
existing knowledge and the nature o the problems to be inestigated, orient the
appropriate methods o inestigation and the way in which the indings should be
analysed and interpreted. According to their basic epistemological and ontological
assumptions, paradigms are grouped into quantitatie` ,e.g., positiism, post
positiism, and qualitatie` ,e.g., constructiism, interpretie, ethnographic

9u

methodology, symbolic constructiism, ,Cohen et al., 2011,. \hile the ormer
approaches state that reality is objectiely measurable through a collection o
quantitatie data drawn rom the obserable world which is being studied ,Denzin&
Lincolin, 2005,, the latter establishes that multiple realities` do not exist objectiely but
are actiely constructed by people. 1his indiidual and unique nature o realities needs
to be examined through the eyes o participants rather than researchers ,Cohen et al.,
2011,.

1he study approaches its inestigation o Saudi priate higher education rom an
interpretie paradigm. 1his researcher would argue that the interpretatie paradigm is
better suited to this purpose rather than positiist` and post positiists` paradigms as
the last two paradigms state that the social world is not any dierent rom the natural
world. 1his led those schools o thought to beliee that both worlds can be studied in
the same way ,Merttens, 2010,. 1he latter two paradigms are inconsistent with the
purpose o this thesis because they imply that social science should be understood in
relation to laws parallel to natural science, laws rom which generalizations can be made
,Denzin& Lincolin,2005,. Contrarily, a qualitatie,interpretatie approach contradicts
the assumption that human behaiour can be goerned by uniersal laws ,Pring, 2000,.

An interpretie paradigm tends to suppose a relatiist ontology ,there are multiple
realities,, a subjectiist epistemology ,knower and respondent concrete understandings,,
and a naturalistic ,in the natural world, set o methodological procedures` ,Denzin &
Lincoln, 2000, p.21,. 1his research is primarily concerned with the understanding o
indiiduals rather than testing or eriying general law. lrom this philosophical point o
iew, the role o the researcher is to understand the multiple social constructions o
meaning` ,Robson, 2002, p. 2, o people and how together--the subjects o study and
the researcher--construct the reality.` Lincoln and Guba ,1985, ind interpretie
inquiries to be better sered by qualitatie research because o their sensitiity, lexibility
and adaptability.

Qualitatie research` is deined by Strauss and Corbin ,1990, p.1, as any kind o
research that produces indings not arried at by means o statistical procedures or
other means o stratiication`. Creswell ,2003, inds the qualitatie approach to be
more appropriate when the study is exploratory. 1hat is the case in this research in
which I explore the emergence o priate higher education in Saudi Arabia through the

91

perceptions o its stakeholders. Creswell urther explains that qualitatie research
proides the researcher access to what he calls participants` meanings` that the
quantitatie approach lacks. Johnson also suggests that qualitatie research is used to
engage in research that probes or deeper understanding rather that examining surace
eatures.` ,199, p.4, 1his is not to say that the quantitatie approach cannot be used
or this kind o research, but not at this exploratory stage. 1he quantitatie approach
ails to sere the interpretie paradigm. Such a paradigm depends on the participants`
meanings to deelop an understanding about the matter o interest. I a quantitatie
approach had been used, I would not hae obtained the same rich data the qualitatie
approach proides. A quantitatie surey requires the researcher to hae considerable
knowledge o the subject matter so as to be able to deelop ariables that can be
examined through quantitatie methods like sureys. 1hemes and concepts that emerge
rom this qualitatie study could be later examined quantitatiely, they could orm
ariables or later inestigation. 1he dierent iews expressed and issues raised by
stakeholders in interiews could be analysed later by quantitatie methods. 1he
qualitatie research approach used or this study is concerned more with depth o
inormation about the sector rather than breadth. As Silerman ,2005, suggests
qualitatie researchers are prepared to sacriice scope or detail` ,p. 9, and he explains
that these details are reached through peoples` understanding.


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1he research sample was selected entirely rom the city o Jeddah. Jeddah is a city that
has its own signiicance because o its strategic location. Jeddah has always been the irst
to establish priate educational institutions in the Kingdom. 1he irst priate primary
school established in the country was in the city o Jeddah, as was the irst priate
higher education institution--the King Abdul Aziz Uniersity--later to become a public
institution. Again, when the door was opened or the second time or priate higher
education, the irst priate institution established was in the city o Jeddah.

Cost, time, and conenience were other actors considered when planning or the
sample o the study ,Cohen et al., 2000,. Coming rom the city o Jeddah and
considering the three actors suggested aboe motiated me as the researcher to select

92

the participants rom this urban area. In addition, Jeddah, together with the city o
Riyadh, has the highest number o priate higher education institutions. I also thought
that sampling in one region would not hae a major eect on the results as the
conditions and context o higher education is similar among the dierent parts o the
country. All higher education institutions operate under the same rules and regulations
and there are not many dierences between them-- the exception being King lahad
Uniersity or Petroleum and Minerals in the Lastern region. loweer, the case that
the participants interiewed here come only rom higher institutions o the city o
Jeddah might suggest that the background and the particular characteristics o this city
aects stakeholders` experiences regarding priate higher education. lor example, one
particular cultural dierence between Jeddah and other parts o the country is that
Jeddah is a less culturally conseratie city. Its citizens--particularly its women--are
more open in their attitudes compared to those in other Saudi cities. \hile belieing
that Jeddah generally presents a representatie sample or the Kingdom, I tried to
remain sensitie to any elements in the interiews which might relect the unique
qualities o that city.

Participants in this study were selected rom three priate higher education institutions
and rom the single public uniersity in the city, as well as employers rom the labour
market and rom the Ministry o ligher Lducation. Lach o the priate institutions did
not represent two separate case studies as the aim was not to compare them. loweer,
participants` responses suggested dierent iews between public and priate higher
education institutions. 1he reason that the sample was obtained rom those three
priate higher education institutions is that they are the irst priate institutions
established in the city o Jeddah and thus hae a history and also a number o graduates.
Another reason is that, to some extent, I wanted to uniy my sample. 1hus, I limited
my sample to business subjects as the business major is common to all three priate
higher education institutions. Based on this decision, my sample rom the public sector
was taken only rom the College o Business Administration. loweer, I intentionally
interiewed a ew students rom arious other majors to see i they had dierent
perceptions.




9S

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Purposie snowball sampling techniques were used or this study. In purposie
sampling, participants are selected to allow the researcher to deelop understanding in
the area o inestigation. 1he selection o participants in this ashion is based on their
releance to the aim o the research ,Mason, 2002,. As the aim o this research is to
explore and deelop an understanding about priate higher education in the KSA
through the iew o its stakeholders, I wanted my sample to include stakeholders rom
both sectors ,public and priate,, to inole both genders, to only include
undergraduate students and exclude graduate students.
Snowball sampling technique is a non-probability sampling method in which the
researcher identiies one or more indiiduals rom the populations o interest.` Ater
they hae been interiewed, they are used as inormants to identiy other members o
the population ,Robson, 2002, p. 265-266,. In other words, participants in the study are
recruited according to reerrals made by those who were interiewed beore them
,Cohen et al., 2000,. 1he pool o participants keeps increasing through this same
technique ,Vogt, 1999,. Adriaans ,1992, asserts that i the objecties o a study are
mainly exploratory, qualitatie and descriptie, this technique o sampling can be used.
\hile this technique lowers the requirements o research resources, it can howeer
reduce the likelihood that the sample represents a good cross section o the population.
1hat said, howeer, I requested lists o names o students and employers rom priate
institutions as a starting point. 1hen the snowballing technique was later applied. My
preious work in a priate college allowed me to network with people rom other
priate higher education institutions in the city o Jeddah. Networking was ery helpul
in recruiting people, especially or my pilot study as almost all stakeholders interiewed
were proiders o priate higher education and those working in administratie
positions.







94

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1he sample in the study was comprised o the ollowing stakeholders:
1. policymakers rom the Ministry o ligher Lducation,
2. members o the Boards o 1rustees o priate higher education institutions,
3. aculty and sta rom public and priate higher education institutions, and
4. students and graduates rom the three dierent priate uniersities and the one
public uniersity.

It was belieed that each type o stakeholder could proide releant inormation to this
study through their own perspecties about priate higher education. 1heir iews and
experiences could help to construct a better iew o priate higher education in the city
o Jeddah and, to some extent, the country as a whole. I also chose to inole students
and graduates o both genders. loweer, the sample resulted in a smaller male
representation than emale due to cultural constraints that restrict male and emale
interactions, especially in public places. lence, only a ew ace-to-ace interiews with
male participants were carried out through preious arrangement. Most o the
interiews with men were conducted ia telephone. Another reason is that the number
o male students is less than the number o emale students among the three priate
institutions selected, only one o which has a male campus. 1able 12 below shows the
number o participants under each stakeholder category. I had interiewed people rom
the same priate institution while doing the pilot study.

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My ield research consisted o two phases: a pilot study and the main study. 1hey both
contribute to the indings o this research. 1he alue o conducting a pilot study beore
the main study is examined in arious literature. Baker ,1994,, or example, explains
how important a pilot study is in examining the appropriateness o a particular
instrument o inestigation. Van 1eijlingen and lundley ,2001, also suggest a number
o adantages in conducting a pilot study beore the ull study. One o the beneits is
that it gies the researcher an early warning about possible areas in which the research
could ail, or whether suggested research methods are unsuitable and it enables the
researcher to deduce whether there are any politics that might inluence the continuity
o the research.

All the highlighted adantages o conducting a pilot study seemed especially appropriate
to this research. I did not hae any preious experience in conducting this type o
research. It was good training or me beore conducting the actual study, and the act
that it was only a pilot study made or more relaxed, and less tense interiews.
1hrough the pilot study I became aware that interiews were not simple tasks and were
a challenging method or data collection. I realised the necessity o improing my
interiewing skills. Neertheless, as I listened to the pilot study interiews I sensed that
my skills progressiely improed.

1he scarcity o studies aailable on priate higher education in the KSA required me to
do a pilot study or my research to explore the ield and to deelop a better ocus. 1he
pilot study did hae an inluence on the kind o participants inoled in the main study.
lor the pilot, my sample coered only one type o priate higher education stakeholder:
aculty and sta. loweer, I thought, as this study is an exploratory one, I would
beneit rom a wider perspectie o priate higher education and to include other
stakeholders in my study ,policymakers, students, employers,. 1his change required
adding questions that address the relation between the labour market and priate higher
education.



96

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Consistent with the interpretie approach employed in this study, interiews were an
appropriate technique to allow participants to express their iews, perceptions and
experiences. Kale ,2009, inds interiews to be
particularly suited or studying people`s understanding o the meanings in their
lied world, describing their experiences and sel- understanding, and clariying and
elaborating their own perspecties on their lied world` ,p.105,

Interiews proide more depth and detailed inormation than other qualitatie methods
,Robson, 2002,. Using interiews or this study allowed participants to present their
iews on priate higher education in the KSA in their own words.

1he interiews were semi-structured to allow me to dig deeper into participants` iews
which is an adantage that structured interiews do not hae. Indeed, in structured
interiews the researcher has to stick to the order o the questions, the wording, een on
his or her expressions thus limiting the exploration o the phenomenon o study
,Moustakas, 1994,. 1hereore, Robson ,2002, suggests that, the less structured the
interiew, the more lexibility the interiewee has in his or her responses. In semi-
structured interiews, the interiewer has the lexibility to change the order and the
wording o the interiew questions ,Merriam, 1998,. Unstructured interiews were
aoided so I could hae more control oer the data while perorming my analysis,
especially since I hae limited experience in handling data. In unstructured interiews,
the researcher has no prepared schedule or the interiew but only notes on major areas
to be coered ,Robson, 2002,. 1his could take the researcher into many directions i
the researcher is not expert enough.

In addition to interiews, data were also gathered rom documents. 1hese included
ministerial and goernmental reports and websites. Reasons or reiewing documents
are twoold. lirst, it is a way to eriy data collected rom the interiews ,data
triangulation, ,Robson, 2002,. Secondly, as \in ,2003, suggests, documents
complement gaps in the interiews. 1his certainly applied to the Ministry`s case as not
much data were gathered through the interiew process. 1able 13 below summarizes
my methods and the areas they targeted in relation to the research aims.


97


1able 13: Summary o Research Methods,Purpose



Summary o methods Purpose
Interiews Dig deeper into stakeholders` perception, eliciting their
opinions, points o iews, experiences on priate higher
education
Goernment Documents
,lie year Deelopment Plan o the
Ministry o Planning, higher education
website,.
Necessary as I had limited access to Goernment
interiewees. As an additional source o inormation
complementing the point o iew o Goernment
policymakers.
lield notes Keep a record o conersations, non-taped interiews,
obserations and relections.

98

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lrom the pilot study, I came to realise that proiding interiewees with inormed-
consent orms immediately elicited respect rom the participants with regard to the
research and the interiew. loweer, this did not mean that they were concerned that I
was complying with research protocols or that they were aware o it. Participants took
the process o the interiew seriously and got greatly inoled although they did not
careully examine the consent orm. lor instance, they tended not to hae the patience
to read the consent orm. 1hey would simply say: Just tell me. \hat does this orm
say` 1hen they would sign it. 1his attitude was obsered not only with students, but
also with aculty members and sta who were interiewed. As this attitude was
prealent, I decided to irst go oer the consent orm in detail with participants to make
sure they were inormed about the conditions and then asked them to sign it to ensure
protection or the participants and or mysel as the researcher. All consent orms were
careully iled.

In addition to the indiidual consent orms, I had to submit institutional consent orms
to the institutions to obtain their permission to access their premises or interiewing
students, aculty, and sta. 1hen I had to obtain the inormed-consent orms rom
each participant. No institutional consent orms were used while doing the pilot study
as I elt that, as long as I was interiewing only senior oicials in the college
administration, those who were in charge, then I should not worry about haing oicial
approal. 1hus, they were proided with only the indiidual consent orms. As the main
study inoled other stakeholders, I had then to submit institutional consent orms in
addition to the indiidual consent orms to obtain the institutions` permission to access
their premises to interiew those other stakeholders.

1hough my interiews during the pilot study were with the senior administratie sta in
those institutions, it did not guarantee easy access or my main ield work. I had to
contact certain oices in these institutions to obtain institutional approal. Oices were
contacted ia email to which I had attached the institutional consent orm, explaining
the nature o my research and the ethical considerations to be taken by me as a
researcher. I made seeral phone calls to these oices to ollow up on my request--to no
aail. Ater three weeks, I went to these institutions to talk in person. 1he source o the
delay occurred in two priate higher education institutions, not the one I used to work

99

in. 1he priate uniersity where I preiously worked was more helpul, and we
proceeded aster.

Apparently, the priate institutions contacted did not understand the nature o my
research. It seems that personnel rom these institutions thought that I was ealuating
their institutions. I had to reassure them that I was inestigating Saudi priate higher
education as a whole and was not assessing or criticising indiidual institutions. 1hey
tried to compile a list o students and aculty I could interiew. I appreciated their
eorts, and it was a good starting point, but I did not ollow their lists as it would hae
biased my sample.

Interiews were conducted in dierent ways, depending on the interiewees and their
aailability. A riendly and inormal conersational style was used with students and
graduates. \hile interiewing other stakeholders ,aculty, sta, and employers,, I had to
employ a more ormal mode. Arranging interiew appointments was not an easy task
with all leels o stakeholders. Students were busy with their studies, while graduates,
employers, aculty and sta were busy with their own work. loweer, I managed to
conduct all the interiews in an appropriate time or the participants.

All interiews were conducted ace to ace, except seen which were telephone
interiews, and one which was a written interiew. 1elephone interiews inoled
some male participants ,students and graduates, as there was diiculty inoled in
meeting with them alone in public. Gender separation in Saudi society is mandatory.
1his tool was a good alternatie especially with male students rom the public sector.
\ith regard to the consent orm, the context was explained in ull to the participants.
All telephone participants ound such explanations to be suicient and none asked or
the material to be emailed to them or examination. lace-to-ace meetings with male
participants took place either in the priate higher education institutions to which I had
access or at the employers` oices. 1his contrasted with public institutions in which I
was denied access because o religious reasons. Although there are ways or women to
get access to these places, the procedure is extremely complicated, which makes this
option almost impossible.

In addition to the social constraints I aced when interiewing male participants, there
was a political obstacle. I was not allowed to do telephone interiews with employees o

1uu

the Ministry o ligher Lducation. Ater waiting or a long time to conduct a telephone
interiew with a representatie o the Ministry, on the agreed day he unexpectedly
reused to be interiewed. le explained that such inormation is sensitie and that it
would represent the iews o the Ministry. le requested written questions. I wondered
what kind o discussion this participant expected, i the research topic and consent orm
were to be sent in adance to his secretary at the Ministry. A written orm o the
interiew questions was sent ia email. I then had to wait many months, asking
repeatedly or a response beore this person rom the Ministry responded electronically
to the interiew questions. I was pleased at least to receie any response rom the
Ministry. Neertheless, there were points that needed urther elaboration, but no reply
was receied. 1hus, I was orced to resort to Ministry documents, publications, and
websites to analyse the Goernment`s iew on the matter.


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lour dierent interiew schedules were used or this study, one or each category o
stakeholder: students and graduates, aculty and sta o higher education institutions,
employers and the Goernment sector represented by the Ministry o ligher Lducation
and other goernment oicials ,see Appendix 3 or interiew schedules,. In particular,
students and graduates were asked the same questions, with the exception that graduates
were asked about their current jobs and the time they had waited beore getting their
irst job. 1he interiew schedules proided a ramework or eliciting the data needed to
examine each stakeholder`s perceptions o priate higher education.
Beore starting any interiew, I introduced mysel and explained the purpose o my
research. During the interiew I was concerned with proiding a relaxed enironment
or my participants. 1he duration o each interiew was, on aerage, one hour. All
interiews were tape-recorded, and handwritten notes were also taken. lor each
interiew, a copy o the interiew schedule was printed with a space under each theme
to be coered or note taking or to pencil in urther elaborations needed rom the
interiewee. 1hese points and comments were ery helpul or later interiews. Notes
regarding the sequence o the questions or about which questions should be asked were
also written ater the interiews.


1u1

Considering the exploratory nature o my study, interiew questions were broad in
nature so as not to direct my interiews toward any particular iew. As the interiew
schedules were semi-structured, the sequence o the questions aried among
interiewees but all were within the same rame.

All interiews were mainly conducted in Arabic, and occasionally in Lnglish. Only two
interiews--with oreign instructors--were conducted completely in Lnglish. I had learnt
an important lesson rom my pilot study--when participants are interiewed in Lnglish,
they become less elaboratie and tend to proide short answers. \hile conducting the
pilot study, all participants were gien the reedom to reply to my questions in either
language, Arabic or Lnglish. lew insisted on using Lnglish, but, unortunately, or
those who did, it resulted in poorer quality interiews compared to those conducted in
Arabic. Neertheless, it was necessary or my main study to conduct interiews in
Lnglish with the oreign instructors interiewed as they do not speak Arabic. An
unusual thing occurred while interiewing students rom priate higher education
institutions. I intended to ask questions in Arabic, but the majority o students were
answering in Lnglish. I the whole reply was not in Lnglish, most o the words were,
een rom those who were not luent in Lnglish. A possible explanation o this
behaiour is that in a country like Saudi Arabia, there is this connection between the use
o Lnglish and the sense o social class. People tend to use Lnglish as a sign o social
priilege or prestige as will be more ully discussed in Chapter 9.

1he low and smoothness o the interiews were a major concern or me. 1here were
many times when participants` answers were related to other questions that I was going
to ask later. In that case I had only to prompt and ask or elaboration o the point. I
also made use o probing.` 1he literature suggests planning or probing beorehand
,Robson, 2002,. In a ew cases, listening to my preious interiews suggested that I
probe or a particular question next time. Robson ,2002, explains the beneit o
probing:
Probes help you manage the conersation by regulating the length o answers and
degree o details, clariying unclear sentences or phrases, illing in the missing steps
and keeping the conersation on topic.` ,p.164,.


1u2

I realised the alue o semi-structured interiews or probing, something that structured
questionnaires lack, as Robson ,2002, has noted. I elt reed rom being a slae to an
interiew schedule. Randor remarks:
A good qualitatie interiewer reads the situation in which she is interiewing and may
eel it is better to begin at a dierent place in the schedule and or phrase the questions in
dierent sort o way` ,1994, p. 1,.

As an interiewer, I consider mysel to be an actie listener. lollowing Randor`s
suggestions, I tried to continually show interest in what the interiewee was saying,
erbally and non-erbally. I try always to nod my head, widen my eyes to encourage the
interiewee to go on with his,her response. I used a common Arabic word
Mashallah,` which signiies admiration or what the person is saying or wearing. I
beliee all my interiews had a pleasant atmosphere, and I did not encounter problems
with my interiewees when I asked or elaboration or clariication.



1uS

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Knight ,2002, has described the process o data analysis: It begins with the research
design and data captured, and it continues as repeated thinking about meanings that
might be identiied in the data` ,p.15, Scholars hae dierent iews on the stage at
which the analysis o the data starts. Licoln and Guba ,1985, and Maxwell ,1996,, or
example, suggest that interiewing and analysing data are to be integrated so each
inorms the other. Seidman ,2006,, on the other hand, suggests aoiding in-depth
analysis until all interiews are conducted to aoid imposition o iews rom one
participant to another. As a researcher, I think I hold a position between these two
iews. I was not doing ull transcription and analysis o my data while I was in the ield
or my interiews. At the beginning, I used to listen to the interiews and put down
ideas that I elt were releant to my research questions. I thought that doing so was a
good substitute or transcribing the whole interiew. Comments might make sense
when I irst wrote them, but by the time I inished all my interiews, not all o them
were making sense. I agree with Seidman`s obseration on this technique: Although
this approach is labour-saing, it is not desirable because it imposes the researcher`s
rame o reerence on the interiew data one step too early in the process.Preselecting
parts o the tapes to transcribe and omitting others tends to lead to premature judgment
about what is important and what is not.` ,Seidman, 2006, p. 115,. Although
transcription necessarily inoles some leel o analysis, the results o this analysis were
not allowed to inluence uture interiews.

1he analysis o the data collected through the study was conducted by ollowing the
process o thematic analysis` described by Braun and Clarke ,2006,. 1hematic analysis
is a technique usually used in grounded theory, howeer, according to Boyatzis ,1998,
thematic analysis is a tool that can be used across dierent methods` ,p. 8,.
According to Braun and Clarke ,2006, thematic analysis is a method that inoles the
generation and application o codes to data, and the identiication, analysis and report o
patterns ,themes,. 1hematic analysis inoles transcribing the data, coding, generating,
and categorising themes. My analysis inoled six stages suggested by Braun and Clarke
,2006,. Beore I proceeded with the six stages, I selected seeral interiews rom each
category o the stakeholders I interiewed. As I did the detailed transcription mysel, I
realised that some interiews were more comprehensie, more elaboratie than others.
1hus I started my analysis with those selected. Braunt and Clark`s six stages are:

1u4


,/(&$ :$&2%)<')3" 3Q '/$ <%32$&&
1.lamiliarising yoursel
with your data:

2.Generating initial codes:


3. Searching or themes:


4. Reiewing themes:



5. Deining and naming
1hemes:


6. Producing the report
1ranscribing data ,i necessary,, reading and re-reading the data, noting
down initials ideas.

Coding interesting eature o the data in a systematic ashion across the
entire data set, collating data releant to each code.

Collating codes into potential themes, gathering all data releant to each
potential theme.

Checking i the themes work in relation to the coded extracts ,Leel 1, and
the entire data set ,leel 2,, generating a thematic map` o data analysis.

Ongoing analysis to reine the speciic o each theme, and the oerall story
the analysis tells, generating a clear deinition and names or each theme.

1he inal opportunity or analysis, Selection o iid, compelling extract
examples, inal analysis o selected extracts, relating back o the analysis to
the research questions and literature, producing a scholarly report o the
analysis.

Source: Braun and Clarke, 2006, p.8,


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I transcribed the interiews in ull, analysed them in Arabic, and then translated into
Lnglish only those which would later be later used in the research. My decision was
based on my experience with data collected or the pilot study. Although I am
competent in both Arabic and Lnglish, I did realise that a more accurate meaning was
achieable when analysing the data in Arabic irst. 1he decision to analyse the data in
Arabic had the disadantage o not allowing the use o specialised sotware packages or
data analysis. I did not hae access to any sotware which deals with Arabic while
conducting this study. Although Robson ,2002, highlights the limitation o analysing
data manually, especially or a large sample, encouraging the use o sotware

1uS

applications, I did not ind analysing data manually to be burdensome, as my sample
size was relatiely manageable.


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By the time I inished conducting the interiews and transcribing the data, I had in the
back o my mind a general idea o some o the major themes. Neertheless, I wanted to
dig deeper or important themes or ideas that might hae been omitted by me
unintentionally. I then deeloped codes to help me organise the themes and ideas that
emerged. Coding means naming segments o data with a label that categorizes,
summarizes and accounts or each piece o data` ,Cohen et al, 2011,. Another
important thing that coding helped achiee was to pay more attention to people`s words
and highlight supportie codes.

As this study adopted an approach that was not positiist, themes were deeloped
inductiely and not deductiely. In another way I was keen to identiy patterns in the
data to generate urther themes. Inductie analysis is a process o coding the data
without trying to it into a pre-existing coding rame or the researcher analytical
preconception` ,Braun & Clarke, 2006, p. 83,.

According to Robson ,2002, and Strauss and Corbin ,1990,, qualitatie coding directs
the researcher to new areas that were not considered when the research idea was initially
proposed. lor coding, I applied old techniques used or data analysis, such as the use o
dierent colours to highlight dierent codes. I then copied and pasted releant codes
and categorised them under dierent themes as will be explained in the ollowing
section.
1his coding can be understood as a irst leel o coding` ,Miles & luberman, 1994,
since I was summarizing segments o data.

Ater doing the irst leel o coding, codes were then grouped into broader themes
,Braun & Clarke, 2006,. 1his is reerred to as pattern coding` ,Miles & luberman,
1994,. Pattern coding is a meta-leel o coding and has the adantage o identiying
recurring phrases or common threads in inormant`s accounts, or alternatiely, or
internal dierences` ,Miles & luberman, 1994. Braun and Clarke ,2006, assert that the

1u6

keyness` o the theme has nothing to do with the amount o data but rather with the
importance o inormation proided to the research question being inestigated. Ater
identiying themes, I started with a higher leel analysis. Miles and luberman
,1994,suggest coding and identiying themes in the data corresponding to a primary
leel o analysis, but higher ones should be carried out. 1o acilitate this process these
authors suggest displaying the data in a manageable orm. 1o address this purpose, I
entered the data on thematic maps ,Cohen et al., 2011, Miles & luberman, 1994,
because they are good or exploratory eyeballing` Miles & luberman,1994,p. 93,.
1hemes emerged include the ollowing:

1, Lnglish as a medium o Instruction
2, Admission requirement with sub-themes: elites, underachieers, and non Saudi
nationals
3, Subjects o studies oered
4, 1eaching learning, assessment, and extracurricular actiities
5, Releance to the labour market with sub-themes: practical class assignments and
structured, work experience, other skills, and graduates` proessionalism
6, Priate higher education and the state with sub-themes: the reluctant state, the
controlling state, and the supportie state. In urther analysis o the data I
organised these topics into the current ormat o this thesis.

laing all the data displayed on maps I started to look or urther meanings and to link
themes back to the research questions. Ater identiying my themes and subthemes, I
began a descriptie analysis o my data. I was putting quotes, deeloping story and
establishing coherence between themes and their identiied subthemes and looking or
consistency and,or discrepancies, i any, among the same category o stakeholders or
among dierent categories. lrom this descriptie analytical account o my data, I
moed to the interpretie leel by trying to discoer meanings embedded in these data.

1hrough the analysis o interiew data, I beliee a mosaic emerged presenting a detailed,
nuanced, and multiaceted iew o a newly emerging ield o education. 1he analysis o
the interiews produced seeral recurring general themes with arious sub-themes
which will be presented in the ollowing chapters. It is unaoidable that some o these
themes oerlap to some extent. 1hemes discussed are supported with interiew quotes
that are most representatie o oerall iews, giing consideration to all iewpoints to
insure neutrality and to aoid any bias.

1u7


Some interiewees are quoted more than once throughout the chapters. Interiewees`
anonymity was respected. In addition, I hae whether they are students, graduates,
aculty members, employers, or goernment oicials. Other than employers and
goernments oicials, the kind o sector ,public or priate, or each interiewee quoted
is also identiied. My use o the qualitatie interiew approach allowed me to inestigate
a new ield and to gain a sense o how this ield appears to those who are part o it and
who are shaping it as it emerges. 1here deinitely was a sense o discoery, energy and
een excitement about this deelopment process that I hope the quoted material
relects.

1he ollowing chapters will draw on Geiger`s ,1986, classiications o more`,
dierent` and better`--discussed in Chapter 2-- to interrogate data collected on
priate higher education in the KSA. \hile this study includes some actual data on
Saudi priate higher education that can be analysed in terms o Geiger`s three unctions
this still tells us little about the actual operation o this sector. 1hus, inoling those
who are experiencing Saudi priate higher education should proide a wider, more
detailed perspectie on the system.


L(;)#)'U ("# F$;)(6);)'U

Rigor in a study comes rom the alidity o the research, and the reliability o the
indings ,1rochim & Donnelly, 2006,. Initially, reliability and alidity are both measures
used in quantitatie research but are also now used as quality criteria in qualitatie
research ,King & lorrocks, 2010, Lincoln & Guba, 1985, Robson, 2002, Silerman,
2001,. Validity is a concept used in quantitatie research as a powerul source o
determining the accuracy o the study`s indings. In Robson`s words alidity is
something to do with being accurate or correct or true` ,2002, p. 10,. \hile
reliability in quantitatie research is about the consistency in the research indings, the
term is also used or qualitatie studies ,Creswell, 2003,, and deined by lammersley
,1990, p. 5, as the extent to which an account accurately represents the social
phenomenon to which it reers`.


1u8

1he use o the terms alidity` and reliability` in qualitatie research has, howeer,
been a topic o much debate. King and lorrocks ,2010, explain that there are three
positions toward using the quality criteria o alidity and reliability in quantitatie
research. One position supports the use o the same measures, the second suggests
other measures are to be considered to ensure quality criteria or qualitatie research.
1he third position reuses any criteria to be applicable or qualitatie research. Cohen et
al ,200, listed 18 types o criteria or alidity. Neertheless, they suggested that not all
o them need to be met in one piece o research, but rather that the researcher needs
to locate discussion o alidity within the research paradigm that is being used` ,p.134,.

lealy and Perry ,2000, suggest that these two terms should be ealuated according to
the type o paradigm ,i.e.,quantitatie or qualitatie, through which the study is
conducted. According to seeral scholars, the terms reliability` and alidity` are
applicable to the quantitatie tradition, while the terms credibility` and
transerability` are more adequate to the qualitatie one ,King & lorrocks,2010,.
Maxwell ,1992, argues against using alidity` as a criterion or qualitatie research and
rather ound authenticity and understanding to be more appropriate. 1rustworthiness o
qualitatie research is another measure suggested to be equialent to alidity and
reliability that can be used to measure truth in qualitatie research ,Lincoln & Cuba,
1985,. 1here is, as yet, no consensus among scholars about the quality criteria to be
used or qualitatie research with regard to alidity and reliability measures.

Considering that all qualitatie study has a margin o subjectiity and bias I tried to ind
a balance between my inluence as a researcher and the internal consistency o the
process ,Denscombe, 1998,. I tried to be ery relectie during the data collection stage.
In my particular case, I worked in one o the priate higher education institutions where
I interiewed some participants. 1his situation might suggest that I hae
presuppositions regarding priate higher education but also that some o the
interiewees might eel some caution in giing their answers. 1o enhance the alidity o
the interiews, I was intentionally trying to be open during the interiews, and I was
initing my interiewees to eel ree in responding. In this sense, I ollowed
recommendations rom Arksey and Knight ,1999, about building rapport in my
interiews. I gae the participants the scope to express the way they see things, initing
their trust and openness. I did this to ensure that the interpretation o the data emerges
rom the analysis rather than rom my imposing a preious ramework or meanings thus

1u9

ensuring interpretie alidity` ,Maxwell, 1992,. In addition, I attempted to ensure
what Maxwell ,1992, calls description alidity` related to the description and the
accuracy o the data gathered. 1o aoid incompleteness o the data gathered, I ollowed
two techniques suggested by Robson ,2002, such as audio-taping and ull-transcribing
o all my interiews. In this way I tried to address the alidity o the data collected in
order to deal with comprehensie data, and to aoid that data being distorted ,Cohen et
al, 200,.

1o ensure the internal alidity o a qualitatie study there are seeral techniques that can
be used such as triangulation, member-checking, long term obseration, and peer
examinations ,Merriam, 2009,. Gien the nature o my study and time restriction,
triangulation was the only technique used. In addition, distance was another actor
which preented me rom getting participants to alidate the transcribed interiews.
Interiews were transcribed in the UK. 1hus, it was not easy to communicate with the
participants who reside in Saudi Arabia. Patton ,2002, discusses our types o
triangulation: data triangulation, inestigator triangulation, theory triangulation, and
methodological triangulation. Data triangulation is the only type employed in this study.
In my research I triangulated the data through gathering inormation rom interiews
and documents. 1hrough triangulation, a better picture can be achieed taking into
consideration seeral leels o the phenomenon being studied ,De Vaus, 2001,. 1hus I
also considered ensuring the alidity o data proided by using dierent leels o
stakeholders--students, graduates, aculty members, and employers.

Reliability` is traditionally understood as a measurement o the consistency o the data
with the research background and is also a measurement o the suitability o the data or
analysis ,Saunders et al., 2009,. Reliability in quantitatie research is measured by using
the same standardized test which should proide the same results. 1he situation is not
so easy with qualitatie research, as most methods used are not standardized ,Mason,
1996,. 1he dynamic nature o human behaiours ,Cohen et al., 200, can make it more
diicult to achiee consistency in qualitatie studies. I agree with lipps` point in this
regard: According to the constructiist notion, that reality is changing whether the
obserer wishes or not is an indication o multiple or possibly dierse constructions o
reality` ,lipps,1993,. \in,2009, suggests, howeer, the operationalisation o the steps
taken in the research is a way to ensure reliability. In other words, the methodology

11u

design, data collection, analysis and conclusions should be completely documented to
allow other inestigators to ollow similar paths.

1hroughout this chapter, ollowing \in`s suggestion, I ully described the steps I took
or conducting this study. Gien that the interiews were the main tool or data
collection or this research, replicating the study will not necessarily produce the same
results. 1ime, place, style o interiew, and the iews o participants could be actors
that aect the indings. Seal ,1999, p. 266, states that trustworthiness o a research
report lies at the heart o issues conentionally discussed as alidity and reliability`. 1o
establish this trustworthiness, this research sought to understand constructed realities as
interpreted by higher education stakeholders. 1heir contribution and interpretation are
essential to proide trustworthy, alid results in the Saudi context. As the researcher, I
am aware that the result o this study cannot be generalized to all contexts, but there is a
possibility o generalizing the underlying logic. I am also aware that this research
proides an account o one o the many truths about priate higher education in the
KSA, one o many truths ,lrancis, 2001,. 1his study gae me the opportunity to
explore the dierse iews o participants so as to help me better understand the
phenomenon o priate higher education in the KSA.


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Lthics constitute a major component o the research literature. Robson explains that
conducting research ethically means that you ollow a code o conduct or the
research, which ensures that the interest and concerns o those taking part in, or
possibly aected by, the research are saeguarded.` ,Robson, 2002, p. 18, Blaxter et al
,2006, p. 158, suggests that all social research gies rise to a range o ethical issues
around priacy, inormed consent, anonymity, secrecy, being truthul, and the
desirability o the research.` I hae adopted the British Lducational Research
Association ,BLRA, 2011, guidelines. lollowing these, I tried to address a number o
ethical matters through the consent orm proided to the participants. ,See Appendix
4,. 1he kind o relationship between the interiewer and the participants ,Ramazanoglu
& lolland, 2002, was clariied in the consent orm. 1he consent orm proided to the
participants clariies the nature o the research as well as the extent o the participants`
inolement so they are aware o their role in the research.

111


1he consent orm proided to the participants assured them that their contributions to
the research would be anonymous. Respecting institutional anonymity, I aoided
proiding background inormation about institutions inoled in the study as it would
proide the local reader with enough inormation to identiy the institution in question.
Due to the relatiely small size o the Saudi higher education sector and especially its
priate sector, which has only recently emerged, it might hae easily led to identiying
the institution under discussion. 1his could eentually lead to identiying respondents,
especially at the management leel because o the limited number o people working in
these positions. No interiews were recorded without the participants` permission.
Participants were gien the right to withdraw rom the study at any time.





112

I3"2;1&)3"

In this chapter, I elaborate the research methodology or the empirical part o this
study. 1he inadequacies o a quantitatie approach hae been discussed aboe. Based on
the lack o objectie inormation surrounding my topic-Saudi priate higher
education-a qualitatie interpretie method was selected or exploratory purposes. It is
belieed that this will yield richer data and greater access to what Creswell ,2003, calls
participants` meanings`.

My study is limited in scope to three priate higher education institutions and one public
one, and to business majors in those institutions. I lacked the time and resources to
conduct a more extensie study. Neertheless, it is belieed that the qualitatie approach
employed ,with oer one hundred stakeholders, will yield greater depth and detail than a
large-scale quantitatie surey might hae produced.

Great care was taken with the interiew process, ethically and procedurally. Detailed
thematic mapping o the interiew data yielded themes and subthemes which I beliee
are representatie o the iews o the study sample as a whole. But part o the beneits
o this approach is that contradictory iews as well as ambiguous perceptions are also in
eidence in the results. 1he next ie chapters document the use o this research
method and, it is hoped, proide greater understanding o a new ield o social
interaction-Saudi priate higher education.



11S

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In this part, I shall examine stakeholders` perceptions on priate higher education in
comparison to the public sector, through three dierent phases o priate higher
education proision: 1, the entry point, 2, the experience stage, and 3, the exit to the job
market.
\ith regard to the Lntry point, I shall present perceptions o priate institutions related
to admission requirements and subjects` choices. As to the Lxperience phase, it coers
stakeholders` perceptions on priate higher education in relation to institutions`
pedagogy, students` learning and assessment, and extracurricular actiities. Concerning
the Lxit phase, stakeholders` perceptions are on priate higher education institutions`
practices which are related to graduates` employability.

Issues in all three phases which highlight strengths and limitations in the priate sector
that impact its deelopment came up repeatedly in my interiews with stakeholders. As
will be shown in the ollowing analysis chapters, the strength o the priate sector lies in
regarding the Lntry phase in proiding a desirable alternatie or the wealthy elite, the
underachieer, and or the non-Saudi nationals. lor the Lxperience stage, the strength
o the priate sector is presented in certain pedagogical arrangements, while or the Lxit
phase it is seen in its practices and serices which enhance graduates` employability.
Perceied weakness in the public sector will help understand the emergence and the
growing popularity in the priate higher education sector.

In an attempt to answer our research questions on the reasons behind the emergence o
the priate sector o higher education, this part presents perceptions o priate, and to a
lesser degree, public higher education institutions in areas related to teaching, learning,
and beyond. By highlighting these perceied distinct eatures o priate higher
education, we aim to conclude the possible moties behind the establishment o priate
higher education in the KSA. Priate higher education`s distinct eatures are not without
limitations and challenges, which will be briely coered.

114

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In this chapter, I shall look into the Lntry phase o priate higher education rom two
perspecties: admission requirements and the subject choices through the perceptions
o its stakeholders. 1his is to add to our understanding about the nature o the sector
and the impact which this has on the Saudi higher education system.


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Priate higher education is distinguished rom the public sector by its admission
requirements. As was discussed earlier in Chapter 2, the charge o a tuition ee is the
most noticeable dierence between public and priate higher education institutions in
Saudi Arabia - public higher education is ree or all students, but priate higher
education usually means a considerable inancial outlay. Consequently, this has an
impact upon the student groups who attend these institutions.
Another actor that inluences student`s choice between the two sectors is the dierence
in their admission standards. Admission to public higher education in Saudi Arabia is
determined by their Grade Point Aerage ,GPA, - a combination o secondary school
grades and a series o standardised tests. 1he subjects aailable to applicants are
determined by their results Science subjects in particular are highly competitie, while
humanity subjects such as literature and business studies hae lower academic
requirements. In the priate sector, howeer, the admission requirements are less strict.
Students who ail to achiee the scores necessary or public uniersities may thereore
be able to pursue their studies in a priate institution. As a consequence, priate
institutions can sometimes be understood as primarily or students who are
economically adantaged but less competent in academic perormance. 1he sections
below examine the extents to which these distinct criteria o the priate sector address
limitations in the public sector o higher education.

11S

I am looking at two assumptions about student groups in priate higher education. lirst,
it seres primarily the wealthy, and second, it is the destination or those who are less
competent accordingly.

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As discussed earlier in Chapter 2, priate higher education in some countries and
regions is traditionally associated with elitism` ,Altbach et al., 2009, Ley 1986, 2008,
2009,. Llite` in this literature reers to academic elite`. larard Uniersity and \ale
Uniersity are among the most well-known priate institutions or academic elites
,Altbach et al, 2009,. In the case o the KSA, priate higher education institutions, when
they irst appeared, were also seen to be sering the elites`. loweer, the nature o this
group is dierent in the context o Saudi Arabia. In their early days, priate higher
education institutions were primarily destinations or students rom the middle and
upper social classes. Students o similar social backgrounds were more likely to choose
the same institution. At that time there was no inancial support rom the Goernment,
and priate institutions themseles oered ew scholarships. Naturally, this aected the
types o student which the sector attracted.
1o some extent, the tuition ee leel o the institution relects the social class o its
students. Dar Al-lekma College, or example, when irst opened, had the highest leel
o tuition ees in the city o Jeddah, thus attracting students rom the wealthiest
background. Although the academic credentials o the college were not clear to society
at that time, it was perceied to be prestigious or students to be studying there. 1he
dimension o social class` was highlighted by many o the stakeholders I interiewed.
Priate higher education is perceied to be prestigious. A student remarked:
1he enironment here is higher class than at |a public uniersity|.`
Indeed, priate higher education institutions, regardless o the social status o the
students who attend them, hae a more prestigious ,luxurious, enironment. 1his is
eident in the new buildings and acilities they hae, especially when compared with the
public sector which has much older buildings. According to administrators rom the
priate sector:

116

Our market is the upper-middle social class. In the public sector, you are dealing
with all sectors o society.`
Students and graduates interiewed identiied social class as important to their choice o priate
higher education. 1hey agreed that being with others o the same social class had a positie
eect on their ability to communicate and socialise. A student commented:
1he majority o us here hae the same background. \e hae traelled to similar
places, and this aects our discussions in class, and we can easily be together out o
class.`
Another student shared the same opinion:
lor example, the experience that I gained rom traelling abroad might be
dierent rom the experience o someone who has not traelled at all. lor those
who do trael, there are many common things between them.`
A student rom a priate institution associates deelopment in communication to being
with a similar social class:
In public uniersities, with the diersity among students enrolled, not much
communication takes place, but in priate colleges, since the majority hae the
same cultural background, they tend to communicate more.`
Interestingly, priate higher education institutions are also seen as prestigious by
students rom the public sector:
Len i we |students rom the public sector| were competent in Lnglish,
graduates o priate institutions hae their own prestige.`
Another student commented:
God knows what the uture o priate colleges would be i |a public uniersity|
transormed and Lnglish became the medium o instruction. 1hen the only
students who would go to priate institutions would be those who wanted to show
o. Still, people look up to priate colleges because they are luxurious.`
1his same actor, howeer, made some rerain rom going to priate higher education
institutions. A student rom a public institution said:

117

Students in priate colleges gie more attention to their appearance-their bags,
their watches-and I think this is an enironment where I would not ind mysel
comortable.`
It should be noted that a signiicant number o students in the public uniersities are
rom rural areas where a more traditional way o lie exists. 1hereore, there is a marked
dierence in outlook and attitude in students rom the cities. Most o the students in
priate higher education are city-dwellers, and this dierence in experience may be the
reason they are not that comortable with many students in the public uniersities. It is
not a simple question o snobbery or elitism. 1his is a rather complicated issue o socio-
cultural identities among dierent social groups in the increasingly stratiied society o
Saudi Arabia. Some other scholars hae address this phenomenon elsewhere ,see
\amani, 2000 or instance,, and I will not look into this issue in my thesis.
1he social class actor has deeloped some negatie perceptions about students in the
priate sector. A aculty member rom the public sector negatiely obsered the
attention gien to students:
Students in priate institutions are baby-pampered` and this will deinitely aect
their personality. I beliee the struggle students ace here in the public sector will
make them suriors.`
Data suggest that proiding a prestigious enironment is another perceied limitation o
the public sector which the priate sector is it to address. \hile the public sector is
seen to lack the prestigious enironment that some students need, this issue still is less
pressing compared to its ailure to proide wider access. 1he priate sector, on the other
hand, is more willing to address this issue. 1his unction o the priate sector -
widening participation in higher education, is acknowledged by the MOlL. 1he
Ministry oicial interiewed identiied the major role o priate higher education as:
1o gie a chance to many students who could not get a place in the public higher
education institutions.`
A aculty member rom a public uniersity commented:
Priate education proides a desirable option or those who were not accepted to
a public uniersity.`
A student rom the public sector expressed his iew:

118

I think 0 o the students who did not get high grades in high school went to a
priate college.`
A ice dean rom a public uniersity clariied the point that students who ail get into a
public uniersity are not necessarily inerior in their academic competence:
|Priate institutions proide| opportunities or those who do not hae the GPA to
allow them to get into public institutions, een in subjects such as economics and
management. 1here was a time about two years ago when the minimum score to
be accepted in business was 94.`
Proiders o priate higher education objected to the notion that this was its main role.
A aculty member complained:
1he problem remains that some people in society don't understand that priate
higher education means quality, and that it isn't only a place or students who ail
to get into the public sector. 1here is this notion that I will try in the public irst
and i not accepted will go to the priate.`
A graduate rom the priate sector had the same concern:
People used to think that priate institutions were an aenue or those with low
Grade Point Aerage.`
1he introduction o scholarships gae the opportunity or high achieers rom all
classes to enrol in priate higher education institutions. 1his type o scholarship is
oered to students based on the results o their ligh School examinations. Nationals as
well as non-national students are equally eligible or scholarships oered by priate
institutions. Later the number o students on scholarship increased with the
introduction o goernment scholarships in 2006. loweer, these goernment
scholarships are not always ull scholarships. Partial scholarships are sometimes oered,
depending on the ligh School GPA o the students applying.
A proider o priate higher education commented:
\e pressured the MOlL or scholarships. Our college takes kids with ery high
GPA who do not hae the money and couldn`t get into the public uniersities.`
1he presence o goernment scholarships has deinitely changed this perception o
priate higher education as being a place or low achieers. Some interiewees remarked

119

that the academic quality o applicants to priate higher education was improing. One
aculty member rom priate higher education obsered:
1he priate sector is now competing with the public in targeting distinguished
students by proiding scholarships.`
Perhaps it was not economically easible or priate institutions to be exclusiely or
those who can pay, and thus they were keen or the Goernment`s scholarships. A
proider o a priate higher education remarked:
At the beginning, priate institutions were targeting a certain social class.`
A aculty member rom the priate sector explained reasons or the preiously limited
enrolment in the priate sector:
Many people ound priate proision to be mysterious and did not understand the
act that it is ery expensie when public proision is not only oered or ree, but
students, in addition, receie stipends.`
Graduates and students o priate institutions conirmed the improement because o
the Goernment scholarship. A graduate o a priate institution remarked:
I was inormed by my riends that the presence o goernment scholarship has
enhanced the standard in the college.`
Students rom priate higher education institutions agreed:
1o be honest, competition between students is ery high here. lere, we hae
regular students and students with scholarships. 1he number o students with
scholarships is high. 1hus, you always see the kind o students who are ery
concerned about their studies.`
Other Students rom a priate institution conirmed:
1o be honest, I can see much improement in the college rom the time I
started.`
I recently realised, just beore I graduated, that the college started to become
stricter ,in admission,.`

12u

\ith all the changes and deelopments taking place in priate higher education, a
aculty member rom a priate institution summarised the types o students now
attending:
In priate institutions there are two types o student. 1here are those who look at
priate uniersities as a orm o luxury, pampered, spoon-ed kinds o students,
most o whom do not hae the grades that would allow them to go to a public
uniersity. 1he other type is those who are more inspired to achiee.`
Despite this iew that priate higher education recruits students with lower GPAs than
those attending public uniersities, the quality o students in the public uniersities was
also criticised by some aculty members rom this sector. A aculty member
commented:
Students only study beore the day o the exam. 1hey come to class mostly
without any preparation, which is ery depressing.`
laculty members rom the public sector held the same iew:
Students hae no motiation to study at all.`
\e hae a ery poor quality o students.`
It was not clear whether the instructors in the public sector or the students are to blame.
1here appeared to be an absence o motiation rom both groups o stakeholders.
Students rom the public sector hae also criticised the quality o education they hae
receied, as will be urther discussed below.
A requent comment rom aculty o both the public and priate sectors was concerning
the deiciencies o secondary education. Both sectors blamed the general education
system or the quality o students coming to them. 1he quality o secondary schools, in
particular, has been a serious issue. Secondary schools hae depended on the same
obsolete curriculum or many years. 1he problems in general education were not limited
to the curriculum but also to the competence o the teachers. One problem with the
teaching proession in the KSA is that the system did not require them to be licensed
beore teaching. 1he quality o teaching in general schools was elt to be a basic actor
aecting the end-product o general education in the KSA. 1he Goernment policy o
Saudisation o the proessions, including teaching in general education, has contributed
to the problem. 1his process began 15 years ago. Beore then, the country depended on

121

instructors rom other Arab countries who were, to some extent, better trained. In
social terms, the teaching proession was beheld by many to not be a prestigious one.

B/$ H3"74(1#)&

1he pool o students in priate higher education institutions in the KSA is distinct rom
its public counterpart, which has limited admission or oreign students. lor this study,
I interiewed some students and graduates who were non-Saudi nationals. Almost all
the oreign students in priate institutions are the children o expatriates working in the
Kingdom. Opportunities or non-Saudi nationals to study in the Saudi public higher
education sector were possible until the late 1980s, when pressure or admission to the
public sector orced a reersal o the policy. 1he exception to this was the Al-Madinah
Uniersity in which non-Saudis are admitted to Islamic studies and courses. 1his
situation disadantaged expatriates and their children, especially Arabs and other
Muslims who traditionally preer not to send their daughters away to study. 1his caused
many expatriates to leae the Kingdom when their children needed access to higher
education. In many cases it was not easy or those children to go back to lie in their
own countries ater spending most o their lies in the KSA. A aculty member who
teaches in both sectors explained:
Public uniersities used to admit non-Saudis, but as their numbers passed Saudis,
especially in subjects such as science, the pressure on admission into the public
sector orced a reersal o this policy. And that was a main reason or stopping
non-Saudis rom getting higher education. 1his created rustration or expatriates.`
A ormer dean o a priate college added:
Priate institutions are deinitely important or the children o expatriates. As you
are aware, they constitute a large number o the population, and as the
Goernment ailed to secure higher education or their children, the priate
proision presence is important.`
A non-Saudi graduate relected on the traumatic situation or non-Saudis who wanted
higher education beore the existence o priate higher education:
I hae been liing all my lie here in Saudi. I hae not been anywhere else. I do
not think I would be able to surie liing in \emen. All my amily is here. Coming

122

rom a conseratie amily, traelling is also an issue. I always had the eeling that I
would only inish secondary education. 1he existence o priate institutions was a
great relie.`
Additionally, although they are not eligible or goernment scholarships, they are eligible
or the highly competitie institutional scholarships oered in the priate sector. A non-
Saudi student rom the priate sector remarked:
I`m non-Saudi. 1he second option was to do a higher education degree with an
institution in my country at a distance, through my embassy, but I heard about |this
priate college| and that they oer scholarships.`
Among non-Saudi nationals in the KSA are non-Arabs whose children attended
international schools in the country or their general education. 1hese international
schools are mostly established by embassies to accommodate their own nationals. In
these schools, students are hardly exposed to the Arabic language. 1hus, een i the
public sector was open or them, their lack o luency in Arabic would limit their access
to public uniersities, which use Arabic or instruction.
A Pakistani student rom a priate sector who does not speak Arabic explained:
Being non-Arabs, we really hae limited opportunities or higher education here
in the KSA. I hae learned that there are some exceptions or admitting non-
nationals in public uniersities, but still this will be an opportunity only or those
who speak Arabic.`
\hile non-nationals are denied access to the public higher education system, they ind
themseles in a better position than other students in priate higher education
institutions. 1hese non-nationals hae probably attended schools in the Kingdom which
are oreign-operated and with oreign curricula and so hae a head start oer the rest o
the country`s students because o their competence in Lnglish. Consequently, the
presence o these students in priate institutions has been alued by some stakeholders.
Instructors ind oreign students to be more serious and dedicated and their presence
helps to raise the academic standards o the institution.
Perhaps this is aected, to a large extent, by the kind o general education which those
students receied. 1hese international schools do not all under the control o the
Ministry o Lducation. 1hey hae dierent curricula rom those o national public and
priate institutions. An international school in the KSA teaches the same curriculum as

12S

used in its own country which is, to some extent, more adanced than those o local
Saudi schools with its emphasis on generic skills. In addition to teaching in Lnglish, they
discourage memorisation and ocus on deeloping the student`s analytical and problem-
soling skills. Assessments in national schools depended on memorisation, with no
emphasis on teaching students how to learn or how to search or inormation. 1his
assessment did not apply to international schools and a number o prestigious and well-
recognised priate secondary schools. A graduate, who took her general education in an
international school, commented:
I ound my general schooling was more challenging than my college years. \e used
to work ery hard. 1hey taught us to be independent, which I can see many o my
riends here in the college are missing.`
1hus, in addition to the act that the priate higher education sector is proiding access
to non-Saudi nationals who hae ery limited access in the public sector, the quality
standards are improed with the presence o those students who cooperatiely receied
better quality general education. Again data suggest that the public sector has ailed to
address the demand o some groups.


416?$2' 2/3)2$&

1hrough my research, I came to discoer that one o the main actors inluencing a
student`s decision to enrol in priate institutions has been students` subject choices.
Some Saudi studies hae criticised the public sector or not producing graduates in the
quantity and quality that ulil the needs o the market ,Abdullah, 1994, Al-labeeb,
2006, Al-Zahrani, 2003, Al-1urkustani, 1998, lais,1998, Ministry o Planning, 2005,.
Statistics show that specialisation in the humanities and social sciences represents 80
o uniersity graduates in education and religious studies ,MOlL, 2005,. Graduates
with such subjects are belieed to hae saturated the market. lactors inluencing
students` choice o these subjects are institutional. Al-Zahrani ,2003, argues that public
higher education institutions hae ailed to proide subjects which are needed in the
labour market and or deelopment, and in linking admission quota to those needs the
public uniersities hae a higher admission quota in the schools o humanities and social
sciences, as these do not require the land and expensie acilities that are needed in the

124

science disciplines. \hile priate institutions oer subjects proided by the public
sector, the priate sector has also been entrepreneurial in oering subjects which were
neglected by the public sector.
Ley ,1986a, 2003, proides a comparatie analysis on the subjects oered by priate
and public higher education institutions in Latin America ,Ley, 1986a,. Cao ,2008, also
has made deep inestigation o the kinds o subjects oered by priate and public
higher education institutions in China, while lried et al. ,200, studied Luropean
countries, and they all hae consistent obseration on the kinds o subject oered by
priate higher education institutions. Ley ,2003, explains that newly deeloped priate
higher education institutions generally oer subjects which require less inancial
commitment and more modest acilities. Amral et al. ,200, suggest a resource-
dependence theory to be a guiding rule or priate higher education institutions. 1hey
explained that priate higher education institutions tend to oer subjects that are o low
cost and meet students` and market needs, as they depend on tuitions and ees taken
rom students or their surial. Ley ,1986a, 2003, and Cao ,2008, both obsered that
public institutions oer subjects which are more traditional, while in priate institutions
subjects o market orientation and a commercial element are oered. I hae briely
examined the dierence between subjects oered in public and priate institutions
through the perceptions o the stakeholders. But I do not intend to make a comparison
o subjects aailable in two sectors here. It is, howeer, an area worth urther
inestigation.
1he chart proided in Appendix 5 illustrates degree programmes currently being oered
by priate higher education institutions in the KSA. 1hey coer a wide spectrum,
ranging rom low-cost to high-cost subjects. Priate proiders` inestments in high-cost
subjects dier rom the norm. Priate higher education in the KSA began with a ew
colleges, and conorms to Ley`s obseration ,1986a, 2006a, that the priate sector
tends to be specialised and is most likely to sere a niche market. lor example, one
college started with a complete concentration on business-related subjects. Another
concentrated on hospitality and tourism, while three oered subjects in engineering.
Other colleges oered mixed courses rom many subjects. An example o this is Dar
Al-lekma College in Jeddah, which oers graphic and interior design subjects ,the
arts,, nursing ,health sciences,, law ,political science,, special educational needs
,education,, and banking, inance, and inormation management ,business
administration,.

12S

Subjects in the humanities are oered by only three priate higher education
institutions. One is Lat Uniersity, which oers psychology and early childhood
deelopment. Another is Dar Al-lekma College, which oers special education. Dar
Al-Uloom Uniersity, in Riyadh, oers the two latter subjects. loweer, the highest
concentration is in health sciences such as medicine, pharmaceutical studies, and
nursing, which are oered by more than one third o priate higher education
institutions.
Based on my personal obseration o and working experience in the priate sector, I
tend to beliee that the degree o specialisation in priate higher education institutions,
howeer, is most likely to decrease, as most o the priate colleges hae become, or are
in the process o becoming, uniersities. 1he majority o priate higher education
institutions started as small colleges, and around seen o them hae now become
uniersities. A priate institution in the KSA is entitled to become a uniersity once it
has three or more colleges or more. 1he main concern is that priate institutions may
continue to expand and this would result in their being the same as public institutions.
Ley ,2002, describes the transormation o priate institutions to the public model as
isomorphic`.
Priate higher education institutions in the KSA are consistent with Ley`s ,2003,
indings, in that they are innoatie and in many cases inluence changes in their
counterparts in the public sector. Priate institutions took the lead in establishing
colleges which speciically ocused on the subject o business administration. Almost
none o the public higher education institutions had a separate college or this subject.
lor example, in the KAAU o Jeddah, the subject came under the College o
Lconomics and Administration. Priate institutions were the irst to allow students to
specialise in marketing, banking, inance, human resources, logistics, hospitality,
tourism, management inormation systems, and quality management.
1here was no possibility o such specialisation in the public sector. In the KAAU, or
example, during the 1990s students could only study in our areas: public administration,
business administration, accounting, and economics. loweer, I recently learned that
the KAAU, a public institution, is now oering similar tracks to those that some priate
institutions are oering. 1hese include management, marketing, accounting,
international business, hospital management, and management inormation systems. In
2006, two public higher education institutions hae introduced additional specialisations

126

in hospitality and tourism management, namely the KAAU and KSU, ater they were
irst oered by Prince Sultan Priate College in 2001. Students in business-related
subjects mentioned that they preerred the priate sector as some specialised courses
were not aailable in the public sector,some hae become aailable recently,.
A student rom the priate sector explained:
|A public uniersity| oers business administration, but it is not specialised.`
Another student said:
1here is no marketing specialisation in the public uniersity.`
An administrator rom the priate sector conirmed and highlighted how they took the
lead in oering new subjects:
\e oered more specialised subjects, but the public sector has ollowed us.`
laculty in the public sector emphasised the lexibility which the priate sector o higher
education has or being responsie to the market needs. A member o sta rom a
public sector aculty commented:
Priate colleges are more lexible in meeting the market needs. \here or us it
takes too long rom the time an idea is initiated till its inception. 1he process to get
approal or any adjustment in course plan might take up two years, the market
need would by then be changed.`
A aculty member rom the priate sector echoed this iew:
As the public sector is ar too slow, the priate sector will be better in meeting
those needs. |A public uniersity| has the same departments which were built 60
years ago-the same people een.`
In addition to the act that it is more proitable and easible or priate institutions to
oer subjects that are market-oriented ,James, 1993,, meeting the market need is among
the Saudi Goernment`s licensing requirement. Beore a priate higher education
institution can operate, it has to proide the Ministry o ligher Lducation with a
easibility study report detailing the programmes to be proided, which must be in
subject areas that are needed in the labour market or or the economic deelopment o
the country. \hile programmes oered by priate institutions were approed by the
Ministry or their suitability to the market need and deelopment, there are ongoing

127

debates going about the kinds o subjects that should be oered by priate institutions.
Some programmes oered by priate institutions were criticised. An ex-aculty member
rom a public uniersity said:
1here continues to be a lack o strategic planning on the kind o subjects being
oered by priate higher-education institutions in the KSA. Many students are
now specialising in ine arts. Do you think we need that many students in such
subjects 1here are many sectors in the country that are still short o good-calibre
sta. lor example, why hae none considered desalination`
Not all interiewees agreed that priate institutions should proide subjects which are
needed in the labour market. lor example, among my interiewees were those who
called or more subjects which are not merely market-oriented to be included in the
programmes o priate institutions. A ice dean o a priate institution said:
As educational institutions, we should not only base our decision on programmes
oered on instrumental motiation which mainly ocuses on labour market needs.
\e, rather, need to consider other subjects that students would like to take because
they like them. Students might, or example, pursue childhood education to be
better mothers or Lnglish literature i they are passionate about Shakespeare.
lence, you cannot ignore this sector o society.`
1he ice dean rom the public sector commented:
Priate institutions should consider oering subjects like sociology and many
others needed to deal with the ast societal transormation, which is not always or
the good o the people.`
I think that it is beneicial or the priate sector that the Ministry does not speciy
certain subjects which the priate sector needs to coer, but rather let it open . Labour
market needs are changing too ast, and market needs are thus in continuous change.
Among my interiewees, there were those who had the same opinion and liked the act
that the Goernment has not speciied subjects or priate institutions to oer but
instead let it open. A aculty member rom the priate sector commented:
I do not preer that the Goernment identiies the market needs. Priate
institutions can create a market or new proessions that aren`t there yet. I the
Goernment is inoled it might restrict or limit the priate sector.`
A aculty member remarked:

128

1he Goernment sometimes doesn`t hae the oresight to know what is needed
and what is not. 1he Goernment is a bit slow, the priate sector is more tuned to
the market, is aware o the changes taking place, and has the ability to respond.`
Donn and Al-Manthri ,2010, has argued that priate higher education institutions in the
Arab Gul states oer courses which are totally market-oriented, neglecting people`s
interests and needs. loweer, interiewed proiders o higher education explained that
they base their decision on the kind o subjects they oer by sureying employers,
parents, and students. 1hat suggests that priate institutions address dierent markets in
the kinds o subject they oer. laculty respondents discussed the importance o
oering subjects likely to meet stakeholders` needs:
\e conduct easibility studies beore oering any programmes, where we
interiew and surey stakeholder's opinions.`
1he releance o subjects to the labour market was a concern or many students
interiewed. Interiewed administrators at priate institutions also explained that many
students, beore applying or a speciic degree programme, ask whether employment
opportunities are aailable ater graduation. Indeed, employment was still a strong
consideration. Students rom priate institutions explained:
I considered going to |a priate sector college| to study graphic or interior design,
but I was not sure about the career path, thus I decided to do my BA in business.`
I, or example, had a great interest in interior design, but my ather then
coninced me that the interior design proession or women is still not widely
accepted in our culture. As to entering people's houses, there are still no
regulations to protect women in this type o proession. Not like a business
major.`
Apart rom being related to the market need, a major adantage which students hae
expressed in relation to subjects oered by priate institutions is that they hae the
reedom to choose the major they want as long as they pass the admission requirement
,which is less restrictie than that o the public sector,. Admission requirements in the
public sector are more restricted because o the sector`s limited capacity. 1o a signiicant
degree, limited capacity controls students` admission and their concentration in certain
ields, a actor which explains why students do not always end up studying in the ield o
their choice. Students rom the priate sector remarked:

129

I wanted to major in Management Inormation Systems at |a public uniersity|
but my GPA was not up to the requirements.`
I started at |a public uniersity| but I wasn't happy with my major. I wanted to
change, but it was diicult because o my low-grade point aerage ,GPA,.`
1his conirms one o the justiications suggested by lried et al. ,200p.649,.on priate
higher education institutions replicating subjects oered by the public sector as being:
1he high demand or additional places, a perception that poor quality proision
preails in the public sector and the coniction that better quality proision can be
achieed with dierent organisational ramework in terms o structure and the
execution o study programmes`.
Indeed, while market need is important, priate institutions should consider oering subjects
which match students` interests, een i they do not match the market need. It was interesting to
ind that some students interiewed considered enrolling in priate higher education because o
personal interests in particular subjects. 1hey said:
I wanted to specialise in something that I like.`
My personal interest was a priority oer the employability aspect.`


H$V ,%3Q$&&)3"& Q3% R38$"

In relation to the kinds o subject oered by priate institutions, it is worth noting that
priate institutions also took the lead in establishing subjects aailable or emale
students or the irst time. 1hese subjects include: graphic design, architecture, law,
special education, and electrical engineering.
As we hae seen earlier in Chapter 3, women`s inolement in the labour market is
limited. 1he reason is partly the limited subjects aailable to them ,Al-Munajjed, 2010,
Ramadi, 2005,. Student-gender segregation in the public uniersities has meant that
some subjects hae not been aailable or women. Indeed, this is a signiicant thing in a
context where students had limited opportunities in the kinds o subject which they
could pursue. A student remarked:
It was exciting to be among the irst to study in areas which we girls in Saudi
Arabia had neer imagined ourseles in.`

1Su

An administrator rom the priate sector remarked:
I can see a lot o deelopment in what women in Saudi Arabia think they
can do. Our girls wanted to study engineering. 1hey want to study about
computers and explore how machines work, but these are ields where there
are no opportunities or them yet in the public sector.`

Lmploying graduates o these new subjects, howeer, remains a major concern. Unless
the labour market becomes ready to absorb graduates, the impact o priate institutions
oering new subjects or women would still be a challenge later on in their lies. 1he
act that women need to be segregated rom men in the workplace presents a challenge
or employers who do not mind recruiting students. Some respondents showed concern
oer the employment opportunities or women:
1here is a signiicant phenomenon with the priate institutions, which is that they
are targeting emales, where all o these graduates will be going to the job market.`
I chose business, as it proides better employment opportunities than other
subjects. Not many proessions are open to women in Saudi. I really want to work.
I decided to choose a major that would ensure my employment, thus I decided
een marketing.`
A aculty member o a priate institution echoed the same concern, but showed some
hope:
Although I hae my doubts about where these graduates in architecture will be
working, I still eel that because o the ast deelopment in the country, there will
be aailable positions or them soon.`
1his discrepancy between subjects oered to women and aailability o jobs in the
labour market is similar to the case o the KAAU, when they oered students the
option o a business degree when women did not hae the opportunities to be in the
job market.
Many stakeholders clearly perceied the public sector as alling short in its proision o
some subjects. My interiewees described these shortalls as occurring either because
subjects were not oered in the public sector at all, as in the case o business
specialisations, or because subjects were oered but only with an insuicient number o

1S1

places, or because subjects were oered but not open to students. 1he ability o the
priate sector to ill these gaps in public sector proision was a recurrent theme.

1S2

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In this chapter, I looked into the Lntry phase concerning priate higher education rom
two perspecties: admission requirements ,tuition ees and admission standards, and the
subject choices. lor the ormer, priate institutions are more likely to be dominated by
students rom a wealthy background, as a tuition ee is charged in the priate sector
while the public sector remains ree or all. 1here exists a noticeable correlation between
students` social background and their enrolment in priate institutions. Social class plays
a role in the priate sector as many students hae come rom upper income groups who
can aord the tuition. Many come in search o better quality. 1here is also a status
element inoled but students were more comortable with those o a similar
background. loweer, this situation has gradually changed with the introduction o
scholarships in the priate sector, unded by both the Goernment and the institutions
themseles. Priate institutions also impose a lower admission requirement than the
public sector, making it a desirable alternatie or those who cannot enrol in a more
competitie public sector institution. Students with lower GPAs-although not
necessarily underachieers-also gain access to higher education in the priate sector.
1he public sector has become ery selectie because o high demand. \hile there were
early perceptions o priate higher education as being a place or the elite` or low
achieers,` this has changed. Goernment scholarships-awards based on high
GPAs-hae also brought stronger academic talents to these new schools. Also, the
priate sector endorses a more open policy towards non-Saudi students ,the children o
expatriate workers, oering them opportunities o higher education that are denied to
them in the public sector. Non-Saudis thus gain access to higher education een though
they are not allowed into the public uniersities.

In terms o the issue o subject choices, my student interiewees tended to perceie
priate higher education as oering students access to subjects, especially or women,
which they would otherwise be unable to study. 1hrough my research, I came to learn
that one o the main actors inluencing a student`s decision to enrol in priate higher
education institutions and not the public has been what kind o subject the student
wants to pursue, i.e. the courses and subjects oered. Although there is some oerlap
between the two, many priate sector colleges oer more specialised subjects,
particularly in the ield o business studies. In addition, priate institutions oer subjects
to students which are not aailable to them in the public sector.

1SS

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-4.&'7;*0K L.&%*;*0K &*/ M.A+*/

A"'%3#12')3"
In this chapter, I shall explore the priate sector rom a number o dimensions:
teaching, learning and assessment, and extracurricular actiities. By looking into these
aspects o priate higher education, I aim to explore the possible reasons behind the
establishment and deelopment o priate higher education in the KSA, with reerence
to the iews and perceptions o those who are most immediately inoled in the higher
education system. My analysis in this chapter also shows that priate higher education,
although being distinct in many ways, is not without limitations and challenges.

B$(2/)"* ("# ;$(%")"*

In general, most o my interiewees, students and aculty members alike, hae positie
iews about the general quality o their priate institutions, when comparing them with
the local public counterparts. Some respondents were highly critical o the quality in the
public sector. lor instance, a aculty member at one o the chosen institutions, who is
also a graduate o a public uniersity, criticised that public uniersity based on her
personal experience. She said, uniersity A
... is like an old actory which is ... producing graduates with obsolete standards. I
I were to work in a priate uniersity with the qualiication that I gained rom
,uniersity A,, I would hae aced a major challenge. 1here would hae been a
great gap between my knowledge and what the market requires rom me. I was
ortunate to be exposed to international education as it prepared me well or my
job.`
lere, the interiewee identiies one o the major problems acing the public sector - a
lag between the requirement o a changing market, or in a wider sense, a changing
society. She also reerred to her exposure to international education, implying that the

1S4

public sector is lagging behind an international standard, and ailing to prepare its
students or what is required o them in the real world. In other words, the idea o
employability is at play here in her concern o quality.
Administrators o priate institutions belieed themseles to be proiding better quality
education than the public sector. A ice dean rom the priate sector explained:
the priate sector can target its particular niche group o people that it is capable
o sering ... 1hat is to say, it can ocus on more a small number o people by
proiding a high quality o education in certain selected areas, without coering the
whole spectrum o education. 1he Goernment wants public institutions to
proide education in all areas, but they obiously limit their scope.`
lere, or the ice dean, identiying the main adantage o the priate sector is its
capacity to accommodate students` demands, in comparison to the public sector
which is required to perorm its mission to proide uniersal knowledge.
1o hae access to better education` was the most common answer among many
students interiewed to the question o their reason or choosing a priate institution. A
graduate rom the priate sector remarked:
I you want to study in Lnglish, i you want good education, and or someone
who wants to go or urther education and work, priate institutions are the best
option.`
lere, this interiewee indicated an awareness o the adantage o the priate sector.
Lnglish language education, or instance, is a major attraction, and so is the quality o
proision in terms o long-term beneits - urther education and employment. Some
students and graduates rom priate institutions showed the same positie iews about
priate institutions as an alternatie to oerseas studies. 1wo students made the
ollowing comments:
Going abroad was not an option or me. I was looking at local institutions only
which are up to international standards.`
In regard to the aspect o education, priate institutions are a good alternatie to
going abroad.`
A graduate rom the priate sector explained:

1SS

\hen we had to leae our uniersities in the US because o 9,11, |a priate
institution| was the only comparable alternatie.`
Another graduate based her comments o the priate sector on a real experience, and
said:
priate institutions oer the same knowledge as international institutions. I
attended an exchange programme, and I ound mysel up to its leel, I did not ind
mysel less knowledgeable than my classmates who came rom other international
institutions. At irst I had some doubts about our local institutions, but ater I was
speaking with other students, I ound that I had taken the same courses.`
A aculty member rom the priate sector who is a graduate o a public sector remarked:
\hen I ealuate priate proision based on my local and international experience
with education, I ind the priate sector to be localising the international quality o
education. 1he priate sector has had a big leap orward in uniersity education
proision, while the public sector will need many years to catch up and will need to
seriously relect upon their whole sector.`
Noticeably, there was a widely held negatie impression o the quality in the public
sector. loweer, the majority o the interiewees in the chosen public institutions,
academics and administrators in particular, claimed that such an impression was only a
stereotyped prejudice. Almost all aculty members interiewed rom the public sector
were positie about the public sector during the interiews. loweer, I ind it rather
diicult to determine whether this widespread positie perception relected their
genuine opinions or was a mere deence o the public sector in which they ound
themseles. 1hey seemed to hae a rather generalised iew about the public sector,
coloured by their perception o certain subjects such as medicine, which obiously has a
higher standard in the public sector. One o the interiewees, or example, commented:
See how many laboratories we hae here in the public uniersity. Do you think
priate institutions can match up in terms o acilities`
Another interiewee added:
All amous doctors in hospitals are aculty in the public uniersities.`
All my interiewees rom the public sector-except one- had the perception that
priate equals or-proit` and that quality o education always suers rom a pursuit o

1S6

proits. 1hey belieed that the public sector would always be superior in academic
perormances.
It seems that these were only stakeholders` general impressions about both sectors, as
my urther discussions with dierent stakeholders shed light on actors which are not
necessarily consistent with those articulated iews, especially those rom proiders o
the public sector. 1hese include the ollowing: Lnglish as a medium o instruction,
quality o educational materials, teaching methods used, and extracurricular actiities.



1S7

Class Size and Special Attention'

A noticeable dierence between priate and public higher education institutions is class
size. 1he impact o class size on the quality o teaching, output and students
achieements has been discussed in the literature. lancock,1996,, or example argues
that the quality o teaching is reduced when classrooms are oercrowded because
resources are spread thinly to accommodate larger numbers o students. Noble ,2000,
suggests that it is not easible or educators to hae eectie teaching in large
classrooms. A study done by Adeyemi ,2008, inds that the quality o output is better in
schools with small class sizes than with larger ones. According to McKeachie ,1980,:
Analysis o research suggests that, in general, large classes are simply not as
eectie as small classes or retention o knowledge, critical thinking, and
attitude change. lew instructors are satisied with the achieement o
knowledge i it is not remembered, i the students are unable to use it in
soling problems where the knowledge is releant, or i the students ail to
relate the knowledge to releant attitudes. I one takes these more basic
outcomes o retention |o knowledge|,problem soling, and attitude
dierentiation as criteria o learning, the weight o the eidence clearly
aours small classes ,pp. 182 & 185,.


\hile the impact o class size on students` achieement is still under debate ,\illiams et
al., 1985,, my interiewees ound small class size to hae a positie impact on the quality
o education they receie. 1he number o students in priate institutions is relatiely
low. Although the number has been increasing with goernment scholarships or the
priate sector, the number o students is still ery low compared with the public sector.
Arab ,200, has cited a ratio o 16 students per teacher in priate institutions compared
with a ratio o 23 students per teacher in the public uniersities ,pp. 4, 5,. loweer, I
still think the latter ratio is much lower than currently is the case. I was a student in the
public sector and the class size aeraged 45 students. My interiews with stakeholders
rom the public sector conirmed that the ratio was still high. laculty in priate
institutions ,who came rom the public sector, admitted that the size o the class and
the number o students were actors which had an eect on the quality o teaching.
Instructors in priate institutions rom the public sector appreciated the eect this has

1S8

on their teaching methods and assessments. One instructor commented about her
experience in the public sector:
I used to hae more than a hundred students in one session. \ou can imagine
how diicult it was to be able to recognise each student I was teaching. I depended
primarily on exams or assessments. 1hat said, howeer, my exams had mostly
true` or alse` and multiple-choice questions.`
She then compared that with her experience in the priate sector:
lere, I know eery student I am teaching. I hae the tendency to gie my
students more assignments and projects, as I do not hae the worries I had in the
public sector about correcting hundreds o reports and assignments.`
Other priate higher education institution aculty members ,who are graduates o public
uniersities, commented on the dierence in the attention gien to students:
I eny our students or the time and attention they receie rom us. I remember
my uniersity days in a public uniersity when we could barely hae a chance to ask
a question because o the large number o students in the class.`
Students o priate institutions are beneiting much more. It goes back to the act
o the number o students. In public uniersities, you can hae up to 80 students in
public uniersities. Instructors as a result do not recognise all their students. 1here
is no indiidual attention.`
A ice dean o a priate college highlighted the smaller class sizes in priate
institutions and the beneits students receie rom this:
1he most important thing that we pride ourseles or is the limited number o
students compared to the public sector. Our serices are customised, which will
deinitely beneit students on the personal and academic leels.`
A number o priate sector students interiewed airmed that class size is one o the
actors which made them perceie priate higher education to be a better kind o
education, they are looking or what they called special attention`. As a student rom a
priate institution remarked:
As public institutions hae larger numbers o students, there is no special
attention gien to students. In addition, instructors will ind it diicult to apply
practical aspects to the course.`

1S9

Many o the students rom the priate sector were pleased with a greater ariety o
classroom actiities which smaller class sizes allowed:
In most classes we are required to make presentations.`
\e do presentations, case studies, and projects.`
\e hae projects, research, and presentations.`
Students in the public sector, howeer, are not exposed to these teaching approaches.
One student rom the public sector explained:
Since I hae started my degree in the public uniersity I hae not done a single
presentation. Lach instructor comes and talks and our job is to write down what
they say.`
A ice dean o a priate college emphasised the attention gien to their instructors`
teaching:
\e instruct our proessors in class to encourage group discussion, student
initiatie, and innoation.`
A aculty member rom a priate institution conirmed:
Generally instructors ary in their method o teaching. But I assure you that at
least in my department, there is interactie lecturing. \e here |in a priate
institution| consider deeloping cognitie skills in our students.`
Students rom the public sector were also aware o this dierence in the attention gien
to students between the two sectors. A graduate rom the public sector commented:
At the public uniersity instructors' eorts are distributed among a large number
o students. Students then get less attention compared to that gained by students in
priate institutions. Still, we cannot blame the instructors or that as they are
oerloaded and hae too many responsibilities to handle large numbers o
students.`
Another student rom the public sector added:
1here were |105| students in one class. \ou can imagine what our learning
outcomes in the class would be. \e can hardly hear the instructor.`

14u

A student rom the public sector compared his experience with students rom priate
institutions:
I eel there is special attention gien to eery student in priate institutions.`
Interestingly, some students rom the public sector realised the impact this was haing
on students rom the priate sector. A Student rom the public sector commented:
Students |rom the priate sector| hae strong personalities. I think the method o
teaching there is better.`
More than hal o the priate sector students interiewed were aware o the special
attention` actor. 1hey considered themseles priileged by the attention they receied
inside and outside the classroom. A student rom the priate sector compared hersel
with her sister in the public sector:
1he instructors here care about you. My sister |a student at a public uniersity|,
or example, does not know her instructors. Nor do her instructors know her.
\hereas here I hae good relations with the instructors. I go to their oices. I
exchange email with them, and hae discussions with them-een aside rom the
subjects they are teaching.`
1his leel o attention was perceied as being ery important, especially or students
who receied their general education in priate schools because to them it was a
continuation o what they were used to.
Coming rom secondary priate schools, we are used to haing the school listen
to us and to our complaints. I heard that public institutions are stricter, more
bureaucratic, no special attention is gien to students.`
Students o priate institutions were not only content with the special attention gien to
them by their instructors but also in the cooperatie attitude o their institutions`
administration. A student rom the priate sector commented:
\e here can go to ight and complain with the management about things that we
do not like. I don`t think we would eer be able to do that in the public uniersity.`
\hile administrators in priate higher education institutions are concerned about their
students, some were not happy about the attitude o some students. A ormer dean o a
priate institution remarked:

141

Students here think that because they are paying, we are obliged to listen to
anything that they require. 1here was a time when students did not like a particular
instructor and they were extremely annoyed that we did not ire her immediately.`
Another administrator rom the priate sector echoed the aboe comment:
Some students here |in a priate institution| think since they are paying they hae
the right to do whateer they like.`
Interestingly, there were some contrary iews on class size and the special attention
gien in priate institutions. A student rom a public uniersity ,transerring rom a
priate institution, criticised small classes in priate institutions:
I did not like it that the classes were small, it reminded me o the ligh School
experience.`
A student rom the priate sector criticised the attention gien to students:
1eachers here indulge the students, gie the inormation, explain it. It is ery
wrong to blame it on the language, international students eerywhere put in more
eort to understand better and engage.`
Students and aculty at both public and priate institutions identiied the smaller class
sizes at priate institutions as a major dierence between the two sectors. Some
respondents did not bring up the issue, but no one who did contended that there were
smaller classes or more personal attention gien in the public sector. As has been seen,
in addition to class size, the greater personal attention` paid to students by the
institution as a whole was also cited. 1his may result rom the combination o the
smaller sizes o priate institutions-compared to public ones-and a greater
consciousness o the student as customer. A perception clearly exists that students in
the priate sector receie a higher leel o personalised attention both rom instructors
and rom the institution. loweer, as the enrolment in the priate sector rises steadily,
to what extent this low student-teacher ratio in these institutions is sustainable remain
unclear. As one student obsered:
As the number is increasing I eel the college is paying less attention to students
than beore with the increase in internal scholarship.`


142

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\hile many perceied the superior quality o the priate sector in the terms discussed
aboe, students and graduates rom the public and priate sectors criticised assessment
methods. Students rom priate institutions made similar criticisms.
A graduate rom the public sector complained:
Instructors encourage students to memorise so as to hae better grades. Still, we
can also blame our general education system. \e are totally untrained.`
Students rom the public sector displayed the same concern:
1here is too much memorisation without linking it to the real world. \e need to
memorise a lot to put it on the paper in the exam.`
1hey taught us things on papers. I will eel better i I burn them.`
1he majority o students interiewed rom the public sector perceied the quality o
teaching in the priate sector to be better. A graduate rom the public sector said:
In priate institutions they encourage them to be creatie. \e hae seen through
students` works in priate institutions` exhibitions that they do, and here we learn
only or the exam.`
laculty members o priate institutions who were also graduates o the public sector
relected on their experiences in the public sector and compared it with their priate
institutions:
1he teaching methods in |public institution| is about regurgitating what you hae
memorised rom the book. 1here were no slides, instructors talked, we wrote, and
then we were examined.`
lere in our priate uniersity we ocus on both cognitie and interpersonal skills.
Cognitie skills encompass a student`s ability to analyse, obsere, and synthesise.
All these skills are missed in the public sector. Interpersonal skills are achieed
through extracurricular actiities, through assigning them projects. All these build
and deelop their personalities. 1his is an institutional eort that is not applied
only in certain departments.`


14S

She added:
Being a graduate o the public sector, I can compare what is happening here to
what I hae receied. \hen I compare my skills and personality deelopment at
the time I graduated with those o our students here |in a priate institution|, I eel
embarrassed. 1he traditional way o teaching made us lose lots o aluable national
resources.`
A ice dean o a priate institution remarked:
\e started to look at learning theories, and we are basing our programmes on
those theories. \e established workshops. \e then decide upon the dierent skills
to be coered in dierent leels.`
loweer, not all students and graduates interiewed rom the priate sector were
satisied with assessment methods in their schools. A student rom the priate sector
commented:
Memorisation is still the main thing to succeed, although instructors emphasise
that they do not want you to memorise.`
I think all teachers need to become innoatie. 1hey need to consider motiating
students. 1raditional style o memorisation should be demolished. Students should
rather encourage thinking and analysing. Instructors still rely on rote learning,
when students memorise.`
Memorisation and rote learning is a serious problem in the Saudi education system
which I mysel experienced throughout my schooling in the country. Assessment in
Saudi national schools depends on memorisation, with no emphasis on teaching
students how to learn or how to search or inormation.
In addition to memorisation, a majority o the students and graduates interiewed rom
the priate sector complained about other issues:
Our instructors rarely gie challenging assignments.`
Based on what I hae been hearing about the public sector, I think the quality o
education in priate institutions is better, but still instructors here only coer what
is in the textbooks. No additional inormation is proided to us. Len the exams
are just rom the books. \e are not encouraged to think and analyse, we are
limited to what our books say.`

144

A graduate who transerred rom a uniersity in a Luropean country to a priate local one
remarked:
1here are some dierences in the type o exams. 1here |at the Luropean
Uniersity| we had more o essay questions, not like here, which to a large extent
are true` or alse` and multiple choice questions.`
Not all instructors inish all chapters which we are supposed to inish, though this
aries among instructors. But there are many times when we only take three
quarters o the chapters in the syllabus. \heneer I compare what we are taking to
my riends in the King Abdul Aziz, I ind that we are taking much less.`
A ew graduates also complained that not all instructors paid attention to the student`s
quality o writing in Lnglish. A student rom a priate college did not ind hersel skilled
enough in writing Lnglish when she started her job:
\hen I irst worked, I was not conident in writing reports. 1hey did not train us
in doing it.`
Another student rom the priate sector realised when she went to pursue her education
abroad, that her grasp o academic Lnglish was inadequate:
I was among the top students when I graduated. loweer, when I let or my
Master's, I realised my writing ability was not up to the uniersity standards in the
priate college. 1hey did not teach us much about doing research. I used to use a
reerencing style which I had inented mysel.`
Neertheless, priate institutions put more emphasis than the public sector on
deeloping students` skills and personalities, as will be seen in the ollowing section and
in the chapter that ollows.

14S

0Z'%(21%%)21;(% 52')-)')$&

Lxtracurricular actiities as deined in the \ebster dictionary are, Actiities perormed
by students that all outside the realm o the normal curriculum o school or uniersity
education`. A large number o studies discuss the role o extracurricular actiities in
higher education. Many scholars agree that what happens in college outside the
classroom can contribute to alued outcomes o college ,Astin, 1993, Kuh, 1995,.
loweer Clegg, Steenson and \illott ,2010, ind that the boundaries between
curricular and extracurricular actiities are still blurred within the UK`s higher education
system. Clegg et al. ind that extracurricular actiities include all academic actiities
which students hae out o the classrooms. 1his includes: paid work, art, drama, music,
aith,cultural actiities, amily, domestic or caring actiities, political actiity, sports
and,or other physical actiity, and olunteering ,Clegg et al., 2010, p. 618,.
Lxtracurricular actiities discussed by the interiewees included: international ield trips,
sports actiities, clubs, workshops and seminars, and lectures unrelated to speciic
courses but which are oered by their colleges and,or arranged by student unions. Data
rom the interiews conducted suggest that priate higher education institutions
understand the role o extracurricular actiities in a much dierent way rom their
public counterparts. Participants in this study iewed extracurricular actiities as haing
more emphasis in priate higher education institutions. Lmployers, aculty members,
and students in this study perceied that priate higher education institutions proide
more extracurricular actiities than the public sector. 1he extracts below illustrate their
iews. An employer states:
Priate institutions proide students with extracurricular actiities which prepare
them better or the real world.`
Another employer explained why extracurricular actiities are ound less in public
higher education institutions:
1he public uniersity concentrates on academic knowledge and does not gie
much attention to extracurricular actiities, which are important in deeloping
students` personalities, especially or the campus.`
Students rom both public and priate higher education institutions agreed that priate
institutions are more actie in making extracurricular actiities aailable. A student rom

146

a priate college explained his college`s eorts in hosting and publicising their
extracurricular actiities, which would help them with networking:
1he college |a priate sector college| puts a lot o eort in publicising the work o
the college through the dierent eents and actiities it hosts. 1hese really help us to
know more people and deelop connections ar beyond what we could indiidually.`
Another student rom the priate sector perceies extracurricular actiities to be an
added alue to the priate sector:
I considered coming to this college |priate one| because o the eents, actiities,
and clubs they hae.`
One student appreciated the enironment o the public sector to be more serious and
depressing when compared with the priate sector, which has more extracurricular
actiities:
Public uniersities, in general, are depressing. In priate colleges there are
dierent actiities. \e go with moie clubs rom the |priate| college to Lebanon,
Sharm Al-Sheikh, to really un places . not only studying like in the public
sector.`
Another student rom the priate sector praised her priate college or the
extracurricular actiities it oers:
\hat is unique about this college is that they not only ocus on the curricular but
also extracurricular actiities. 1hey make us explore and do many things. 1hey
make us trael.`
One quarter o students interiewed rom the public sector conirmed the iews
presented aboe about the dierences between the public and priate sectors` positions
towards extracurricular actiities. One student explained:
I eny students in priate institutions or the international trips their colleges take
them on. lor us here |in the public uniersity| we can hardly go on ield trips.`
Another student commented on the kind o extracurricular actiities proided in a
priate higher education institution:

147

\hen I went to isit a priate college, I was amazed by the kind o workshops
and actiities they hae. 1here were some ads or interesting seminars. It is
something that we do not hae in my uniersity |a public one|.`
Another student rom the public sector commented:
lere we hardly hear about the eents taking place and i we do they are rarely
exciting.`
1he comment aboe also sheds light on a complaint that students in the public sector
do not attend actiities:
Students do not look at the uniersity as a culture. 1hey don`t hae a sense o
belonging here. 1hey just perceie it as a place to receie a degree. \e try to oer a
number o actiities to students, howeer, they do not attend. I want the degree so
I can leae!` 1he social aspect o the uniersity is still missing.`
Such actiities are ery appreciated in what remains a close and restrictie society, where
the means or entertainment are ery limited. 1his is especially true or students. \hile
employers and aculty members share the same iew that extracurricular actiities are
more aailable in the priate sector than in the public one, nearly one third o the
interiewees ,including students, perceied extracurricular actiities to be aluable in
deeloping students` skills and personalities. According to a employer:
It |extracurricular actiity| prepares them |students| or the real world.`
One aculty member rom the priate sector explained how her institution tends to
inole students in actiities to build their personalities:
Our graduates hae been gien a well-rounded education, through our curricular
programmes and extracurricular actiities. 1he latter especially make our students
really stand out and shine.`
Another sta member rom a priate institution explained:
In our college we encourage our students to participate in the organisations
inoled in public eents, to olunteer, and we een oer them credits or it. \e
want to deelop their personalities and skills. Uniersity education is not only
about academic education . it is also about character building.`
A aculty rom the priate sector shared this iew:

148

\e go an extra mile with our students in terms o student deelopment, not only
proessionally but also socially and community-wise through the eents we host
and the actiities that we proide our students.`
About one third o the interiewed male and students rom priate higher education
expressed the same iew o the importance o extracurricular actiities.
One student said:
Students in priate institutions, unless they inole themseles in extracurricular
actiities, will not be distinguished. 1hese actiities make students more conident,
more amiliar with the external world.`
Graduates rom the priate sector conirmed this iew. One graduate commented:
\e had the chance to be with students rom the public sector while we were
doing our training in a public uniersity. I can see that we |students rom the
priate sector| hae better opportunities to deelop our skills through the
extracurricular actiities we hae in our college. In the public uniersity, it is more
just academic lie. In our priate college we hae the chance to meet with students
rom other departments, in clubs, workshops, and seminars that hae nothing to
do with our major.`
Another student rom the priate sector explained the signiicance o extracurricular
actiities in students` deelopment:
1he college tries to build our knowledge and personalities through initing
important igures who can be good role models or us. In addition, through the
college we participate in organising conerences where we get the chance to
interact and communicate with people.`
One student rom the priate sector obsered:
I eel my communication skills were enhanced by my college education, not only
because o a communication course that is one o the degree requirements but also
through actiities oered by the college. I ound the student union to be a ery
helpul aenue or students to enhance their communication skills.`
Another student rom the priate sector added:

149

1hrough being inoled in the student union, we were dealing with the real world
beore we graduate. \e were operating like a small organisation inside the college
where we had to plan, organise, and make decisions.`
\ith all the praise or extracurricular actiities in the priate sector, a ew students had
some qualiying comments. A major concern shared by one third o priate sector
students was the timing o the actiities. According to one student:
Indeed, in the college there are always many interesting actiities and workshops
going on. 1he problem, howeer, is with their timing. Most o the time they are
being held at the time o our lectures so we cannot attend.`
Other students commented on the kinds o workshop and actiity being oered in the
priate college:
1his is my ourth year in the college. I do not see the college being innoatie
with their workshops and actiities. 1he same actiities are being repeated. \e
want new things.`
A quarter o the students interiewed rom the priate sector suggested that more
extracurricular actiities should be oered in their college. One student said:
\e might be in a good position with extracurricular actiities when we compare
ourseles to the public sector. But I think we deinitely need more actiities in the
college.`
One can see rom the extracts aboe that priate higher education institutions are
perceied to proide more extracurricular actiities than their public counterparts.
loweer, some aculty participants proided explanations or the limits on
extracurricular actiities in the public sector. A aculty participant rom the public sector
cited the bureaucratic nature o the public sector:
1he bureaucracy in the public sector hinders us rom doing many actiities that
would deinitely deelop students` skills. lor example, it`s a big challenge to take
students anywhere, een i it`s or academic purposes.`
Another aculty member expounded the same iew:
Priate institutions hae more reedom in initing highly recognised people. lor
us |in the public sector| it is a long process i we want to do so. \e end up going
to |the priate institutions| and to other places with our students, as this is the only

1Su

opportunity that our students might hae to see important international politicians
and inluential business and industrial leaders. And this is the result o the
bureaucracy that we hae here in the public uniersity.`
Another aculty member rom the public sector agreed on the lexibility and reedom
which priate higher education institutions hae oer public ones. She introduced a
packed curriculum` as another actor limiting students` inolement in extracurricular
actiities:
Priate colleges arrange eents that we |in the public uniersity| cannot easily do,
or inite a guest speaker that we cannot easily host. It might sound strange that we
go to |the priate higher education| colleges taking some o our students because
we cannot hae these types o eents within our packed curriculum. Ongoing
classes rom 8 am to 2 pm do not allow our students time to be inoled in
extracurricular actiities.`
1he greater lexibility which priate institutions hae oer public ones was discussed by
almost hal o the aculty members interiewed. According to a aculty member rom
the priate sector:
1he priate sector has more lexibility than the public sector with curricular and
extracurricular actiities.`
Lxtracurricular actiities were an area in which interiewees perceied a clear deiation
between public and priate institutions. Respondents at all leels, including students and
aculty in both sectors, noted that priate institutions tended to proide more
extracurricular actiities or their students. 1hese were seen as being beneicial to
students, een i the uptake was not always high.
Participants` positie iews on the beneits which extracurricular actiities can hae on
students` characters and skills are consistent with the literature on the subject. Interiew
responses repeatedly demonstrated that extracurricular actiities are important or the
deelopment o students` skills and character. All participants who discussed
extracurricular actiities acknowledged their importance, although not all elt that there
were enough o them or that they were well implemented. Student responses relating to
extracurricular actiities aried. Most who mentioned them did so aourably. 1hey
acknowledged their positie role. 1his is unsurprising, gien that many o them raised
the subject in response to discussions related to the deelopment o skills. Others
discussed extracurricular actiities in response to questions about perceied disparity

1S1

between public and priate institutions. Most students iewed these actiities positiely,
particularly when they inoled traelling to other countries. Data gathered rom
students on this matter suggest that students` extracurricular actiities are not only about
deelopment o skills, but also about haing un and enjoying college lie beyond any
academic demands.
1he extracts gien also illustrate that priate institutions, by proiding more
extracurricular actiities or their students, are proiding them with more opportunities
which could enable them to consolidate and build` their social and human capital than
public higher education institutions can ,Clegg et al., 2010, p. 619,. Scholars such as
\orke and Knight ,2004, and Barri ,2004, 2006, cite the releance o extracurricular
actiities when discussing graduates` outcomes and graduates` employability. 1heir
studies suggest that extracurricular actiities can contribute to the deelopment o the
generic skills important in the labour market. 1chibozo and Passture ,200, hae also
discussed the positie eect which extracurricular actiities can hae on graduates`
transition rom higher education to the labour market, which is related to the next
chapter.


1S2

I3"2;1&)3"

In this chapter, I hae looked into the Lxperience phase through aspects related to
teaching, student`s learning, assessment and extracurricular actiities. Stakeholders
perceie signiicant dierences in quality between the priate and public sectors in terms
o quality o teaching class size, and emphasis on extracurricular actiities. Student-
teacher ratios are lower in the priate schools, which is appreciated by students and
teachers alike. Students also beneit rom the greater personal attention in smaller
classes. Lxtracurricular actiities in the priate schools were understood to be much
better than in the public sector. Students are appreciatie that such actiities are gien
greater emphasis. 1hey eel that this helps them deelop their personalities and skills-a
iew shared by employers. Some students in the priate sector wanted een more o
these actiities. \hile there are some dissenting judgments and criticisms made o
priate higher education, it seems that it is succeeding in proiding higher quality
education-at least that is the way it is perceied by those most closely inoled.






1SS

67&8$.% N
47. ?J;$ 87&#.
O 2%;G&$. H;07.r Education and Craduates' Employability


1his chapter is about the Lxit phase dimension. In this chapter, I propose to examine
priate higher education`s relationship with the labour market. 1his will be discussed
through priate institutions` serices and practices which hae an impact on students`
employability. Discussion o this will inole practical learning, structured work
experience, and career centre serices.

G(2S*%31"#

As a key regional player in the Middle Last economy, Saudi Arabia is inesting in the
deelopment o its human resources to acilitate a gradual transition away rom reliance
on its hydrocarbon resources. 1he Goernment needs a qualiied workorce to compete
in this era o global competitie economy and to replace the great number o oreign
workers that the priate sector still preers. 1his dependence leads to less employment
o Saudi citizens. 1he last two decades hae witnessed heay inestment at all leels o
education, which has led to higher numbers o uniersity graduates. 1he employability
o these graduates, howeer, remains a key challenge acing both the graduates
themseles and policymakers.
1he relatiely high unemployment rate among graduates in the Kingdom has been a
serious issue acing the country`s goernment leaders ,Ministry o Planning, 2005,. In
the past, unemployment was not a serious concern or the Goernment or the priate
sector because the ast structure o the public sector absorbed all uniersity graduates.
1he public sector used to be the primary destination or higher education graduates.
lurthermore, tasks in the public sector were routine and required a minimal leel o
skills. 1his guarantee o a public- sector job or all uniersity graduates induced in them
a alse sense o security, making them less concerned about the kinds o skill they
obtained. 1he Goernment sector had been the proider o almost all serices.

1S4

loweer, the public sector has now been challenged by an oersupply o graduates, and
it is no longer able to guarantee jobs or all graduates.

In its ourth lie-\ear Deelopment Plan ,1985,, the Goernment decided to inole
the priate sector in the deelopment eort and assigned to it the task o accelerating
the employment o Saudi nationals. As was discussed in Chapter 3, the Goernment
een introduced the Saudisation` policy in the 1990s to reduce reliance on oreign
labour and to increase employment opportunities or Saudis. Prior to the introduction
o this policy, the priate sector might not hae worried about the quality o the Saudi
uniersity graduates as employers preerred hiring oreign workers. 1hat preerence was
challenged by the Saudisation` initiaties. Lmployers still do not ind uniersity
graduates to be matching their needs ,Al-lamid and Jamjoom, 2009, Al-lumaid, 2002,
Al-Khudair, 2001, Ghaban et al. 2002,. \hile the Goernment is trying to sole the
unemployment issue through its policies directed towards the labour market, the
market`s complaints about the quality o higher education graduates has been a
persistent one. Unless graduates become better prepared or the labour market, the
priate sector will continue to be challenged by eectiely employing them.
1he literature about priate higher education suggests that the public sector`s ailure to
meet labour market needs is among the chie moties or the emergence o priate
higher education ,Cao, 2008, Ley, 1986a, 2006a,. 1his chapter will examine the extent
to which this is the case in the Saudi context. Preceding that, the literature on graduates`
employability is sureyed.







1SS

Hlgher FJucutlon unJ 0ruJuutex 345,)2(6$,$'2

Lmployability as a concept has been used in some goernment policies or almost a
century ,Gazier, 2001,. Its application aries among arious time periods and national
contexts ,lillage & Pollard, 1998,. 1his concept, howeer, did not become part o
higher education policy until the 1990s, most signiicantly in the UK ,\orke, 2006,. It
might be argued that graduates` employability is not a new concept or higher education,
as it has been addressed by goernment policy documents. \hile it is true that
graduates` employability as a conceptual goal has existed in higher education policies,
the term was not used in the way it is currently used in some places in the world. Some
goernments, e.g. the UK and USA, hae been using graduates` employability as an
indicator to assess higher education institutions` perormance. larey ,2001, reerred to
this type o employability as institutional employability`. 1his is concerned with the
number o graduates obtaining a job regardless o whether it was aboe or below their
qualiications. Another indicator o institutional employability measures the period
between graduation and obtaining a irst job. 1he shorter the period that students hae
to wait beore obtaining the irst job, the higher rate o employability the educational
institutions hae ,larey et al., 199,. lunds are then allocated among institutions
according to their institutional employability.
It is worth noting that since their inception Saudi public institutions hae not had the
culture o keeping records o students` destinations. 1he role which graduates`
employment destinations play in goernment unding decisions in a Luropean country
like the UK was not something considered in the KSA. Lach Saudi public institution
receies its budget allocation according to proposals submitted to the Ministry o
ligher Lducation. 1he perormance o a public institution thus has no eect on its
allocated budget, which highlights the absence o an important motie or the
institution to perorm better. Priate higher education institutions hae, howeer,
started to keep records o students` destinations, as this was among the requirements o
the national academic accreditation. Neertheless, those inoled in keeping the records
explained that they had better records o recent graduates than those o preious years.
Still those records do not show the type o jobs which students held or how long they
had to wait beore gaining those irst jobs-an important indicator which has been used
in other countries or educational budgetary allocations.

1S6

Graduates` employability in this study is about graduates` work-readiness` ,Mason et
al., 2003,. More speciically, this study is concerned with higher education institutions`
eorts in enhancing graduates` employability. 1he most commonly used deinition o
graduates` employability is that o \orke ,2006, which deines employability as:
A set o achieements, skills, knowledge and personal attributes that make
the indiidual more likely to secure and be successul in their chosen
occupation,s,, or the beneits o themseles, the workorce, the community
and the economy.` ,p. 6,.
Little ,2001, suggests dierentiating between actors related to obtaining a job and those
related to the preparation or a job. \orke ,2006, emphasises that employment should
not be conused with employability, as the irst is about gaining a job. A number o
authors such as lillage and Pollard ,1998, and Knight and \orke ,2002, agree that
graduates` employability is based on multiple actors. lillage and Pollard suggest that
graduates` employability depends on three things: ,a, assets which encompass skills,
knowledge, and attitudes o indiiduals, ,b, the utilisation and deployment o those
assets, and ,c, the presentation o those assets. Knight and \orke agree to some extent
with lillage and Pollard`s components o employability, as to them employability is a
synergic combination o personal qualities, skills o arious kinds and subject
understanding` ,p. 23,. Brown and \illiams ,2003, criticise the work o lillage and
Pollard ,1998, on employability, or not considering external actors that could aect
graduates` employment, and this criticism can be applied to all the deinitions aboe.
Brown et al. ,2003, ind that lillage and Pollard hae omitted external market actors
oer which indiiduals hae no control, such as socio-cultural actors, e.g. gender,
ethnicity` ,larey, 2001,. It is a act that external actors hae an eect on the
prosperity o graduates. But it seems that there is still conusion regarding the dierence
between employment and employability.
ligher education institutions ary in the extent to which they are linked to the labour
market. loweer, the literature suggests that priate higher education institutions are
being proactie in relation to it ,Cao 2008,. Ley ,1986, 1992, 2003, 2006a, suggests that
meeting market needs ,which the public sector ailed to do, is among the main reasons
or the recent expansion in priate higher education worldwide. Priate institutions`
linkage to the labour market is deemed to be important or the legitimacy o these types
o institution ,Kinser & Ley, 2006, Slantchea, 200, Ley, 200,. Priate higher

1S7

education institutions, especially newly emergent ones, are obsered to be distinct in
their relation to the labour market ,Ley, 1992, 2003, 2006a, 2009, 2011, Cao, 2008,.
1his is ound to be true een with priate institutions which are perceied to be o
lesser quality than public ones. Ley ,2008, 2011, has een classiied these priate
institutions to be serious demand-absorbing` because o their orientation to the labour
market.
Ley ,1986a, 1992, 2003, 2006a,, Cohen ,2001,, Pritchard ,1992,, \ol and Castor
,2001, and others hae discussed characteristics and actiities o priate higher
education institutions which hae deeloped their relation to the labour market, and
accordingly aect graduates` employability. Among the characteristics discussed is that
the courses oered by priate institutions are mostly specialised and aimed more
towards the job market ,Ley,1986a,. 1his is seen, or example, in studies o Bangladesh
,Alam et al., 200,, Georgia ,Sharashidze, 2005,, Poland ,Duczmal, 2005,, and Arica
,Verghase, 2004,, countries in which priate higher education oers courses which are
purely linked to the job market. Career Serices and networking are other employment-
related actiities obsered in priate higher education institutions ,Ley, 1986a, 1992,
2003, 2006, Cao, 2008, Cohen, 2001, Pritchard, 1992, \ol & Castor, 2001,.
Cao`s ,2008, study on priate higher education thoroughly coers institutional eorts
directly linked to the labour market. In her study, Cao inestigates Chinese priate
institutions` eorts to be linked to the labour market and the employment outcomes o
these eorts. ler indings suggest that priate higher education in China makes
considerable eorts to enhance students` employability and to link graduates with the
labour market. Zhou ,2003, and Monks ,2000, and others ind that graduates o priate
higher education hae experienced better employment outcomes than did public higher
education graduates.
\hile there is still a dearth o research on priate institutions` management eorts
relating to graduates` employability, the literature discussed aboe indicates that some
priate institutions do in act seriously consider the problem. In this study, we explore
the extent to which the Saudi priate higher education sector is distinct in this regard,
which sheds some interesting light on the situation in the public sector. \hile
employment outcomes can hardly be accurately inestigated in the newly expanding
Saudi priate sector, topics which were raised by my interiewees and that hae
releance to the employability o the graduates are presented in this chapter. I shall also

1S8

discuss characteristics and practices o priate institutions which are perceied to hae
an impact on graduates` employability. 1his will be ollowed by a discussion o
employers` perceptions o graduates rom public and priate institutions.
A number o studies discuss the relation between higher education institutions and the
labour market and distinguish between higher education practices which make those
institutions releant or linked to the labour market ,Bernnan, et al., 1996,. ligher
education practices that are obsered to be releant to the labour market and thus
enhance graduates` employability include: curriculum, career serices, training, and
social eents ,Bennett et al., 1999,. Scholars such as \orke and Knight ,2002, and
others discussed models or higher education institutions which enhance graduates`
employability. 1he model o Brennan et al. ,1996,, or example, includes ie elements:
,1, disciplinary content knowledge, ,2, disciplinary skills, ,3, workplace awareness, ,4,
workplace experience, and ,5, generic skills. Disciplinary content knowledge is gained
through courses proided within the institution`s curriculum. Some studies explore the
importance o ield o study or graduates` initial employment ,\alter, 2004,.
Discussions on curricula`s releance to the labour market ocus on higher education
oering subjects and equipping their students with skills needed in the labour market.
lields o study or graduates` specialisations could be the easiest way or employers to
assess the graduate`s knowledge about the ield in which the graduate is applying to
work. Academic knowledge and discipline-related skills, howeer, are ound not to be
suicient or graduates` employability ,Little, 2001, Knight & \orke, 2002,. Literature
on graduates` employability emphasises generic skills` which are also reerred to as
transerable skills` or key skills` ,larey et al., 199,. 1he term generic skills` is
deined by Bennett et al. ,1999, p. 6, as skills which can support study in any
discipline, which can be potentially transerred to a range o contexts in higher
education or the workplace`. 1hese include the skills o basic competence,
communication, adaptability ,i.e. problem-soling,, creatiity, personal deelopment,
eectieness, and inluencing ,Bennett et al.,1999,. \hile there are dierent lists o the
kinds o generic skills employers are looking or, 1he Pedagogy or Lmployment Group
,2004, p. 5, deeloped a list based on 25 years o research on the skills which employers
expect to ind in graduates.
As to the linkage between higher education and the labour market-when higher
education assists in students` transition rom education to the job market-Brennan et
al. ,1996, suggest that higher education can play a role in graduates` transition by guiding

1S9

students while they search or jobs, creating job opportunities or students through
networking with the business sector, and dealing with intermediary agencies. 1he
sections below present topics raised by stakeholders which hae releance to the eorts
discussed aboe.

F$;$-("2$ ("# @)"S(*$ '3 '/$ @(631% O(%S$'

Proiders o priate higher education without exception emphasised their institutions`
superiority oer the public sector with regard to graduates` employability. A ice dean o
a priate college remarked:
I beliee that parents who would like to gie their children better employment
opportunity should send them to priate institutions.`
On the other hand, employers had conseratie answers when initially asked about their
preerence in employing graduates rom public or priate higher education institutions.
1hey claimed that they did not hae any preerence or students rom public or priate
institutions, as they based their decisions on assessments and interiews, regardless o
which kind o uniersity the applicant came rom. One employer commented:
\e do not hae a preerence. \e look or talent regardless o where the student
comes rom. 1alent has no identity. It is the indiidual who matters.`
1he ollowing section illustrates what made priate proiders think this way about
themseles, to see i it is really true that employers hae no preerence or employing
graduates rom either public or priate institutions.
1he literature on graduates` employability suggests discipline and knowledge to be its
core element ,Johns, 2006, but hardly any o the employers interiewed commented on
the kind o knowledge which uniersity graduates possess. 1he only comment in
relation to the subjects oered was rom 20 percent o employers interiewed, who
conirmed that there is still a deiciency in some specialisations like inance and
accounting. Lmployers seemed lexible about students` majors and tended to agree that
graduates oten possess satisactory subject knowledge. 1here was more emphasis,
howeer, on skills and attitudes, which will be discussed later in the chapter. An
employer rom the priate sector remarked:

16u

\e are not so strict about the majors. lor example, in our human resources and
marketing departments, the majority are engineers.`
Another employer rom the banking sector commented:
In terms o knowledge, graduates generally hae no problem. Graduates'
knowledge is not a big issue or our organisation as we proide our applicant
training.`
laculty members rom both sectors seemed to highlight generic and sot skills rather
than specialisation and knowledge. A ormer dean o a priate college who had
preiously worked in a public uniersity remarked:
lor a student to be specialised in a certain subject does not mean that he is
qualiied or a job. Most graduates o the public sector lack the sot skills which are
needed in the labour market.`
A aculty member who works in both sectors agreed:
Graduates rarely end working in areas that are exactly related to their uniersity
degree. 1hus, uniersities should insert academic disciplines` in their students and
deelop their way o thinking, which will gie graduates the lexibility to work
anywhere.`
1he academic knowledge which higher education institutions proide no doubt is still
important or students` employability. 1he utilisation o academic knowledge in the
world o work is not equal, howeer, among disciplines ,1eichler, 1994,. 1eichler
suggests that the relation between academic knowledge and proessional need is seen to
be stronger and less conlicting in natural science subjects than in humanities and social
sciences. Perhaps my interiewee`s emphasis on sot skills would be less pronounced in
more technical ields, but within the ields coered by the interiews, which
concentrated on business-related ields. 1he kinds o sot skills which employers say
they need will be discussed later in the chapter.

,%(2')2(; @$(%")"* ("# 4'%12'1%$# R3%S 0Z<$%)$"2$

Practical learning is an area in which priate institutions maniested their concerns or
the career-deelopment o their students. Practical learning, as it is discussed in this

161

section, reers to education which takes place through practical class assignments and
hands-on projects. 1hese require students to interact with people in their ield o work
and to apply the theoretical knowledge coered in class. Interestingly, almost all students
interiewed rom priate higher education institutions perceied that knowledge
deliered in public institutions is purely theoretical and has no practical application.
1hey belieed that the priate system does not impart practical knowledge through its
curriculum. 1his perception was also conirmed by students, graduates, and aculty in
the public sector. A student rom the priate sector remarked:
I hae a riend who is taking the same marketing course as mine, but in the public
uniersity. I hae two practical projects where I need to go out in the ield to apply
the knowledge I hae been gaining. 1hey do not hae any assignments o a similar
kind.`
1his perception o a lack o practical learning in public institutions was among the
reasons which a student gae or choosing to go to a priate higher education
institution:
I applied to a priate college because I wanted practical learning. Public
institutions seem to only ocus on deliering theoretical knowledge with less
emphasis on the practical side.`
Another student rom the priate sector obsered:
\e hae cool and young instructors who are able to link theory to practice.
I am really happy with the kind o knowledge I gained.`

Other students rom the priate sector agreed:
lere we hae practice` that helps us link with the real world.`
Some courses require us to go to the ield and apply to examine and
understand the concept that we coered in class.`

1he majority o students interiewed rom the priate sector explained how some
courses consisted o practical assignments and projects. More than 0 o students
rom the priate sector who were interiewed praised the act that they had practical
assignments within their courses, but would like to see more. All students rom the
public sector complained about the theoretical nature o their courses, which conirms

162

the iew o students rom the priate sector. A graduate student rom the public sector
said:
Lerything was theoretical. \e were not exposed to any applications.`
A student rom the public sector echoed this concern:
\e do not hae practical exercises. Lerything is rather theoretical.`
A student rom the public sector commented:
Priate institutions hae more practical elements than our institution |a public
uniersity|. Students there |in priate institutions| hae practical assignments all
through their courses while internships are the only practical element in our
programme.`
laculty rom the public sector did not deny this. A aculty member rom the public
sector conirmed the limitations o practical training:
One o the major weaknesses that the public uniersities hae is that their
courses are more theoretical than practical.`
A aculty member rom the public sector remarked:
Very ew aculty members here |in the public uniersity| hae practical
assignments in their syllabus.`
laculty members rom the priate sector seem to be more conscious o haing practical
assignments in their course. According to a aculty member:
I put more grade emphasis on students` projects and less on exams. Students learn
and deelop more skills through practical projects.`
Indeed these kinds o assignment deelop practical knowledge and an early awareness in
the students about the labour market and its needs. It is worth noting that unlike other
countries, where priate institutions dierentiate themseles by oering technical and
ocational degrees ,Kruss & Kraak, 2003,, priate institutions in Saudi Arabia only oer
uniersity degrees, although they all seem to be with market-orientation.



16S

4'%12'1%$# R3%S 0Z<$%)$"2$

In addition to practical classroom projects and assignments, structured work experience
is another aenue o practical learning particularly emphasised by those interiewed.
1his is commonly reerred to as internship` or co-op training`. 1he National
Commission or Cooperatie Lducation deines cooperatie education as
a structured educational strategy integrating classroom studies with learning through
productie work experiences in a ield related to a student`s academic or career goals`
,Groenewald, 2004, p. 1,.

1he adent o cooperatie education programmes in countries like the USA and Canada
was to meet the needs o industrial expansion in the twentieth century ,Soilla &Varty,
2004, McCallum & \ilson, 1988,. In Lurope too, the economic and technical
restructuring o these countries required some initiaties rom the LU member states to
enhance young people`s employability and to acilitate the transition or graduates rom
school to work ,Guile and \oung, 2002, Stern & \agner, 1999,.
Internship programmes in the Saudi context inole students spending a certain period
working in a business organisation in an area releant to their specialisation beore they
graduate. Data suggest, howeer, that among higher education institutions ,both public
and priate, the duration o training aries, the maximum being six months and the
minimum being ninety hours. 1rainee students usually hae two superisors: one
academic instructor in the higher education institution, and the other rom the
workplace. Lach student at the end o the training period needs to submit a report,
setting out the assignments and responsibilities gien to them by employers and an
ealuation o their responses. In addition to the written report, some priate institutions
required students to proide an oral presentation to a panel or ealuation and eedback.
Priate institutions also receied eedback or ealuation reports rom employers on the
perormance o their students.
Co-op training is another element in which priate higher education institutions o the
KSA hae taken the lead, proiding this beore the public sector. lor example, when I
graduated rom the public uniersity in Jeddah in 2000, internship training was neither
part o the co-op training`, nor part o its curriculum. lor example, students o the
laculty o Lconomics and Administration used to submit a research project which did
not hae any practical elements. 1he absence o the co-op training rom public

164

uniersities` curriculum in Saudi Arabia was a serious issue which was raised and
discussed by authors such as Al-lammad ,2000,2001a,, Al-Sultan ,2000, and Bukhari
,2001,. 1he irst Saudi symposium on co-op training was held in 2001 by a public
uniersity. 1he symposium`s intention was to conduct a discussion on its importance,
and its needs while beneiting rom other countries` experiences ,Al-lammad, 2001b,.
Indeed, in Saudi Arabia, co-op training should be o high alue, especially with the
limited opportunities or the students to interact with the real world beore they
graduate, there is also no culture o oluntary work in which students could experience
the world o work beore they became real employees. In addition, because amilies
support and sponsor their children until their late ages, the majority o students did not
need to work beore they graduate.
1he literature discusses the beneits o co-op training not only or students, but also
employers and higher education institutions themseles. \eisz and Chapman ,2004,
ound that this co-op training enhanced institutions` relationships with industry and
positiely impacted sta and curriculum deelopments. 1he positie impact which this
programme has or students was discussed by Gardner et al. ,1992,, Riggio et al. ,1994,
and Dressler and Keeling ,2004,, who summarised the beneits which students gained
rom it, and among these are:
Increased disciplined thinking, improed learning: taking responsibility or
learning, learn how to learn, improed problemsoling: analytical thinking,
improed perormance in the classroom, increased GPA, increased commitment to
educational goals, increased ability to inance their education` ,Dressler & Keeling,
2004, p. 225,. Guile and Griiths argue that work experience proides:
An opportunity or those young people in ull-time education and training to
deelop their understanding about changes in the world o work`, to enhance their
key skills and to make closer links between their ormal programmes o study and
the world o work` ,2001, p. 115,.
Among employers interiewed in the study, some ound that the co-op programme gae
them the opportunity to get some new ideas rom a young workorce, which echoes the
indings o lurd and lendy ,199, and Reee ,2001,, on the beneits employers gain
rom co-op training. \hile the beneit which stakeholders gain rom internship
programmes is not part o this study design, all interiewees seemed aware o its role in
sering as a pathway to employment, although there were also some complaints.

16S

Screening or new hires was considered by hal o the employers interiewed and was
also among the beneits discussed by Braunstein and Loken ,2004, and Metzger ,2004,.
Indeed, this should be beneicial to employers, especially with the diiculty they ace in
dismissing Saudi nationals. According to an employer rom an international
organisation:
One o the reasons that we thought about establishing an internship programme
was that we preiously had diiculty dismissing Saudis when we ound them
unqualiied. \e now can assess graduates through this internship program, and
then we either hire them or ask them to leae.`
\hile superised training is highly alued and to some extent attracted students to
applying to priate institutions, there are still some problems which were identiied by
both students and aculty members. Some students and aculty members perceied
employers as not always being cooperatie, especially in relation to the kinds o project
they assigned to students who were doing the internship training. According to a aculty
member rom the priate sector, some employers seem to not hae trust in students and
thus rerain rom sharing inormation with them. She went on to say:
1he attitude o some employers is a wonder to me. 1hey do not assign students
to serious tasks. 1hey reuse to share or disclose inormation. 1hey do not seem to
realise that they are receiing consultation rom us or ree, as aculty are also
superising the students.`
On the same issue one student commented:
Some employers don't understand that we are here to learn and to make sense o
what we're learning rom books at college. So instead o enhancing our
understanding, they ask us to do secretarial work like photocopying and answering
telephones. 1his does not sere the aims we are here or.`
Another student rom the priate sector remarked:
It was not eectie co-op training. I was mainly just obsering, data was
conidential. I did not receie enough support rom my superisor.`
A student elaborated this point:
1o be honest, we do not hae a culture that respects or trains trainees. 1hey do
not hae time to train them. 1hey undermine trainees, and don't proide

166

appropriate training. I did dirty job tasks: answering the phones, receiing
customers. I participated in some ocus group sessions. I learned a ew things, but
it made me eel that it is not the thing that I want to do.`
On the other hand, hal o the employers interiewed put the responsibility on higher
education institutions or the eectieness o students` co-op training. 1he majority
blamed those institutions or not being clear about the kind o training they wanted
their students to receie. One employer obsered:
Priate institutions send us students without any clariication o the kind o areas
they want us to train them in. ligher education institutions, including priate ones,
hae a problem with internship programmes. 1hey need to take them more
seriously. Career centres, or example, should be ollowing up on students and
their perormance.`
Another suggestion rom an employer was to extend the training period as it would
make it cost-eectie or the employer to inest in the trainee. Lmployers were seen to
take trainees more seriously when the required duration o the training period was
longer. More speciically, trainees who were required to work or six months were gien
more serious work, i.e. non-administratie in nature, than those who were requested to
work or ninety hours. I one compared the knowledge and experience gained by
students at uniersity A, a public institution, who were required to complete ninety
hours o training, and students at College A, a priate institution, who were required to
complete three months o training, it would be apparent that students at the priate
institution had beneited much more.
An employer commented on the duration o the internship:
1he co-op training is still ery short to equip and orient the student, to rely on
them. I think it should not be less than six months, which is the case at KlUPM.
lor the company to een trust in and gie responsibilities, internships should not
be less than three months.`
\hile the majority o students rom the priate sector commented on the quality o the
internships, participants rom the public sector expressed greater diiculty in inding
workplaces to do their internship in. 1his is not to say that it is not an issue or the
priate sector, but it is considerably less o one. A student rom the priate sector
explained:

167

I hae been searching or three months or a place to do my co-op training. I
went to a number o organisations, public and priate. 1hey took my applications
but then I neer heard back rom them.`
A aculty member rom the public sector remarked:
\e now |in the public sector| hae internship as part o our curriculum, but the
problem is that it is not easy or students to ind places o employment to perorm
their internship in.`
Participants rom the priate sector echoed this concern. A sta member rom the
priate sector commented:
\e still hae a ery weak database o companies. I don't think it's only our
institution. I beliee it's an issue with all higher education institutions. \hen we try
to ind internships or students, companies don't hae the system. 1hey either
don't hae a section or emales, or any training system.`
1he same concern about training women was emphasised by another aculty member
rom the priate sector:
Only international companies hae training programmes. loweer, not all hae
sections.`
Already it is eident that the priate sector`s eorts to improe the skills o students or
employability are determined to some extent by the readiness o the labour market. 1his
is een more pronounced in the case o women. As we hae mentioned earlier in the
chapter, students-especially emale ones-aced diiculties inding places or training,
as gender segregation is mandatory in the workplace. Not all companies in the KSA are
ready to take students. 1he culture o internships or co-op training is still new to the
higher education system and to the labour market in the KSA, as internship or co-op
training had not been part o the curriculum in public uniersities, as is now the case.
1he importance o it is clear but more collaboration is still needed between higher
education and the market. 1he beneits to both should be apparent. Lmployers should
take this kind o training more seriously. Apostolides and Looye ,199, suggest quality
superision, a sense o contribution to projects, and challenging assignments to be key
actors or successul co-op training.

168

Career Centre and Students' Connections

In the section aboe we hae seen the scarcity o places aailable in the labour market
where students can obtain their co-op training. 1he situation, howeer, seems to be less
serious or students at priate institutions. It was ound that students in priate
institutions are priileged with some serices aailable at their institutions. Students o
the priate sector could search or a place or this kind o training through their
institution`s career centre. 1his is an employment-related serice oered almost
exclusiely by priate institutions. Career centres oer help with CV-writing and
interiew tips, in addition to planning and organising career days. 1he main unction o
the centre, in all priate institutions isited, was to coordinate between employers and
senior and graduate students to acilitate internships and employment. Lach priate
institution deeloped its own database o organisations and companies at which
students could do their internships. 1he career centre continues to sere the students
een ater they graduate. 1he career centre remains the bridge between employers who
are looking or qualiied people to employ, and graduates who are looking or jobs.
Career centres` serices were highly alued by many as they remarked:

I think |the added alue in priate higher education| is the career centre, which
sends students' CVs to major companies. I think this is only in priate institutions.`
I think the presence o the career centre in the college is ery important, it really
helped me a lot in sending my CV to more than one company.`
On the other hand, students interiewed rom the public sector conirmed that nothing
similar exists in it yet. A senior student at a public uniersity explained:
Students here |in the public sector| search or places to do their internships. 1he
uniersity has nothing to do with it.`
Another student commented:
\e don't hae a career centre here, I een had to go to a priate institution's
career day to try to ind a job.`
According to career centre representaties, communication with organisations happens
in both ways-sometimes organisations call them, looking or students to hire or ice
ersa. 1his is absolutely not the case in the public sector. \hen uniersity A was irst

169

isited or the purpose o this research in 2008, there was then no properly deeloped
career centre in the laculty o Administration and Lconomics. At that time there was
only one career centre or the whole o the uniersity, and it was only responsible or
employing students within the uniersity. An employer commented:
\e communicate with higher education institutions through career centres, which
are more actie in priate institutions than public ones. Public institutions do not
een hae emails, they still use axes, which is a good example that we do not use
the same language.`
A respondent rom a recruiting agency commented:
It is easier or us to supply organisations with graduates o priate institutions, the
bureaucracy in the public sector is hindering.`
It is worth noting that although employers proessed not to hae a preerence in hiring
students rom public or priate institutions, they did ind priate institutions to be easier
to contact. Perhaps the small size o a priate college made it easier or employers to get
hold o career centres. lity percent o the employers I hae interiewed commented
that they do not know whom to contact in public uniersities. 1hey conessed that
priate institutions were more actie in inoling priate businesses in their actiities.
Career Day` was the most recognisable link between institutions and business
organisations.
Although public institutions did organise career days or their students, none o the
employers interiewed appeared to be aware o them. It is possible that lack o
promotion by public uniersities was the reason, or because perhaps the negatie
perception which employers had o public institutions diminished their enthusiasm or
those eents. Indeed, career day and extracurricular actiities, discussed in the preious
chapter, allow students to deelop networks to rely on while searching or training or
jobs. \hile the career centre is aailable and actie at priate institutions, some graduate
interiewees explained that they had relied on their own connections to ind places or
their internship. According to a student rom the priate sector:
I had my co-op training at the company o my ather`s riend.`
1wo students rom the priate sector remarked:
I did my internship at my riend`s ather`s or uncle`s company.`


17u

Most students |in a priate sector institution| belong to amilies that hae
their own business.`
One should not underestimate the beneit o connections` which are comparatiely
stronger in priate institutions, considering the background o students who come
mostly rom middle to high social classes. 1his was also obsered during my isit to a
ounder o a priate college and a dean o another priate institution, who proudly
named their graduates who were now holding high positions in dierent organisations.
1he list was not a long one, and what was interesting was the act that they all came
rom well-known amilies and o relatiely high social class. 1his, in itsel, makes one
wonder whether priate higher education institutions really did proide better education
or their students. lad those institutions allowed them to prosper in the labour market
or had they ound places where students o high to middle social classes clustered, and
then made use o social connectiity and networking to prosper urther.

Chrisholm ,1999, argues that due to the oersupply o qualiied graduates, employers
igorously look or generic skills which are less related to ormal credentials. \alter
,2004, p. 538, claims that with the rapid technological change, it is somewhat dangerous
to concentrate on excessiely speciic technical skills. During my interiews, most
employers indicated their emphasis on the sot skills, which is consistent with the
literature on graduates` employability, as discussed earlier, which stresses the importance
o generic skills, also discussed earlier in the chapter.
Communication skills were another important ability or employers, and they praised
the personality o priate institutions` graduates. Lmployers ound graduates rom
priate institutions to hae better personalities and communication skills than those
rom the public sector. One employer remarked:
I cannot generalise, as I do not hae statistics aailable on the situation o all
graduates, but I can say that graduates o priate institutions look more impressie
and more conident when they come or interiews.`
Another employer echoed the same opinion and added an interesting
obseration:
Apparently graduates o priate institutions hae better skills een in searching or
jobs. \hile they use the internet to search or acancies and to communicate with
us ia emails, graduates o public institutions still use phones.`

171

Interiewees had dierent opinions o the actors which are leading students o priate
institutions to be more impressie or employers. \hile a emale aculty member agreed
that Lnglish should not be gien extra importance, she perceied students` competence
in Lnglish to hae positie impact on their personalities:
I am not trying to degrade the importance and the alue o the Lnglish language.
But I want to highlight other things. Lnglish is not exactly what employers want.
\hat actually matters is the candidate's personality. I beliee to some extent that
graduates` competence in Lnglish tends to inluence their personalities.`
Graduates` proiciency in the Lnglish language could indeed hae a positie impact on
their personalities, as it gies an indiidual the chance to be more exposed to the
external world. Obiously, howeer, Lnglish is not the only dierence between public
and priate institutions which would cause the dierence in personalities among
graduates o both sectors. lor example, the majority o the respondents who talked
about deeloping students` skills tended to come rom a priate institution. A ice dean
o a priate college remarked:
\e are aware that Saudis eel ulilled only when they hae the title o manager`.
So we try here to round out their personalities and equip them with leadership
skills, so that at least they will be worthy o holding this position.`
Administrators rom other priate institutions echoed the same iew:
Our graduates are better prepared than others: they hae the language, they hae
the computer skills. \e hae inested a lot in them through workshops. In the
college, we ocus on building students' character.`
Interpersonal skills are the second type o skills we are concerned about here in
the priate college. \e arrange actiities or students, inside and outside the
college, to help them deelop such skills. I don`t think students go through such
actiities without deeloping some skills.`
Many interiewed students and graduates o priate institutions admitted that priate
institutions helped them deelop their personalities. 1he graduates explained that in-
class and extracurricular actiities-discussed aboe-helped a great deal in deeloping
those skills. In priate institutions, a student`s presentation was an important actiity
required by most instructors. 1heir inolement in student union elections helped in

172

deeloping their communication and negotiating skills as well as their conidence. In
relation to this, an employer commented:
Graduates o priate institutions are more open, because o the nature o priate
institutions.`
lurthermore, teamwork` was another skill which students and graduates o priate
institutions deemed important and praised their colleges or training them in it. It was a
skill which none o the employers considered to be a stand-alone actor but might hae
considered it to be a communication skill. linding students and graduates who placed
such high emphasis on its importance was surprising. 1hose o priate institutions were
ull o praise or their instructors who assigned to them group projects` and required
them to work collectiely.
Unlike students in priate institutions, most student and graduate interiewees rom the
public sector complained that such actiity was rarely required o them, only a ew
instructors asked them to do it. A student rom the public sector complained:
1he uniersity coers communication skills as a training course.`

An administrator o a public institution admitted:
\hat students really lack is skills. \e here |in a public uniersity| teach them pure
academic knowledge. 1hough the preparatory year coers some skills, these are
oered to students as degree requirement ... Such skills need to be imbedded
within the programme.`
\hile employers obsered dierences in some skills between graduates o public and
priate institutions-being superior in the latter-proessionalism was a common
problem among graduates rom both sectors, as will be discussed in the ollowing
section.




17S

B/$ ,%3Q$&&)3"(;)&8 3Q '/$ E%(#1('$&

Some employers still harboured reserations about hiring Saudis, regardless o their
background, due to employees` attitudes, which is consistent with attitude issues raised
and discussed by Al-1urkustani ,1998, and Ramadi ,2005, regarding reasons or the
high unemployment leels among Saudi nationals. 1he attitude o Saudi employees has
been the most serious issue acing employers. A major concern or most employers was
the lack o loyalty in newly hired graduates. One o my interiewees commented:
Saudi employees are hard to retain. 1hey tend to moe between priate
organisations ollowing any slight increase in salaries.`
Other employers complained about graduates` lack o motiation at work:
\ou do not ind the locals to hae this willingness to work. Len when they work,
there is this superior eeling among themseles as locals and they thereore eel
they should hae special priileges. 1hey are looking at it rom their own
perspecties.`
An academic rom the priate sector conirmed:
Graduates o other uniersities |not local ones| are learning the same subjects.
loweer, they are more successul. 1he only dierence is that they hae dierent
attitudes towards work and learning. 1hey hae the desire to learn and to
continuously update their skills.`
Most o the students interiewed, howeer, did not show much concern about their irst
post. Instead, the majority displayed willingness to gain some experiences at the
beginning. Other employers commented on another attitude problem which he ound
common among Saudi job applicants:
lresh graduates applying or a job seem to hae the same attitude, they all want to
hold managerial posts right rom the start. Many times I accept their requests, and
then gie them more responsibilities, but ery ew stay ater that.`
1he requent comment among recruiters is that most Saudis think, As long as I
am a Saudi, I can do what I like! I am secure, it is not mandatory or me to
implement the rules.`

174

Graduates` oer-concern or the leel o salary is a serious issue that was highly
criticised by employers. An employer commented on his experience with students on
career days he attended:
1he irst question students ask when they come to our booth is, low much do
you pay` None o the students seem to hae any concern about their career
deelopment. I think this is a serious issue that higher education institutions need
to address. 1hey need to orient their students.`
Indeed, minimum salary leels were a concern or both graduate and career centre
representaties rom the priate sector. Some interiewees expressed the iew that
paying or education in priate higher education institutions meant that graduates
required higher-paid jobs. Perhaps this could present a serious element which urther
complicates the issue o unemployment among priate uniersity graduates, as the
majority o them had paid or their education and would hae liked to hae seen a
return on that inestment. A career sta member rom a priate institution commented:
Our oice receies a lot o requests rom small- to medium-sized employers
oering salaries that are ery low. Graduates can hardly accept such oers, as they
do not ind them worth the inestment in their education, and reuse the oers.`
Another career centre sta member rom another priate institution explained:
\hen companies contacted me, I asked them about the kind o positions and
salaries because I know our students hae certain expectations.`
A student rom the priate sector conirmed:
I do not care about my position, but I am keen to receie salary that matches
what I had spent or my studies.`
Another issue raised by more than hal o the employers was not surprising in the
context o Saudi culture. 1hat was the issue o punctuality. It was an issue which I hae
experienced while conducting this research, and with all types o stakeholders, including
the ery employers who complained about regarding others. lor example, I arranged
interiew appointments with three students, but they did not show up or the meeting
and oered no explanation or word o apology-they simply disappeared. 1his was a
serious complaint by employers, and more than a ew had experienced it with graduates
who came or job interiews.

17S

\hile graduates o priate institutions, or the preiously discussed skills and
connections, achieed better employment opportunities than graduates o the public
sector, they still had competitors. Students in priate institutions belieed that those
who study abroad on scholarships were a threat to their eentual chances o
employment. Senior students rom the priate sector perceied such graduates as a
threat:
1he competition is really high in the labour market rom students who receied
their degree abroad.`
1he labour market is obsessed with oreign degrees. Regardless o the name o
the \estern uniersity, they preer them to local ones.`
1hat worry was not a misplaced one, since employers did show a preerence or
graduates who receied their education abroad. 1hese employers did not emphasise the
perceied superior knowledge o students who had studied abroad, but were impressed
by their oerall personality and attitude. An employer who preers to hire Saudis with
oreign degrees remarked:
Students receiing their education rom abroad tend to be more creatie,
committed, independent, and hae better communication skills.`
Seeral years ago, only a ew people went abroad to study on scholarships or at their
own expense. One might wonder what the situation will be when the oer-80,000
students sent to other countries on scholarship return home in the near uture. Indeed,
the large number o graduates who are sent to oreign uniersities become a source o
outside competition or graduates rom both priate and public sector institutions.
Neertheless, graduates o local uniersities might be less worried i they knew that
there were some employers who were critical o graduates o international uniersities.
An employer commented:
It depends on the uniersity, not all uniersities are the same. I interiewed some
o those who studied abroad and I doubted that they had let the country. 1heir
Lnglish competence and the way they think was shocking. I guess it was more a
acation rom their country and amily than an educational trip.`


176

I3"2;1&)3"

In this chapter, I looked at the relationship between priate higher education and the
labour market. In general, employers hae a positie iew, with ew criticisms, regarding
the employability o priate institutions` graduates-compared to those o the public
sector. Very ew employers had a high opinion o graduates rom public institutions,
other than the KlUPM, which was perceied to be ery successul in producing capable
graduates. Lmployers, howeer, iewed all graduates critically in terms o maturity,
attitude, and readiness to work.
1hereore, the relationship between Saudi priate higher education and the labour
market is consistent with the obserations o authors such as Ley ,1986a, 2003, 2006a,,
and Cao ,2008,. 1he ailure o the public sector to meet the market needs can explain
the need or its re-emergence in higher education by playing the important role o
improing the employability o the graduates. lindings suggest that the priate sector o
higher education has the characteristics o being better` in that role than the public
sector, responding to the labour market`s needs.
It is clear that priate institutions are putting eort into the employability o their
graduates, but there are problems within the labour market itsel. 1he labour market, or
example, is perceied as being not yet ready to properly train internees. Students-
particularly women-hae trouble inding workplaces to perorm internships, which
might actually make their eorts useless. \hile many external actors aect graduates`
employment, priate institutions` eorts to enhance the employability o their graduates
and the high socio-economic status o priate institutions` students might increase their
chances o employment.
Beyond Lnglish luency, employers iewed graduates critically in terms o maturity,
attitude, readiness to work. Lmployers considered teamwork as a ital skill which
priate sector students perceied they had learned as part o group class projects.

1wo key eatures o priate higher education were perceied as beneicial by students
and employers: practical class assignments ,which require interaction with people in the
student`s ield o work, and internships ,which require work in a company or up to six
months beore graduation,. Internships are seen as pathways to employment. But there
hae been problems with implementing these structured work experiences. Lmployers

177

eel the institutions are not clear about what they want. Students ind the training to be
inadequate but employers are wary o inesting time i the internship period is too
short--90 days rather than six months. In general, the labour market is perceied as
being not ready to properly train internees. Students, particularly women, hae trouble
inding workplaces to perorm their internships. But career centres in the priate sector
hae deeloped databases which help link employers with students. 1hose centres also
help students to prepare or the job market.

178

4188(%U Q3% ,(%' AAA

In this part o the thesis, I looked into priate higher education in Saudi Arabia rom the
institutional perspectie. \ith this in mind, I diide my discussion into three chapters,
corresponding to the three phases o higher education: Lntry, Lxperience, and Lxit. I
coered wide ranges o issues under these three phases, including admission policies,
subject choices, teaching and learning practices, assessment, extracurricular actiities,
employment preparation etc. I made use o the empirical data rom my ieldwork, in
order to present my readers with a sketch o perceptions o priate higher education
among dierent groups o stakeholders in the Saudi context. \ith regard to the Lntry
phase, as we hae seen earlier in Chapter 4, the public sector is alling short o
absorbing secondary school graduates. Data rom this chapter, howeer, suggest that
there are also demands or dierent` and better` education, to which the public sector
is also ailing to respond.
1he atmosphere o the public sector is not taken to be prestigious or some. Priate
higher education, because o its perceied distinct requirements or admission, addresses
other ailures o the public sector. As we hae seen, some respondents saw a dierence
in social class between students in priate and public institutions. lor them, it was clear
that priate higher education was an enclae o wealthier upper-class students, a act
which they perceied to be desirable. 1he open access to the public sector, being ree
or all, is understood to aect the prestige o the public institution, in which students
rom all social classes can enrol.
1he public sector, because o its limited capacity and competitie admission, constrains
many applicants, who do not necessarily hae low academic achieements, the
opportunities to pursue their higher education. \hile equity and quality might be a
concern because o the priate sector`s admission requirements, the existence o
goernment scholarships or priate higher education has remoed or at least lessened
the inancial barrier to access. Based on respondents` comments, this appears to be
altering the perception that priate institutions are enclaes or the social elite or or
lower achieers. 1hose interiewed identiied seeral ways in which priate higher
education oered increased opportunities to marginalised groups. 1his was particularly
isible in the case o non-Saudis, who had ery limited access to higher education prior
to the adent o the priate sector. Priate higher education institutions in the KSA

179

hae helped to oercome a major problem which expatriates used to ace when their
children reached uniersity leel. 1hese institutions hae also proided greater access
or students with lower GPAs who could not gain entry to the public uniersities. Many
o those students are proing to be academic achieers. 1hrough lexible admission and
tuition ees, the priate sector is responding to students` demand or more` and better`
higher education. \hile these admission criteria hae led people to take a negatie iew
o the priate sector-that it is a place or the wealthy or the lower achieer-such
negatie iews hae changed with the introduction o goernment scholarship.

\ith regard to the Lxperience phase, there was an oerall perception among students,
aculty, and graduates that the education being receied by students in priate
institutions was superior, at least in some aspects, to what is being receied by students
at public institutions. Understandings o public and priate higher education institutions
suggest the possible moties behind the establishment o priate higher education. Low
quality o instruction, minimum attention to students` deelopments o skill, and access
to all are seen to be missing in the public sector. Seeral dierent actors contributed to
this perception.
Another important issue related to the Lxperience phase is class size, which was
understood to produce a higher quality o instruction in the priate sector. Many,
although not all students, elt that they beneited rom the increased leel o personal
attention which they receied in priate institutions. 1his perception was relected by
students and aculty o public institutions, who also belieed that students in priate
institutions receied more direct attention rom aculty.
1he priate sector was also noted to be distinct or its extracurricular actiities.
Lxtracurricular actiities and in-class actiities resulted rom the small class size in the
priate sector and are apparently deeloping students` skills and personality. 1his being
limited in the public sector suggests its ailure to enhance and deelop its students` skills
.
Opinions were diided on the question o assessment methods. Although some
respondents were harshly critical o teaching in public institutions and praised the more
practical teaching methods ound in the priate sector, others pointed out that the same
laws might also be present there. 1he strong consensus ound among respondents

18u

regarding class size and the use o Lnglish was absent when they were asked about
teaching methods.
linally, this suggests the moties or priate higher education to respond to the demand
or better` and dierent` qualities o teaching and learning and a need or more`
opportunities o higher education.
\ith regard to the Lxit phase, while it is early to hae a irm and accurate opinion about
a sector which is young and small in size, priate institutions in Saudi Arabia are ound
to bear more releance to the market. lor example, programmes oered by priate
institutions are market-oriented. Priate institutions took the lead in oering new
majors, especially or women, which should eentually gie them wider opportunities in
the labour market, which is still male dominated. Oering programmes in Lnglish is
another signiicant eature o priate institutions which is releant to the labour market.
As in so many other areas which this study has explored, employers ound Lnglish
luency to be quite signiicant, in act the most important job skill. Lmployers also
emphasise the importance o communication skills and sel-conidence. Priate
institutions are addressing those skills through assigning students work-related projects,
the internship programme, and through inoling students in social actiities. Career
centres in priate institutions proide serices which are deemed to be important or
both students and employers.
In general, employers hae a positie iew, with ew criticisms, regarding the
employability o priate institutions` graduates-compared to those rom the public
sector. Very ew employers had a high opinion o graduates rom public institutions,
other than the KlUPM, which was perceied to be ery successul in producing capable
graduates. Lmployers, howeer, iewed all graduates critically in terms o maturity,
loyalty attitude, and readiness to work.
1hereore, the relationship between Saudi priate higher education and the labour
market is consistent with the obserations o authors such as Ley ,1986a, 2003, 2006a,,
and Cao ,2008,. 1he ailure o the public sector to meet market needs can explain the
need or the priate sector`s emergence in higher education to play an important role in
improing the employability o graduates. lindings suggest that priate higher education
has the characteristics o being better` in that role than the public sector, responding to
the labour market`s needs.

181

It is clear that priate institutions are putting eort into the employability o their
graduates, but there are problems within the labour market itsel. 1he labour market, or
example, is perceied as being not yet ready to properly train internees. Students-
particularly women-hae trouble inding workplaces to perorm internships, which
might actually make their eorts useless. \hile many external actors would aect
graduates` employment, priate institutions` eorts to enhance the employability o their
graduates and the high socio-economic status o priate institutions` students might
increase their chances o employment.
In the inal Part o this thesis, I will explore the role o priate higher education rom a
socio-political perspectie. 1o this end, I look into the use o Lnglish language in the
priate sector, also one o its distinctie eatures. I also explore the changing
relationship between the priate sector and the Saudi goernment.


182

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1his part examines priate higher education rom a wider perspectie. It irst looks at
the role o the Lnglish language in priate higher education and its implication rom a
socio-cultural angle. 1he second dimension o this part explores the relationship
between priate higher education and the Goernment.

1he section on the use o Lnglish language in the priate sector looks at its implications
in relation to the three phases o higher education: Lntry, Lxperience, and Lxit-how
students choose between the two sectors ,public or priate,, how teaching, learning, and
other academic actiities are conducted, and how employers ealuate their graduate
applicants. Challenges acing priate higher education because o their use o the
Lnglish language will also be coered.

1he section on the Goernment will discuss the eoling relationship between the State
and the priate sector o higher education-the Goernment`s stance changing rom
denial to reluctance, to experimental, and to partial support. 1his is intended as a way
o understanding the Goernment`s role in the rise and the deelopment o the priate
sector o higher education.










18S

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1he ocus o this chapter is on the use o Lnglish language in the priate sector.
Oerall, Lnglish as the language o instruction is seen as a distinctie eature o the
priate sector. By making Lnglish their language o instruction, newly established
priate higher education institutions hae a competitie adantage oer public
proiders. 1he dierence in the language o instruction, thereore, remains one o the
major dierences between public and priate higher education institutions. 1he majority
o interiewees iewed Lnglish-language instruction as a positie eature o priate
higher education.
loweer, the use o Lnglish is more than a mere choice o instruction language. It also
bears certain symbolic meanings in terms o the interaction between Saudi Arabia and
the global economy. lor many Saudis who are inoled in, or aspire to be inoled in, a
globalised market, mastery o the Lnglish language has become o crucial importance. It
is noteworthy that all stakeholders interiewed showed their concerns about the role o
the Lnglish language in higher education proision. I did not include any speciic
questions relating to the language o instruction at irst, but as my ieldwork went on, I
noticed that almost all interiewees raised the topic in their answers to a ariety o
questions. I included this topic in later interiews.

0"*;)&/ ("# '/$ F$*)3"(; I3"'$Z'

In the interiews, students, aculty, administrators, and employers all considered the use
o the Lnglish language an important eature o priate higher education. Arabic is the
medium o instruction at all educational leels, including higher education, with the
exception o the King lahad Uniersity or Petroleum and Minerals ,KlUPM,, a public
uniersity, originally set up by ARAMCO, the American Oil company operating in the
country. 1he other exceptions are colleges o natural and applied sciences in public
institutions.

184

1he issue o using Lnglish as the language o instruction is important, gien the act that
priate higher education institutions in the KSA are not branches o international
uniersities. In other words, the use o the Lnglish language is not a requirement o a
oreign proider, but a choice o domestic proiders - a clear strategy, in other words.
In past decades, we hae seen that Lnglish-speaking countries like the UK, USA, and
Australia hae been establishing branches o their uniersities around the world,
teaching their home curricula to students in the host country. 1his is the case in the
UAL where oreign proiders are allowed to establish their branches, but it is not the
case in the KSA where oreign ownership is still not allowed in priate higher education
proision.
1he signiicance o this issue can be better understood in the light o the regional
educational traditions in the KSA. Seeing itsel as the centre o the Muslim world and
being the birthplace o Islam where the religion`s most sacred shrines are situated, the
KSA attaches special signiicance to the Arabic language-the language o Islam`s holy
book, the Qur`an, and the Prophet`s teachings, the ladeeth. 1he Arabic language,
thereore, has a semi-sacred status in the Muslim community, and in particular in the
KSA, as a result o the total dominance o the Islamic aith in all aspects o lie in the
KSA. 1his largely explains the act that neither Lnglish nor any other oreign languages
play a role in the public educational systems o the KSA.
1he issue o oreign language is urther complicated by the regional history. Although
Saudi Arabia has neer been colonised by a \estern country, Saudi society shares a ear
o loss o cultural identity and language like other neighbouring states in the recent past,
and hence sees o the use o the Lnglish language as a threat to their own culture
,Kirkpatrick, 2011,. According to a aculty member rom a priate college:
Attempts to deiate rom this norm ,o teaching in Arabic, used to be met with
the strong objections ostered by the iews o the politico-religious status quo.`
A ormer dean o a priate college added:
1here was always this ear that educating people in Lnglish would expose them to
harmul knowledge and would introduce ideas contrary to their religion and the
alues o the country.`
1his ear o \estern inluence by religious authorities seems to be relected in the
claims o some scholars. lor example, Karmani ,2005, describes an oppositional

18S

relation between Lnglish and Islam in his statement, More Lnglish, less Islam` - in
other words, a spread o the Lnglish language means a all o the religion. loweer,
Karmani`s iew does not go unchallenged. lor instance, Llyas ,2005, p. 39, argues that
Lnglish in the KSA does not pose any danger to eroding the identity o its locals,
but on the other hand, it can sere as a tool or modernisation and a jet or a
brighter new uture or KSA` .
1he opposition o the use o Lnglish language in education also stems rom an
inluential perception o the wae o globalization - although the country did not
experience the political colonialism o the last century, the KSA has not escaped the
21st century`s colonialism-globalisation and its eectie tool, the Lnglish language. As
James Crystal ,2003, reeals in his book Lnglish as a Global Language,, 85 o
international organisations use Lnglish as the oicial medium o communication, and
85 o the world ilm market is in Lnglish. Lnglish is now the language o science,
medicine, and technology. More than 80 o scientiic papers are irst published in
Lnglish ,Crystal, 2003,. 1he globalisation o the world economy and the adance o
inormation technology has been expedited by the use o the one language: Lnglish. As
Daid Graddol has remarked: Lnglish is at the centre o many globalization
mechanisms` ,Graddol, 199, p. 45,. le also points out that one o the most
signiicant educational trends world-wide is the teaching o a growing number o
courses in uniersities through the medium o Lnglish.` 1his accounts or a noticeable
increase in the number o non-natie speakers o Lnglish who are studying their course
subjects in Lnglish ,Colman, 2006, Lans & Green, 200,. \hether Lnglish is a result
o globalisation or is one o globalisation`s mechanisms ,Graddol, 199,, the
Lnglishisation` o higher education is understood to hae played an important role in
the spread o the Lnglish language ,Brumit, 2004, Graddol, 199,.
Political and economic pressures hae been more substantial in the ight against the
spread o the Lnglish language in the KSA`s education system. Llyas ,2008, argues that
the eents o 9,11 caused the USA goernment to put pressure on the Saudi
Goernment or educational reorm. loweer, reorm has only taken place recently. Al-
Lssa, ,2010, suggests that this reision o the curriculum would not hae happened
without pressure rom the \est. 1he perception in the \est centred on the
undamentalist approach to religious education in schools which, they argued, helped to
oster extremism ,Al-Lssa,2010,. 1hey associated extremists` attitudes with their lack o
understanding o the others` as well as their poor mastery o the Lnglish language.

186

Aware o the importance o the Lnglish language and also the pressure rom the USA,
the Saudi goernment has recently undertaken reorms in its education systems with
new policies. Since 2006, the Lnglish language has started to become part o primary
education - beore that, students in the public sector started to learn Lnglish only in
secondary school. Also, new regulations were introduced which mandate that students
start learning Lnglish in Grade 6 rather than in Grade . In 2011, a decision was made
by the Ministry o Lducation to require Lnglish education starting rom Grade 4 ,Saudi
Gazette, 2011,.
Another example o this is the Goernment`s changed position on international schools
which teach in Lnglish to cater to expatriates` children. Beore 2009, no Saudi citizen
was allowed to join those schools without the written permission rom the Ministry o
Lducation. 1his permission was granted only in exceptional cases, mostly to children o
goernment oicials who were sering or had sered in Saudi embassies. International
schools were transitional stations` or those students to re-acclimatise. 1hose students
can stay at an international school or no more than three years, ater which they must
enrol in the Saudi educational system. In 2009, a decree was issued permitting Saudi
nationals to be enrolled in international schools.


B/$ 0"'%U ,/(&$ : Students' Choice and Access

lor the administrators and aculty members in the priate sector, the use o Lnglish in
instruction is not only helping the Goernment to respond to the global political
pressures coming rom the \est, but also addressing some o the stakeholders` needs.
1he distinctieness o the Lnglish language in priate higher education institutions was
seen through students` discussion about their choice o institutions, quality o
educational materials, graduates` employability, and aculty recruitment.
loweer, when it comes to students` perceptions in this regard, the situation is a bit
more complicated. lor some, Lnglish language does seem to be a actor which students
consider when choosing among higher education institutions. A student rom the
priate sector, or instance, commented:

187

I wanted to go to an Lnglish-speaking uniersity, as Lnglish nowadays is the
international language, and it is important to know the Lnglish terminology. Later,
when you work, you will be lost i you don`t hae the language.`
Also or other students, luency in Lnglish would be helpul or their graduate studies
abroad. 1his is a major attraction or students, especially with the aailability o King
Abdullah Lxternal Scholarships which coer all their costs. A student rom the priate
sector said:
I wanted to do my Baccalaureate degree in Lnglish because I am planning to go
abroad or my Masters.`
lor others, the Lnglish language can mean either a tremendous eort input, or a
challenge ,or threat, to the local culture. Some students ound Lnglish learning rather
demanding, and appeared reluctant to make extra eorts and preerred the traditional
Arabic instruction. \hen emale public uniersity students were asked why they did not
choose priate higher education, some o them replied:
I want to relax, and to study in Arabic will be o less pressure on me.`
I had ears o haing to learn eerything in Lnglish, although I learned a bit in
school. It was easier or me to learn things in Arabic.`
A aculty member rom the public sector also conirmed a high student demand or
Arabic instruction:
lere in the public uniersity most o our science subjects are oered in Lnglish
as well, but we are requested by students to instruct in Arabic.`
A student rom the public sector explained:
Lnglish is ery important, but we blame the general education system or ailing
to equip us with this skill.`
In addition, there are those who hae negatie iews on Lnglish instruction due to their
socio-religious belies. Some students in the public sector criticised the use o Lnglish in
the priate sector. Some students rom the public sector asserted:
\e should be proud o our own language.`
But we still do not want eerything to be in Lnglish as still we are Arab.`

188

Despite the tensions with cultural and religious traditions oer the use o Lnglish
language in higher education, students in priate as well as public higher education
institutions alike showed their awareness o the importance o Lnglish in the labour
market. 1he releance o the Lnglish language to the labour market and graduates`
employability will be discussed urther in the ollowing chapter.
It is worth noting that there are, indeed, some who are against the use o Lnglish
language in higher education. A recent article by Asharq Alawsat ,2004, was based on a
research calling or the Arabising` o subjects like medicine and science in the public
sector, which at the moment uses \estern textbooks. In addition to cultural-religious
actors discussed aboe, researchers ound that students are haing great diiculties in
using \estern textbooks and this is a serious problem that needs to be addressed.
Students` limited competence in Lnglish is ound to be aecting their comprehension
o the subject matter and hence their academic achieement. As we shall see in the
ollowing section, it is, in act, an issue which was raised by some academic sta rom
the priate sector as well.

Priate institutions assess students` competence in the Lnglish language beore
admitting them to any academic programmes. 1hey use exams such as 1OLlL ,1est o
Lnglish as a loreign Language, to classiy entrants. Students are either qualiied to start
an academic programme or requested to undertake a preparation year to improe their
Lnglish language and other academic skills. 1his admission requirement is another
possible actor which makes students rerain rom studying their higher education
degree in Lnglish or might make them unqualiied to pursue a degree in the priate
sector.
It is worth noting that in 2008 a public uniersity in the city o Jeddah established a
separate institute to enhance student`s competence in Lnglish. At this centre, students
take our leels o intensie Lnglish as part o their preparatory year. 1hese our leels
must be taken by all students, regardless o their subjects o study. Preiously, students
in subjects other than natural sciences, applied science, and Lnglish literature, took only
two leels o basic Lnglish. Some in the public sector are suspicious about the actual
eects o this programme on its targeted students. According to a sta member at the
public uniersity:

189

this programme is only window dressing` by the uniersity. A number o sta use
Arabic when teaching in this programme. 1he programme is being run on a quarter
basis, which is considered to be insuicient or students to grasp new concepts.`
A student rom the public sector conirmed:
\e do hae Lnglish courses but they are ery poorly organised.`


19u

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Scholars like Coleman ,2006,.and Graddol ,199,hae discussed the beneits gained
rom using Lnglish as a medium o instruction. Coleman ,2006,, or example suggests
seeral reasons which motiate higher education institutions and goernments to moe
towards making Lnglish the medium o instruction, which are:
Content and language integrated learning ,CLIL,, internationalisation,
student exchange, teaching and research materials, sta mobility, and the
marker in international students`.
Among the payos o using Lnglish, discussed by Graddol ,199,, was also the
aailability o up-to-date textbooks and the accessibility it proided to research materials
and journal articles. \hile Chungs ,2006, argues that there are no comprehensie
studies o the eectieness o using Lnglish as a medium or instruction and that its
impact on learning is not clear, a number o studies agree that the most obsered beneit
o using Lnglish as a medium o instruction is simply that this enhances students`
proiciency in Lnglish ,Chang, 2010, Dupuy, 2000, \u, 2006,. Adantages and concerns
perceied by interiewees on the use o Lnglish as a medium o instruction is consistent
with what has been discussed in the literature. Quality o educational materials aailable
in the public sector was a constantly raised issue. 1he using o Lnglish in priate
institutions has been alued in this regard. laculty members who teach in both sectors
attribute inadequate educational materials in the public sector to a lack o Lnglish
instruction in the public sector.
I teach in both public and priate institutions. In the public one I eel constrained.
I do not hae many reerences in Arabic which I can ask my students to read. It is
completely dierent in the priate institution.`
Not many reerence publications are aailable in Arabic and it is ery diicult or
students to understand works written in Lnglish.`
Some een commented on the supplementary materials associated with \estern
textbooks. A aculty member remarked:
the supplementary materials which come with the \estern textbooks are really
helpul, they come with PowerPoint slides, test-banks, case studies ... I ind them
to greatly enhance our teaching.`
A aculty member who teaches in both sectors commented:

191

analytical skills are so much encouraged in Lnglish educational settings. Most
instructors who can teach in Lnglish receied their education in \estern
uniersities, which exposed them to the analytical way o teaching and learning.`
Some students and graduates rom the public sector held similar iews about the
limitations they encounter rom use o the Arabic language. A graduate rom the public
sector remarked:
in addition to the act that our limited knowledge o Lnglish inhibits our
employment opportunities, we think that the use o Arabic in our programmes
limits our knowledge too. Not many reerences are aailable in Arabic, and it is
ery diicult or us to understand works written in Lnglish.`
Students at priate higher education institutions approed o the quality o books used,
while this was not the case or students in the public sector. A number o public sector
students and graduates expressed concern about the books and educational resources
proided by their instructors. Some students rom the public sector said that they did
not een hae textbooks or their courses. A student rom the public sector explained:
\e do not hae textbooks. \e depend highly on our instructors` notes when
studying.`
\hile other students rom the public sector had textbooks or their courses, they
complained about the ones which they do hae. A graduate rom the public sector
remarked:
1hough we shouldn`t be assigned only one reerence, many instructors oblige us
to only study the book that they published.`
A graduate rom the public sector criticised their textbooks:
\e are gien books that are really not useul. I remember one time there was a
textbook written in a ery complicated way. I didn`t understand a single word. I
just had to memorise what was written or the exam.`
Another student commented:
\hen I graduated I ound mysel with zero knowledge. \e are using books that
are really not useul as they are written in Arabic. \e do not hae or get introduced
to real cases-mostly theoretical. Instructors encourage students to memorise to
get better grades.`

192

A student rom a priate institution made a aluable point about why some Arabic
textbooks can hardly be understood:
Books in the public uniersity are Arabised and in many cases do not make
sense.`

1he aboe comments were conirmed by some aculty members rom the public sector.
loweer, they proided justiications or students` complaints. Apparently, howeer,
Lnglish is not the only issue. A aculty member rom the public sector related the
problem to the maturity o the instructors:
Most o the instructors who work here |in the public sector| are old. 1hey preer
to stick to the same books which will require less preparation. 1hose instructors
just regurgitate what is in the book.`

A aculty member considered public sector bureaucracy to be a constraint upon
instructors` use o educational materials:
1here is a lot o bureaucracy inoled i an instructor wants to make changes in
the syllabus.`
Many o the students rom the priate sector clearly approed o the quality o
textbooks proided, mainly because they are new and up to date`, and they indicated a
sense o priilege in their Lnglish instruction. laing access to up-to-date learning
resources is one o the many adantages students gain rom the use o Lnglish by their
priate institutions.
loweer, western materials are not without their shortcomings. Some students
complained about the use o \estern textbooks or their irreleance to the Saudi
context. 1wo graduates o priate higher education institutions commented:
I think the books were up to the standard, but the only problem is that they are
not applicable to the Saudi market.`

1extbooks are entirely written in a Luropean or American context. 1he
instructors gie the same examples proided in the book. \ou eel instructors are
not up to date with what is happening in the Saudi market.`
Concerns about instructors not relating inormation to the Saudi context were shared by
a number o students. A ew students discussed this in relation to some o the

19S

disadantages o haing non-Saudi instructors with little knowledge o the Saudi
context. Another beneit was discussed by proiders o priate institutions. 1hey
obsered that this acilitates collaboration with reputable \estern uniersities. Students
were also aware o this adantage. A student rom the priate sector commented:
I do not think students o public uniersities hae the priilege o attending
exchange programmes similar to what we students rom the priate sector do.`
1he use o Lnglish language in priate institutions, howeer, is not without its
limitations. Similar to the comments rom some aculty members interiewed in
this study, some studies including those o Chang ,2010, and \u ,2006, ound
that students` comprehension o the subject matter is aected when using Lnglish
Language or instruction. leugh ,2002,,llowerdew and 1auroza,1995, obsered
that using the mother tongue or education is more eectie.
Many o the aculty interiewed discussed the challenge which some students ace rom
the use o the Lnglish language in priate institutions. According to some instructors,
teaching in Lnglish is a barrier. A aculty member rom a priate institution commented:
Sometimes I eel sorry we are teaching in Lnglish. \e hae many smart
students here, but or them, I think, the use o Lnglish is a barrier to their
success.`
Another instructor added:
1he irst year in the uniersity is a iltering year. In this irst year I hae
some students who I think are not ollowing what I am saying in Lnglish.
\hat is interesting is that I no longer see them in my adanced classes. I
think they hae quit the institute as they could not pursue studies in
Lnglish.`
An instructor commented:
Students here |in priate institutions| do speak Lnglish or do learn it in the
preparatory year. loweer, this does not necessarily mean they know
proper academic Lnglish.`
According to a study by Al-Saraj ,2011, some students at priate higher education
institutions suer anxiety while learning in Lnglish. 1he act that students leae

194

secondary school with a less than satisactory leel o Lnglish has been a serious
problem ,Al-Mishary, 2006,. Asharq Alawsat ,2012, attributes students` ailure to attain
a necessary leel o Lnglish to mutiple actors, such as students` willingness to learn the
Lnglish language, the quality o Lnglish curriculum, textbooks used, and methods o
teaching. Al-Ghamdi ,2005, inds that memorisation and grammar-translation methods
used in Lnglish teaching play a signiicant role in this negatie outcome.
loweer, not all students are aced with this problem - some are much better prepared
in a dierent path o education. Priate secondary education leads many students to
priate higher education institutions. 1he majority o student interiewees rom priate
institutions were graduates o priate secondary education, with only a small number
being graduates o public secondary education. Priate schools attach greater
importance to the Lnglish language than public schools. Students o priate schools,
generally, are only second to international schools in the ratio o their Lnglish-language
instruction. Unlike public schools, which hae begun teaching Lnglish to students in
the seenth grade ,only recently reised to the ourth,, priate schools teach Lnglish as
a separate subject, starting in kindergarten and extending through high school.
Lxposure to the Lnglish language rom an early age was not the only dierence
between students in priate schools rom their counterparts in public schools. -the
quality o Lnglish teaching is much higher in priate schools as well. \hile public and
priate schools are required to ollow the syllabus and use textbooks assigned by the
Ministry o Lducation, priate schools can teach more adanced Lnglish courses
alongside the one mandated by the Ministry o Lducation. 1hereore, students rom
priate schools are ound to be less intimidated in pursuing their higher education in
Lnglish in the interiews.
1he ollowing section presents the challenge which priate institutions ace while
recruiting aculty when the use o Lnglish partially contributes to the issue. \hile it is an
internationally accepted act that the use o Lnglish in higher education allows more
mobility among students and academics ,Coleman, 2006,, this is not exactly the case or
Saudi Arabia, as is presented in the section below.



19S

B/$ D(21;'U F$2%1)'8$"' I/(;;$"*$

Proiders o priate higher education hae experienced challenges in recruiting qualiied
aculty, which is a pressing issue, especially with the rapid expansion o higher education
in the country and in the neighbouring GCC states. Instruction in Lnglish in priate
institutions has increased the diiculties in recruiting aculty. 1eachers need to be
competent not only in the subject they teach, but also must be competent in the
language o instruction.
1he socio-religious status quo in the Kingdom perhaps causes discomorts to many
\esterners. 1his actor has a signiicant impact on the ability o priate higher
education institutions to attract good oreign instructors. Although Saudi Arabia might
be seen as be an attractie place or Muslim instructors who might alue being close to
the holy places, this is not the case or non-Muslim Arabs or aculty rom \estern
countries. Len ater the modernisation o the KSA, people preerred to go to other
Gul States, which are relatiely more open, allowing them to lead similar liestyles to
those they had enjoyed in their own countries. A ice dean o a priate college
complained:
It is really hard to attract aculty rom other countries to come and teach in a strict
country like Saudi Arabia.`
A aculty member rom a priate institution echoed this iew, adding:
Saudi Arabia is not an attractie working place or many oreigners, including
those rom other Arab countries. 1hey would preer to go to other GCC states
which are less restrictie than Saudi Arabia. 1hey can lie and enjoy the same
reedom that they hae in their own countries.`
Priate higher education institutions hae not only ound it diicult to attract aculty
rom other countries, but hae also ound it challenging to attract aculty rom the
public sector. It should be emphasised that the higher education sector, until recently
,2005,, was not an attractie working place because o the relatiely low leel o
remuneration. According to a aculty member rom the public sector:
1he low salary issue together with the stiling bureaucracy in the public sector
hae both, to some extent, caused many good uniersity graduates to rerain rom
joining the teaching proession and to seek work elsewhere.`

196

1his made public higher education dependent or many years on the same Saudi aculty
who had been priileged enough to be sent abroad on goernment scholarships. Later,
in the 1980s, when the country`s inancial situation changed drastically, there was a
substantial decrease in the budget aailable or scholarships. 1hus, the public sector
depended or many years on the same aculty. Some o those who reached their
retirement age were reappointed by indiidual contracts.
\hen priate higher education institutions were opened, public sector aculty saw in it a
means o supplementing their income by teaching in both sectors. loweer, it was
aailable only or those who could work in Lnglish. 1hereore, the priate sector is
limited in its use o public sector sta to those who are bilingual. Apart rom the
employment security that the public sector proided, there was not much dierence in
remuneration between the sectors. 1he priate sector`s reimbursement might hae been
somewhat higher, attracting temporary workers to the sector. loweer, the King`s
Decree No. 22,A, issued on 21st September, 2005, increased the salaries o public
sector employees, including those in higher education institutions, by 15. Added to
that were seeral types o allowances ,Alriyadh,2005,which also made the public sector
more attractie to many. According to a aculty member in the public sector:
\hy should I work in a priate institution when I am here receiing a higher
salary and working in a less demanding enironment`
It is important to note that priate institutions ary in their salary leels, and without
more inormation in this regard, it is hard to conirm that priate institutions on aerage
oer lower salaries than public institutions. As to priate institutions being a more
demanding work enironment, a aculty member rom the priate sector commented:
\orkloads in priate institutions are much higher than those in public
institutions. \e in priate institutions work rom 8 am to 4 pm. Most instructors in
the public sector gie their lectures and then they leae. I beliee aculty in the
public sector hae more lexible working hours.`
She also compared job security in public and priate institutions:
laculty in priate institutions renew their contracts on an annual basis, which lead
most Saudis to conclude that these jobs are not all secure.`
lor other aculty members, priate higher education is a better enironment:

197

I hae not worked in public institutions but I beliee, in the public sector, it is
more challenging to be recognised. 1here it is diicult to know who is working and
who is not. 1here are many oices. I do not see sta to be moing between
departments as is the case here in priate institutions.`
I am so glad to be working in a priate uniersity, though I hae been oered
work in public institutions. 1he amount o lexibility and creatiity that I hae in
priate institutions is not comparable to that o a public one."
Notwithstanding the aboe, priate higher education institutions continue to employ
some aculty rom the public sector. A number o those who retired rom the public
sector ind places in priate institutions. \ithin the chosen priate institutions, there
were more than ie prominent, highly regarded aculty members rom the public
sector. 1hey were deans and ice deans in priate higher education institutions in the
city o Jeddah. It would be aluable to research urther the motiation o public sector
sta who moe to the priate sector. 1he priate sector`s use o aculty rom the public
sector has been negatiely perceied by some interiewees holding managerial positions
in the public sector. 1hree aculty members complained:
Priate institutions oer subjects that they are not ully prepared or. I beliee
that priate institutions should not start a programme unless they hae the
resources aailable. 1he question is, why do they open such a programme i they
are not ully prepared or it`
A aculty member rom the public sector suggested that the priate sector should stop
relying on the public sector or their human resources:
1hey |the priate sector| should inest highly in building their own human
resources rather than depending on their counterpart.`
le added:
Priate institutions are more autonomous. In contrast, we |the public sector| are
more regulated by the Goernment. \e are restricted by a budget. 1hey hae the
complete reedom and lexibility to bring in the best aculty rom anywhere, they
hae the unds allowing them to bring the best instructors, yet they use and borrow
our aculty members.`

198

Despite this negatie perception o priate institutions` borrowing o aculty rom the
public sector, others saw it in a positie way. A aculty member who teaches in both
sectors belieed this to be beneicial or both indiiduals and or the economy:
Priate institutions are creating markets or academics. It creates jobs which is
good or the economy.`
A ew students rom the priate sector think the presence o aculty rom the public
sector gies priate institutions more credibility:
As most instructors in priate higher education come rom KAU |public
uniersity|, this makes a good standard o education.`
1he public sector is not happy with lending their aculty to priate higher education
institutions, despite the act that such practices are not ree but rather inoles inancial
inputs rom the priate sector. Some rom the public sector seem to be unaware o the
complex procedures that priate institutions go through in attracting and recruiting
qualiied aculty rom other places. 1his includes obtaining isas rom the Ministry o
Labour to recruit international aculty members. 1he challenges acing priate higher
education institutions in recruiting aculty members were also conirmed by the MOlL
representatie who said:
MOlL beliees that there are challenges with respect to the recruitment o
aculties and technicians in special disciplines such as medicine, technology, and
engineering ields. 1hese challenges are more isible in the degree and also in
geographically remote areas.`
Borrowing aculty members rom the public sector is not always an option, especially
when the priate sector oers subjects, or courses are not aailable the public sector.
Priate institutions hae come to rely on recent Saudi MA graduates o international
uniersities. Students who were sent abroad on King Abdullah's Scholarship
Programme should, upon their return, orm a pool rom which priate higher education
institutions can recruit. loweer, some students with a serious attitude towards their
studies preer to hae oreign instructors who do not speak Arabic. A student rom the
priate sector commented:
Most o the lecturing and the discussion in the class will be in Arabic, especially i
the class has no non-Arabic-speaking students.`

199

1he challenge has een increased with the MOlL licensing requirements. 1he Ministry
requires the aculty to be PhD holders and to put a maximum o 20 or Master degree
holders.
1he number o part-time lecturers is not permitted to exceed 25 o the total aculty in
a college. Upon achieing these standards, the institution will receie a general
accreditation. An administrator in a priate college commented on these regulations:
\e`d like to bring artists and graphic designers into the classroom. 1hey hae
aluable skills to oer. But that isn`t possible now because all aculty must hae
PhDs or Master degrees.`
Beore then, priate institutions used to depend highly on part-time aculty. In addition,
the majority o the aculty were Master degree holders, only a ew were PhD holders,
and I een knew some with Bachelor degrees. Part-time aculty in priate institutions
included aculty rom public institutions and others who are proessionals rom the
labour market. An administrator in one o the priate institutions highlighted the
challenges in recruiting good experienced sta acing the priate sector, as she
explained:
\e used to hire part-time instructors who worked in the ield that they were
teaching. Students used to praise them a lot or the practical knowledge they
brought to the class. \e no longer hae the lexibility to hire part-timers because
to be accredited, not less than 5 o the aculty members hae to be ull-time.`
Priate institutions` reliance on part-time aculty is a common eature or priate higher
education, e.g. in Portugal ,Amaral et al., 200,, Poland ,Jablecka, 200, Austria ,Pechar
et al., 200,, with dierent opinions on its impact on the quality o the institutions.
\hile this might be true, we should not undermine the alue o haing an expert rom
the labour market, especially i the courses proided hae market-orientation. One ith
o employers interiewed raised the issue. An employer I interiewed relected on his
conersation with an instructor rom a priate institution ,who was isiting with some
o his students,:
I was not impressed. 1he problem is that most o the lecturers hae only an
academic background and lack practical knowledge. I wonder what eect this has
on the learning o the students.`

2uu

Another employer who was a ormer aculty member in a public uniersity suggested
that instructors should also hae practical background in the subject being taught. She
explained how the majority o those teaching business subjects there were purely
academics. Many did not hae any experience o the real world o business:
I I had the power, I would proide co-op training ,not only to students, but to
academics so they would come back with better understanding o the real work
world which will deinitely aect their production o knowledge.`
Another aculty member rom the public sector conirmed:
Most instructors here |public institutions| do not hae or hae limited practical
experience.`
1he act that priate institutions borrow aculty rom the public sector make these
comments applicable or the priate higher education institutions as well.

B/$ @(631% O(%S$' I/(;;$"*$

As highlighted in the preious sections, priate higher education institutions in the KSA
are distinct in oering their programmes in Lnglish. 1he releance o the Lnglish
language was conirmed by all employers who considered competence in that language
to be the most important skill which most applicants lacked. Lmployers hae
emphasised the importance o the Lnglish language, as they said:
1here are a set o skills which we look or. Lnglish is the most important or our
organisation.`
|Lnglish is| ery important, all our communications are in Lnglish.`
Students and graduates o the public sector attribute their unemployment to their poor
command o the Lnglish language. Students and graduates rom a public uniersity
remarked:
Our opportunities in the labour market are limited because we lack Lnglish.`
I days could come back I would rather go to a priate college or the Lnglish
Language. 1he biggest problem we encounter when we go out to the labour
market is the lack o Lnglish.`

2u1

In my opinion, a person with high school but competent in the Lnglish language
is better than with a uniersity degree and with no Lnglish.`
1he notion that graduates are not prepared or the job market has nothing to do
with the kind o knowledge they gained. It`s about the Lnglish language and
communication skills.`
A graduate rom the public sector explained what happened to her while applying or a
job:
\hen I was applying or a job companies were reraining rom me, saying, lor
sure you`re not competent in Lnglish, as you`re rom a public uniersity!`
It is worth noting that in the past, Lnglish was not crucial or employment since the
public sector was the automatic career destination or uniersity graduates: Arabic was
the medium o communication in that sector. loweer, the situation in the labour
market has changed. 1he public sector has been saturated, and the priate sector is the
only option or most graduates now.
One o the most commonly cited qualities o priate sector graduates was their superior
luency in Lnglish. In this area, they were seen as clearly superior to graduates o most
public institutions. Lmployers rom the serice sector commented:
|Graduates| o public institutions are missing a core element, which is the
language, which aects the whole operation. I we don`t speak the same language,
how would we then be able to communicate`
\e mainly deal with priate institutions. \e are guaranteed that their students
hae this skill.`
\e alue the luency o some |graduates o priate institutions| in speaking
Lnglish.`
Public institutions hae a strong curriculum but the only problem is the Lnglish
language.`
Academics rom the priate sector expressed enthusiasm and conidence in the
employability o their students, particularly stressing that those superior Lnglish skills
would proide a market adantage.

2u2

1he act that our graduates speak Lnglish makes them more liked in the market.
Lnglish gies them extra alue in the market. \e can say that Lnglish can increase
employment chances and opportunities or our graduates.`
1his conident prediction was not borne out o the comments o employers, at least not
to the same extent. On balance, howeer, employer respondents were positie about the
employment potential o graduates rom the priate sector, although they regarded
graduates rom the elite public sector school KlUPM and rom oreign uniersities as
generally better-prepared. One third o the employers interiewed ound graduates rom
priate institutions to be less competent in Lnglish than students o KlUPM
Uniersity-which is the only public uniersity which conducts all its classes in Lnglish.
An employer interiewee rom the banking sector remarked:
Not all students rom the priate sector come to us competent enough in writing
reports. \hile the best written reports we receie are those deliered rom
graduates o KlUPM and rom those who graduated abroad, we still alue the
luency o some in speaking Lnglish.`
A student rom a priate uniersity also commented on her competence in Lnglish in
the workplace ater she graduated:
\es, most o us rom priate colleges were luent in spoken Lnglish as we were
used to traelling abroad, but we had a diicult time when writing reports in
Lnglish.`
Lmployers` obserations conirm students` worries as discussed in the earlier chapter on
not haing teachers who are competent enough in the Lnglish Language. Interestingly, a
aculty member who had worked in both sectors o higher education thought that
employers exaggerated the importance o the Lnglish language, remarking:
It`s true that the Lnglish language is important these days, but there are a number
o occupations that do not require its use. Do you think salespersons and
marketers need to be luent in Lnglish where most, i not all, o their clients are
Arabic speakers
She added:
It`s an excuse that the priate sector uses to aoid hiring Saudi nationals. I hope
that they will not now come up with other excuses.`

2uS

My interiewee rom the recruiting agency also agreed that employers should not gie
the Lnglish competence question more importance or weight than is necessary. le
recommended that:
Lmployers should also consider those who do not speak Lnglish as they may be
more knowledgeable and,or skilled than those who speak the language.
lurthermore, i the organisation has ew who speak it, they should complement
those who do not.`
\hile it is true that Lnglish might not be needed in contexts where it is not the oicial
language, graduates` competence in Lnglish gies them broader employment
opportunities. Graduates with competence are not constrained to work in the local
market. A aculty member rom the priate sector commented:
1hough Arabic is the local language, i thousands o students graduating rom
business majors only speak the business language in Arabic, will those students be
prepared or the market 1his is the paradox, we are opening doors or external
market, but we are not graduating students who are ready or this market. \here
will students work i they lack the Lnglish language which is needed in eery single
business enterprise`


2u4

I3"2;1&)3"

Priate institutions` use o Lnglish or instruction is ound to hae impacts on all three
phases discussed preiously in Part III o the study. Lnglish is ound to hae an impact
on students` choice o and access to priate higher education. \hile Lnglish is used in
priate classrooms and is a major attraction o priate higher education, it was a major
reason or others to rerain rom the priate. Lnglish is perceied to contribute to the
quality o education deliered in priate higher education institutions. Lnglish usage
gies access to up-to-date books and learning resources not aailable in public
uniersities. Neertheless, this is not ree o challenges. 1he priate sector inds it
challenging to recruit qualiied aculty, partly because Lnglish luency is required. It is
diicult to recruit rom abroad. Public sector teaching jobs are less demanding and
hae equal pay, but the priate sector does hire some talented public aculty who hae
retired. As in so many other areas which this study has explored, employers ound
Lnglish luency to be quite signiicant-indeed, the most important job skill. \hile it
may be questioned whether Lnglish is needed in the majority o jobs in the Kingdom,
graduates were expected to write business reports in Lnglish. Lmployers also linked
luency in Lnglish to good communication skills and to sel-conidence. It is also
perceied as a gateway to good jobs in a global economy.



2uS

67&8$.% PQ
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A"'%3#12')3"
In a state such as Saudi Arabia, where the Goernment is heaily inoled in all aspects
o the economy and public lie, it is impossible to ignore its role in the emergence o the
priate higher education sector. \e hae seen in Chapter 2 how goernments` stances
about the sector are ound to aect the nature and the unction|s| o the priate sector.
In order to better understand the emergence o this sector and its deelopment, it is
thereore necessary to understand the relationship between the Saudi Goernment and
priate education institutions. 1he exploration o this relationship is discussed in this
chapter mainly through the perceptions o proiders o priate higher education and
complemented with inormation rom the Ministry o ligher Lducation policy
documents.
1he relationship between priate higher education and the Goernment is most clearly
seen through the Goernment`s regulation o that sector. In general, regulatory
rameworks on priate higher education inole: authorising the priate sector to
proide higher education, inancially supporting that sector or granting operating
incenties, assessing, ealuating, and approing the programmes, and controlling the
quality o the sector ,Zumeta, 1992, 1996, 2011,lielden & Varghese, 2009,. As
discussed earlier in Chapter 2, goernments hae dierent stances towards priate
higher education, namely, laissez aire, central planning, and market competitie,
Zumeta, 1996, 2011,. Neertheless, Ley ,2011, suggests that een goernments which
used to all into the laissez-aire category are now instituting some regulations in relation
to the priate sector. According to Ley ,2011, as priate higher education grows
largely on its own, oten sharply, it becomes crucial to access policy.` ,p.383,. lielden
and Varghese ,2009, pp. 1-2, explain:

ligher education should not be let to the agaries o market orces. Markets are
more reliable in ensuring eiciency than equity, while the role in ensuring quality is
debatable. An unregulated ree marketing higher education may lead to inestment
in the sector by low-quality proiders that adersely aect the best interest o the
ultimate consumers.`, pp.1-2,


2u6

As noted by the aboe authors, ensuring high standards o quality is one o the moties
or goernments to regulate the priate higher education sector.

A number o countries, those o Lastern and Central Lurope among them, experienced
a period where higher education was reely open to the priate sector. In these
countries, goernment regulations on the priate sector o higher education emerged
only ater the Goernment realised that the absence o regulations had had a detrimental
eect on the quality o higher education ,Ley, 200,. In Poland, or instance, the
Goernment created the State Accreditation Commission in 2001, ater ten years o
limited goernment oersight o priate higher education. 1his quasi-autonomous body
became responsible or ealuating both public and priate institutions ,Duczmal, 2006,.
1his illustrates what Ley calls reactie policymaking.` ,Ley, 2011,.

Saudi Arabia does not all within the category described aboe by Ley ,2011, as no
priate higher education institutions existed beore the Goernment`s approal o their
establishment. Unlike other countries where goernment regulations are deeloped to
goern already existing priate institutions, in Saudi Arabia goernment regulation o
priate sector higher education was designed beore priate higher education institutions
existed. Neertheless, those polices hae not been comprehensie, as the priate sector
is still relatiely new. Modiications or new policies are introduced now and then.



2u7

B/$ F$;12'("' 4'('$

As discussed in Chapter 1, the current expansion o the Saudi priate higher education
sector is the result o a 1998 decree which authorised the creation o new priate higher
education institutions. 1hese had not preiously existed in the country since the
nationalisation o King Abdul-Aziz Uniersity in 196, an institution which began as a
priate school. 1he rise o Saudi priate higher education was perceied by most o the
interiewees rom the management leel to be late. Interestingly, this delay was
perceied by some as resistance by the Goernment to incorporate the priate sector
into the higher education system. 1his delay was also perceied negatiely as
demonstrating a lack o planning and the absence o ision on the part o policymakers.
A board member o a priate college remarked:

... you eel the Goernment was in denial o the demographic growth in the
country. I am surprised that policy-makers did not consider how all these babies
would sooner or later be pursuing their higher education.`

A ormer Dean o a priate college added:

Although there was high demand and the necessity or priate higher education in
KSA a long time ago, there was not any action taken rom the Goernment, I just
eel there was no grand planning.`

A ormer Ministry oicial put his criticism in stronger terms:

1he Goernment was in denial, araid o loss o control.`

Some interiewees interpreted the Goernment`s hesitancy regarding priate sector
higher education to a concern that the priate sector would not meet accepted quality
standards. A ormer dean o a priate uniersity remarked:

I think |delay in the proision o priate higher education| resulted rom a concern
oer quality`




2u8

Another oicial remarked:

1here was some hesitancy and ear within the Goernment that priate higher
education would endanger the quality o public schools, based on the assumption
that the public higher education sector was o high quality. It was an act o
protectionism, to keep the public higher-education sector rom deteriorating.

It is not surprising to ind that quality was the big concern or the Goernment, as a
number o countries has suered rom low quality priate higher education. 1hough
the nationalisation o King Abdulaziz Uniersity was not in any way linked with poor
educational quality, ew participants in the study suggested possible reasons or late
Goernment approal o priate higher education. lour o my interiewees beliee that
the Goernment`s lack o enthusiasm can be attributed to its 196 experience with the
priate King Abdul-Aziz Uniersity in Jeddah. 1hey all belieed that the Goernment`s
preious experience in dealing with priate higher education in the Kingdom inormed
its caution and negatiely aected its attitude. One o the interiewees een described a
signiicant educational authority`s attitude when priate inestors suggested the idea o
priate higher education. 1hat authority stated that the preailing eeling among
Goernment oicials was that priate higher education institutions would eentually be
made the responsibility o the Goernment, as was the case with King Abdul Aziz
Uniersity:

. . . and then you will throw it back to the Goernment as you did preiously with
King Abdul Aziz Uniersity.`

A senior aculty member rom the public sector argued that the Goernment should not
base its decision on its preious experience with KAAU, he remarked:

KAAU was atypical as a priate higher education institution because it was
completely tuition-ree, which is not the case with the new priate higher education
institutions.`

Also, some respondents attributed the Goernment`s reluctance to allow priate higher
education to its need to maintain ull control oer the education sector. One
interiewee, an employer, obsered:


2u9

1he Goernment in the KSA likes to hae ull control oer all its sectors and
serices. Policy-makers took many years beore they allowed the priate sector to
take part in any serice.`

Another administrator rom the public sector agreed:
1hey want to say: we are here, we are the Goernment, and we can proide higher
education to the whole society. 1here was a period that the Goernment didn't like
the priate sector in general.`

A aculty member at a priate uniersity who ormerly worked at a public uniersity
added:
Lectures and student actiities used to be highly monitored by the authorities to
minimise political dissent. It is possible that the Goernment eared loss o control
i priate higher education institutions were to prolierate.`

1he aboe iews suggest goernment hesitancy to allow priate higher education was
based on quality, political and ideological reasons. \hateer is really the case, the
Goernment has been addressing such ears through its policies. Concerning quality,
or example, the Goernment has introduced irm regulations concerning licensing and
accreditation. 1hat said, as will be seen in the coming chapter, priate institutions hae
more lexibility and reedom with their actiities than those in the public sector. As to
the Goernment`s ear about the inluence o the \est, while it is diicult to control, at
least has minimised it by not allowing any \estern branches where it might hae less
control.

As illustrated aboe, the Goernment hae been criticised or being late in its decision
to permit priate higher education. Interiewees had dierent perceptions o the
reasons or the Goernment`s delay. It may be, howeer, that these respondents were
implicitly comparing goernment policy on priate higher education to other arenas o
KSA goernment policy, at least more than to priate higher education policy in other
countries, which they may know little about. 1he Saudi Goernment's 1998 decision to
permit priate higher education may well hae been inluenced by the obseration o
regional trends allowing priate higher education. As has been documented in Chapter
1, other states in the Arab world, particularly other members o the GCC, were taking
similar steps toward creating or expanding priate higher education sector. In addition,
the 90s was a period in which priate sector education prolierated not only in the Arab

21u

world but worldwide. loweer, it took the Saudi goernment around a decade to
approe the establishment o this sector in the Kingdom.

Ater almost a decade o hesitation, the Goernment inally allowed priate sector
participation in higher education. \e can see how the Goernment moed rom
opposing to uncertain to allowing. 1he Goernments regulatory ramework will be
examined below.



211

B/$ I3"'%3;;)"* 4'('$Y @)2$"&)"* ("# F$*1;(')3"&

Among those interiewed, the predominant response to the creation o the priate
higher education sector was that it was largely unplanned and may hae been
experimental.

1here was no ertile ground that would help with improement. I think it was a
kind o a trial-and-error phase in the beginning. 1he Ministry o ligher Lducation
issued a decision that allowed the priate sector to participate in higher education
proision.

Another aculty member echoed the same iew and added:
It| the priate higher education sector| came un planned

1he Saudi Goernment announced its approal on June 8th 1998, through Decree
Number 33, a year ater approing the regulations on the sector set by the Ministry o
ligher Lducation. 1his may indicate that policymaking toward priate higher
education was proactie. At irst, the Ministry`s approal and regulations were only or
non-proit higher education institutions, limiting the establishment o priate higher
education to charity oundations. Neertheless, two years later, Decree No. 212
,September 1
st
2000, was issued. Additional regulations were approed allowing the
priate sector to establish or-proit higher education institutions. Since then, or-proit
priate higher education institutions hae prolierated in the KSA. According to Al-
Lassa ,2010,, ater the introduction o the regulations or the non-or-proit status o
priate institutions, no application was made to establish such institutions - eeryone
went or the non-or-proit model. .

It was obsered that goernment regulations on both types o institutions are exactly
the same. 1he reason that causes proiders to choose between being or-proit or non-
or-proit was not inestigated. It is clear, howeer, that the Saudi Goernment hae
not gien the non-or-proit institutions any extra acilities that would encourage priate
institutions to be non-or-proit. One might argue, howeer, that non-or-proit
intuitions hae the adantage o not paying the tax that or-proitinstitutions hae to
pay. In Saudi Arabia, unlike in other countries, 2.5 is a ixed tax rate which should
not hae a signiicant aect on the proits to be generated by priate institutions. Aside

212

rom the Goernment, people might be more willing to gie their donations or zakat`-
- ixed portion o one`s wealth to non-or-proit priate higher education institutions in
Saudi Arabia.

Regulations on Saudi priate higher education inole 28 articles ,MOlL, 2012b,. 1hey
coer ownership requirements -- i.e., prospectie inestors are obliged to hae a
minimum o ie partners in eery enture. 1hey also coer authorisation requirements
and procedures. Article asserts that institutional programmes should be designed to
meet labour market demands and the country`s Deelopment Plan. Article 19 airms
the superisory role o the Ministry o ligher Lducation in ensuring priate institutions`
compliance with all regulations and approing priate institutions ,systems, council,
departments, programmes, and study plans,. Article 23 requires priate higher
education institutions to rerain rom making any changes to those elements listed
aboe without haing the Ministry o ligher Lducation`s approal. 1he Council o
Ministries` Decree No. 35,1,1389 ,January 1st 2001, set out the executie rules,
administratie procedures, and technical regulations or priate colleges ,Al-Dali & Al-
Rayes, 2009,. 1he Saudi goernment, as represented by the Ministry o ligher
Lducation, deines its relation with the priate sector as joint planning and joint
organization ,Al-Dali & Al-Rayes, 2009,. 1hese two kinds o relations are coered
through licensing and accreditation requirements set by the Ministry o ligher
Lducation as will be discussed below.

New priate higher education institutions in Saudi Arabia are required to be licensed by
the Ministry o ligher Lducation in order to operate. 1hese priate institutions go
through our stages beore they receie the inal approal: preliminary licence, general
approal, special approal, and inal licence ,Al-Dali & Al-Rayes, 2009, MOlL, 2012b,.
A preliminary licence is granted to the institution upon the acceptance o a easibility
study showing the need or the subjects oered, together with details o the enture,
such as:

1. Objecties o establishing the Priate ligher Lducation Institutions and its mission.
2. 1he total cost o the enture including cost o land, buildings and acilities.
3. \ays o inancing the enture.
4. linancial status o the proposers and their ability to sustain the enture.
5. Details o the owners and their background.
6. 1he site o the institution.

21S

. 1he maximum absorption capacity o the institution.
8. 1he expected number o students to be enrolled in eery major.
9. 1he ees to be charged.
10. 1he institution's plans or sta recruitment and aculty qualiications.
11. 1he expected starting date ater gaining approal. ,MOlL, 2012b,


A co-ounder o a priate college belieed these requirements went too ar:

1he requirements o the preliminary licence are based on ear o ailure. People in
the Goernment still remember the ailure o KAAU as a priate uniersity, which
was oer 40 years ago! But KAAU was tuition-ree. \hat we are trying to do is
completely dierent.`

Among those interiewed, there were some criticisms o the licensing process. A
priate college administrator obsered:

1he our stages o licensing are reasonable but the MOlL bureaucracy is ery
slow to act. 1hese Ministry oicials do not hae a ision o what priate higher
education could achiee. 1hey want it to be like the public uniersities. 1hey are
araid o risk. 1hey don`t want to take a chance.`

Another administrator also commented on the ineiciency o the licensing process:

1he our stages the MOlL has deined or licensing make sense in theory. But so
ar there are no set timelines or this approal process. \e in the priate sector
neer know where we are, when we will be approed-i at all.`

A committee in the Ministry o ligher Lducation is in charge o the next stage, general
approal. Its membership includes ministry sta, as well as others recruited rom the
nation's uniersities. 1he committee has the responsibility or ealuating the physical
acilities and the technical and organisational state o the institution. It is particularly
concerned that the institution should meet approed standards in the capacity o the
buildings, the quality o classrooms,lecture halls, the adequacy o laboratories and
computer acilities, the aailability o language laboratories and a library, as well as the
quality o aculty oices and health units. 1he Ministry sets speciic standards or each
category, which the priate institutions must meet.

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1he Committee also examines the organisational structure o the institution and the
existence and appointment o: a board o trustees, a dean, deputy deans, and
departmental principals, and a college council and departmental councils. 1hey also
examine aculty qualiications in each department o the institution.

1he third stage--special approal--is concerned with the academic plans o the priate
educational institution. 1his inoles the Ministry sending the institution's academic
plans to three dierent outstanding higher education institutions specialising in the
ields under assessment. 1hose institutions are asked to ealuate the academic plans
proposed by the applicant institution. A committee at MOlL then discusses the
ealuation proided by the three experts rom each o the assessing uniersities. 1he
resulting collectie assessment is then discussed with the applicant. 1he General
Committee o Licensing and Approal then grants the approal o the academic
program. loweer, as speciied in Article 23 o the regulations goerning the priate
sector, the Ministry must also approe any changes in the academic plans. 1he same rule
also applies to any adjustments in the institution's rules and procedures. A special
approal licence is then granted upon compliance with these detailed academic criteria.
1his third stage o licensing regarding academic plans drew some critical responses. An
administrator rom a priate college remarked:

1he third leel o approal-that aects academic plans-is still problematic. \e
tried to open an institution or girls who can`t study abroad. \e wanted a new
American-style curriculum. It was a disaster. 1he MOlL held up the entire
curriculum. \e learned that you hae to use the curriculum rom one o the public
uniersities and later try to adjust it.`

A aculty member rom a priate college had a similar comment:

\e tried to get approal or a new 4-year degree programme in a market-oriented
degree program. It got stuck in the MOlL or a year because o the new
curriculum, the course content. \et this was the kind o programme the economy
desperately needs rom higher education.`

Neertheless, in 2004, the National Commission or Academic Assessment and
Accreditation ,NCAAA, was created as an independent body by the Ministry o ligher

21S

Lducation. It works under the ligher Lducation Council but has an administratie and
inancial autonomy ,MOlL, 2004,. 1his accrediting body was established ater
licensing procedures were deeloped, it was gien the responsibility o assessing higher
education institutions, and, based on its possible ealuation, the priate institution could
become nationally accredited. It should be emphasised that as yet no Saudi priate
institution has been accredited--eight years ater the NCAAA was established.

1he ourth stage o the licensing process culminates in the issuing o the inal license to
operate. 1his is granted upon ensuring that the institution has ulilled all the
requirements o the three stages discussed aboe, together with a major inal
requirement o a inancial guarantee. 1his is an insurance policy proided by the
institution to the Ministry, to ensure that the Ministry can run the institution should the
enture ail, thus ensuring continuity o education or the students. 1he guarantee is
calculated at 5,000 Saudi Riyal ,SR, per student, with the total amount dependent on the
proposed capacity o the institution. Proiders o priate higher education hae ound
this bank guarantee to be diicult to meet. An owner-partner rom one priate college
explained:
1his is a ery serious inancial burden on us. \e hae to get a bank guarantee.
\e now hae 4,000 students at 5,000 Saudi Riyals per student so that`s 20 million
Riyals per year. And the guarantee must be renewed each year with charges rom
the bank.`

A priate College Board member spoke along the same lines:
1he licensing requirements mean we must put up a guarantee o 5,000 Riyals or
each student. 1hat is a ery high demand.especially or those colleges which now
hae thousands o students enrolled.`

1he owner-partner cited aboe also understood the reasons or the inancial guarantee:
1he Goernment might lit the requirement o the inancial guarantee but they are
still waiting to see i we are strong, inancially, and can sustain our institutions.`

An Administrator at a priate college spoke o the inancial burden o these licensing
and inancial requirements:
1he requirements o the MOlL are costly or those operating priate institutions.
\e hae an employee who must trael rom Jeddah to Riyadh 2 to 3 days per week

216

to meet with the MOlL sta to discuss licensing, accreditation, registration,
inancial guarantees, payments.`

\hile the National Commission or Academic Assessment and Accreditation has been
playing an important role in the licensing o priate higher education institutions, its role
in ensuring the quality o the sector will be discussed below.

Quality assurance mechanisms in priate higher education are ound to be closely linked
to the prolieration o demand-absorbing priate higher education institutions
,Lemaitre, 2009,. Beore then, the size o the priate higher education sector was small
and the presence o such a mechanism was not necessary. 1eixeira ,2006, and Galbraith
,2003, discuss the act that many countries are suering rom low-quality priate higher
education institutions. 1he accreditation o higher education institutions--whether
public or priate--has been a policy concern in many countries ,Laton 200,. Many
goernments hae been actie in launching accreditation requirements to ealuate the
academic standards o priate higher education institutions. 1he responsibility or
accreditation aries between countries. Kinser et al ,2010, suggest new quality
assurance mechanisms and regulatory regimes hae emerged to address the speciic
issues raised by non-state sponsored educational entities`,p. ix,. Altbach et al. ,2009,
suggests that the presence o accreditation policies can enhance the quality o priate
institutions by stimulating competition and ensuring the surial o the best.

1he Ministry o ligher Lducation`s licensing regulations and accreditation requirement
discussed aboe emphasize the Goernment`s concern with the quality o priate higher
education institutions. 1he ormer Dean o a priate college commented:

O course, the quality o higher education proided by priate institutions has been
a concern or the Goernment. 1here is a perception around the world that public
institutions are better than priate ones. Among the practices o the Goernment
to control this quality is the NCAAA.`

Kinser et al ,2010, hae obsered that, in many countries, quality assurance has been
established to address quality issues in priate higher education. But in the KSA the
presence o this accrediting body has been important to address quality issues in both
sectors. Neertheless, the presence o priate higher education may hae expedited its
presence.

217


Lstablished in 2004, the NCAAA arranged with eery uniersity in the Kingdom to
hae a quality assurance department to superise quality mechanisms and to ensure
compliance with its requirements. ligher education institutions need to be re-
accredited by the NCAAA once eery ie years. 1he National Commission has been
actiely working with higher education institutions, both public and priate. A number
o workshops were conducted to educate academics and sta about the National
Commission's standards and the way the assessment works. Institutions hae been
instructed to sel-assess themseles according to the Commission's criteria. 1he priate
higher education institutions I isited stressed how hard they hae been working to
meet the Commission's requirements. A dean o a priate college commented on the
external examiners` work:

1he external reiewers sent in by the NCAAA meet with our aculty, students,
check out course content, educational materials, look at our libraries. 1hey gie us
lots o comments, most o them helpul.`

An administrator added:
\e hae a ull-time employee or our quality assurance department. She was
trained by Americans. She`s ery tough.`

Not all uniersity administration oicials ound these quality controls easy to deal with.
A dean remarked:
1he NCAAA`s quality assurance requirements took us a lot longer than we
expected. \e had trouble complying with them. Maybe they go too ar, but I`m or
the quality they ensure.`

1he costs o quality assurance hae also been an issue. A priate College Board
member was particularly critical:
1he Goernment tried to charge our college 2.5 o scholarship payments or the
Goernment`s role in quality assurance. 1his was in addition to the amount we pay
directly to the NCAAA each year..`

\hile all priate higher education institutions hae been working to meet the
requirements o the National Commission, at the time o this writing, only a small
number hae inished their internal assessment. Lxternal reiewers--who were experts

218

recruited by the National Commission rom the UK, Australia, and the USA--isited
these priate higher education institutions. Lidence or compliance with the
requirements o the NCAAA must be eriied by the reiewing committee through
random selection o elements and people rom the institutions being examined.
1hough this quality assurance scheme is being applied to both public and priate higher
education institutions, the priate sector has been more concerned about it. 1hat is
because priate higher education institutions will not receie their inal licence rom the
Ministry unless they pass the accreditation requirements, thus it will hae an impact on
their credibility. A ormer dean o a priate college obsered:

1hose o us actie in trying to establish priate higher education in the kingdom,
we asked the Goernment to create an independent group to assess quality. \e
said-please ealuate us by international standards.it`s the only thing that will gie
us credibility.`

Another administrator rom a priate college also stressed the importance o quality on
the mobility o their students:

Independent quality assessment is the only thing that will create trust in our
schools. Also, i some o our students continue their education abroad, we want
our credits accepted.

1his contrasts with the public sector, in which there is still no quality mechanism that
aects their operations. Unlike the public sector, public institutions do not need to be
accredited or licensed by the Goernment. In addition, in the public sector, there is still
no link between accreditation and budget allocation in the. In act, the most critical
comment about the Goernment's relationship with the priate sector came rom an
interiewee`s speaking on behal o the Ministry o ligher Lducation:

My only concern is that the NCAAA plays its role in ensuring a minimum leel o
quality o the priate higher education institutions. My concern is also applicable to
public higher education institutions. My personal opinion is that NCAAA is not
doing its job eectiely at the moment.`

It is clear that the Ministry o ligher Lducation is taking measures to promote the
quality o priate higher education. Ley ,2009, 2011, discusses how it is not always

219

clear whether such regulations are truly practised or not. Interiews with proiders o
priate higher education suggest that such regulations are not only text on paper but are
actually implemented and that the Goernment is serious about it. \hile some ind
such regulations to be oerwhelming, others ind the Goernment inolement and
regulations to be indispensible.

According to the Goernment itsel, the Ministry o ligher Lducation is responsible
or all aspects o priate higher education in the KSA. According to the same Ministry
oicial cited aboe:

1he Ministry o ligher Lducation has ull control and inluence. 1his is because
the bylaws o priate higher education gie the Minister o ligher Lducation ull
responsibility and authority in most o the related important issues.`

1he regulations or priate higher education published by the MOlL tend to support
this position. According to these rules, the Ministry is inoled in all aspects o decision-
making. lor example, the appointments o college deans need to be approed by the
Ministry. Similarly, Boards o 1rustees or priate institutions must include
representaties rom the Ministry. College councils also contain members appointed by
the Ministry. Any changes to the curriculum in a priate institution require approal
rom the Ministry, since they constitute an alteration o the original licence. loweer,
comments rom interiewees didn`t suggest they perceied the Goernment's leel o
inolement as particularly high. Most managerial sta appeared to be positie towards
the regulations by the Ministry. Administrators rom the priate sector, some o whom
had preiously worked in the public sector, regarded the Goernment's inolement as
manageable rather than stiling:

It is good to hae the Goernment inoled. I ind the Goernment inolement
is good in structuring us. I ind the Ministry to be lexible, we are learning rom
them and they are learning rom us and this goes back to the act that we hae a
wonderul King. I do not ind them too rigid.`

Another administrator remarked:

My experience with the Ministry is a positie one. In our meetings they listen
openly to our suggestions and take them into consideration.`

22u


Some interiewees characterised the Goernment's inolement as strict, but again
these comments were largely positie. A ormer dean o a priate college obsered:
In a culture like ours, there is a high need or strict inolement rom the
Goernment. Otherwise, you can imagine how things would be going.`

A dean o a priate college added a qualiication:

1here are two sides to goernment inolement. linancial inolement usually
goes with its control. At the beginning, we were not happy to ollow the rules and
regulations rom the Goernment. loweer, we can now see its eects. In my
opinion, it has been good or protecting the quality o the education we oer.`

Oerall, interiewees rom priate higher educational institutions ,many o whom had
experience working in the public sector, had a positie response to the subject o the
relationship between the Ministry o ligher Lducation and the priate sector. Some
aculty respondents criticised what they saw as obstructie or misguided policies, but,
oerall, interiewees saw the Ministry's oersight as important in maintaining the quality
o education in the priate sector. One recurring concern with that oersight is the
issue o lexibility. A priate sector administrator remarked:

Goernment control is okay but there needs to be lexibility, less bureaucracy in
the procedures.`

A board member o the same school obsered:

1he goernment needs more lexibility in dealing with each college. 1here hae to
be adjustments based on the situation, what each college is trying to do.`

\hile some proiders o priate higher education perceied the goernment to be strict
and to lack lexibility with the priate sector, the priate sector still enjoys more reedom
in managing their institutions.




221

1he State's financial support to Private Higher Lducation

Across the globe, inancing higher education has been a major challenge acing
goernments. 1hus, as discussed earlier, the increasing demand or higher education and
goernments` insuicient unds to meet this demand hae been important actors
behind the prolieration o priate higher education institutions.

Ley ,2011, also explains how priate higher education institutions receie dierent
support rom the Goernment, according to their type ,elite, semi-elite, or demand-
absorbing, or-proit or not-or-proit,. 1hus, the same goernment could hae
dierent stances depending on the type o priate higher education institution.
Goernment regulation o the priate sector does not imply inancial support. 1he
relationship between institutional autonomy and goernment inancial support is not
always clear. 1here are countries where goernments hae too much control oer higher
education institutions while not proiding any inancial support to that sector ,Ley,
2010a,. 1his section presents the kind o support that priate institutions get rom the
Goernment.

During the pilot study, I ound inancial constraints to be a major concern or priate
higher education proiders. As in many priate education institutions around the world,
tuition ees hae been the main inancial resource or those institutions in the KSA.
Neertheless, at the beginning, recruiting students was a big challenge or priate higher
education as their tuition ees are considered high when compared to the public sector
which is not only tuition ees ree but also proides students with monthly stipends.
1he Dean o a priate college commented:

1uition ees charged by the priate sector, though modest, are always perceied to
be high. Comparison is always drawn with the public sector where not only tuition
is ree, but a student also receies a monthly stipend rom the State.`

Another dean o a priate college urther addressed the issue o stipends:

.I beliee stipends that are being paid to students in the public sector hae a
strong eect on some students` decision whether to go to public or priate higher
education institutions. 1his, as a result, aects the number o students enrolled in
the priate sector.`

222


Indeed, the tuition ees gap between both sectors and the stipends oered to students
in the public sector is a serious challenge or priate proiders who want to recruit more
students. Priate institutions` tuition ees could be a challenge to students who come
rom low-income amilies. \ithout inancial support rom the Goernment, enrolment
in priate higher education institutions would be diicult, i not impossible, or them.

Proiders o priate higher education hae been looking or some recognition rom the
Goernment that they are proiding a crucial serice in the ield o higher education.
1he priate sector eels it should be gien more consideration by the Goernment. I
heard a recurring note o irritation on this point. lor example, a priate college board
member complained:

\e were regarded as outsiders, as an unwanted child.`

An administrator rom a priate college remarked:

1he Goernment shouldn't expand its public sector but, rather, support the priate
sector more, as the cost o students in priate institutions is 50 lower than in the
public sector. I hae some worries that this support will not continue.`

1here was a sense o rustration about this lack o inancial support. 1he ice dean o a
priate college highlighted the priate sector`s rustration:

In the KSA, there is yet no culture o endowment. 1he culture o alumni
contributions to higher education institutions is still not there either. \e hae been
working hard with the religious authorities who pronounce atwas |religious
judgements| that zakat |the Islamic obligation to gie alms| can be used to
encourage people to support priate higher education institutions.`

A priate college board member also remarked:
\e tried many times to get banks to help students. It`s social participation. 1hey
could cut it rom their zakat payment`.

It was not long ater the Saudi Goernment permitted priate higher education that it
started to inancially support the priate sector. ,Al-Dali & Al-Rayes, 2009,. 1he

22S

Goernment has been gradually responding to the inancial challenges acing the sector.
1he irst inancial incentie the Goernment oered to the priate sector was the
leasing o goernment lands, which are owned by the Ministry o Municipal and Rural
Aairs, as well as other goernment authorities. 1his was approed by the Council o
Ministers Decree No. 8, released on the 6th o April 2002 ,MOlL, 2012b,. 1he
second orm o inancial support rom the Goernment was sot loans to licensed
priate higher education institutions. 1hough this kind o inancial incentie rom the
Goernment was aailable during the pilot study, none o the proiders interiewed
recognised this kind o support rom the Goernment. 1his was a bit surprising until
one o the interiewees ,a aculty member rom a priate college, clariied the
contradicting policies o the Goernment:

Priate proiders are not eligible to receie loans rom the Goernment unless they
proide the Ministry o linance with almost one third o the alue o the loan. I
we had the money, why would we then approach the Ministry in the irst place`

\hile the Saudi Goernment proides loans to priate higher education institutions,
there is as yet no student loan scheme aailable as in other countries. An administrator
rom the priate sector emphasised:

1he inrastructure to support priate colleges and uniersities is not yet there. lor
example, the banking system doesn`t proide loans or students.`

A board member o a priate college obsered:

SAMA ,1he Saudi Arabian Monetary Agency, could request banks to oer us low-
interest loans--as a social responsibility. 1he MOlL could ask SAMA to do this.`

A aculty member was more emphatic in his comments:

1he Goernment should orce banks to oer loans to students. Not all parents
can aord their higher education. Student loan programmes hae worked ery well
eerywhere else. \hy not here`

In addition to the absence o student loans, priate higher education in Saudi Arabia
does not hae access to other alternaties. Donations are another minor source o

224

income or priate higher education institutions. Some priate higher education
institutions sought inancial help rom well-known wealthy businessmen through
personal networking. Donated unds by the executies were then oered to students in
the orm o scholarships. loweer, charity oundations and or-proit institutions are
not compatible. A dean rom the priate sector described the inancial constraints acing
his institution:

...Our institution, being or-proit,` receies ew donations rom businessmen.
1he perception o proiteering rom charitable donations has suraced, to the
detriment o the or-proit sector...`

It is worth noting that in Saudi Arabia, people are still not used to donating to
educational institutions, people still hae the perceptions that donations or Zakat -the
religiously ixed portion o wealth-- should be spent on building mosques or on poor
people, and that education is the Goernment`s responsibility.

\hat seems to hae been increasing the rustration o the priate sector is seeing the
Goernment`s external scholarship programme, which sends thousands o students
abroad. One o the interiewees, a ormer dean rom a priate college, commented:

1he Goernment is inancially sponsoring students to study abroad in majors that
we are oering.1he Goernment might sae more money i, rather, it sponsored
students to go to priate institutions.`

Indeed the goernment`s decision to send thousands o students abroad was not
receied well by proiders o priate higher education. At that time, priate institutions
were struggling to recruit students. 1he Goernment, possibly, succeeded in alleiating
this anger rom the priate proiders through its scholarship programme which will be
discussed in the ollowing section.


A"'$%"(; 42/3;(%&/)<&

Seen years ater the inception o priate higher education, the Ministry o ligher
Lducation decreed the establishment o an internal scholarship programme allowing

22S

students to enrol in priate higher education institutions. ,Decree No. 6304,MB o
August 18
th
2006., 1his scholarship programme has ie phases ,Al-Dali & Al-Rayes,
2009,. lrom 2006 to 2010, around 10,000 scholarships were granted to the amount o
326,51,000 Saudi Riyals. In the irst phase, the number o scholarships that each
institution was eligible or did not exceed 30 o the total enrolment ,Al-Dali & Al-
Rayes, 2009,. 1he Ministry allocated certain amounts or each subject. 1his meant that,
in many cases, the scholarship coered only part o the tuition ees and the student had
to pay the rest. ,MOlL, 2012b,.

1wo types o scholarships were oered: 1, ull scholarships, which coered secondary
school graduates who had Lxcellent and ery good` accumulated GPAs, and 2, partial
scholarships which coered secondary school graduates with good` accumulated
GPAs. In addition to secondary school grades and the cumulatie GPA, the
scholarship programme required that disciplines that students were applying or had to
be market-oriented. One would not expect this requirement or a priate institution
since the Goernment`s licensing rules already entail market orientation o all courses
oered. 1hese scholarships coered students already enrolled, as well as those to be
enrolled in priate institutions. loweer, newly applying students had to pass the
standard examination needed or admission to public higher education institutions.
Generally, this is not among the requirements or admission to priate higher education
institutions in the Kingdom. Only a ew priate institutions required this assessment or
admission.

In 2010, the Ministry o ligher Lducation increased its support or scholarships to
priate higher education institutions to coer up to 50 o the total enrolment in the
institution. Apparently, the Goernment scholarship programme induced trust in the
priate sector, as well as proiding much needed inancial relie. As one o the students
commented:

\e used to ear that degrees rom the priate sector would not be recognised, but
with Goernment scholarships being oered to students in priate higher education
institutions, that means that the Ministry is approing the sector.`

A aculty member at a priate college conirmed that iew:


226

Goernment scholarships` being made aailable to the priate sector signiies trust
in that sector.`

In agreement with what my interiewees said, I remember that, beore the
Goernment`s scholarship programme started, a major concern o new applicants was
whether priate higher education was approed by the Goernment or not. But with
the scholarship programme, it is likely that Saudis realised that the Goernment would
not oer this kind o inancial support unless it was to improe a sector iewed
aourably by the Goernment. In addition to the sense o trust that goernment
scholarships proided or the priate sector, they also helped to alleiate the inancial
burden on students, particularly students rom low-income amilies who otherwise
would not be able to enrol in this sector. A student applying to a priate college
remarked:

I was in my ith semester in a public uniersity. but when I heard about the
internal scholarship programme, I decided to come here ,to a priate college,.`

Beore the Goernment`s internal scholarship program, indirect inancial support came
in 2006 through the Goernment`s luman Resources Deelopment lund, which
oered loans to students. loweer, support has been restricted to certain majors, such
as banking, logistics, human resources management, and tourism. Increased public
inancial support is highly needed in the context o Saudi Arabia: inancial resources
aailable to the priate sector are limited.

1he eect o goernment support on student enrolment in priate higher-education
institutions has been discussed in the international literature. A study conducted by
1ierney ,1980, analysed data gathered on new students. le ound that student aid has a
great eect on student choice in attending either priate or public schools. Astin and
Inouye ,1988,, looked at the eect o public policy on priate higher education
institutions, speciically student aid policy. Zumeta ,1996,, also inds that with the
ariation among dierent states o USA, where he did his study, as to policies o priate
higher education, there was an obious correlation between the policies. \ith the
increase o student aid, there was an increase in enrolment in priate higher education
institutions, particularly o students rom low-to-middle income amilies. 1hese same
patterns seem to be emerging in the Kingdom`s priate higher education sector with

227

increased goernment inancial support and--just as important--recognition o the alue
o these institutions.

It is the case that the public uniersities, acing increasing demand, hae adopted more
restrictie admission standards. 1his in turn has placed more demand on the priate
sector.


228

I3"2;1&)3"

In this chapter, I hae ocused on the relationship between the priate sector and the
Goernment in the Saudi context. 1his relationship is o a complicated nature, as it
eoles rom one stage to another, changed by new policies and regulations. \hile
priate higher education in the KSA was initiated by the goernment rather than the
priate sector, the goernment was perceied as being a reluctant partner. Planning,
implementation, and decision-making were hesitant and characterised by what has
been called experimental, trial and error approach`.

1he Goernment`s stance towards the priate sector changed rom being reluctant
about approing the priate sector, to initing the priate sector to participate in
higher education proision but with detailed regulations, to gradually supporting it
inancially. Oerall, the Goernment plays a major role in the deelopment o priate
higher education, or without its suspect o the priate sector, higher education would
still be entirely dominated by public institutions. lrom the perspectie o regulations
alone, Saudi Goernment may hae appeared to be pro-actie, as the Goernment
appears more concerned about controlling the priate sector than acilitating its
deelopment and integration into the higher education system. Licensing and
accreditation requirements preceded the establishment o priate institutions. On the
other hand, the Goernment could be considered as reactie to the slow growth in the
priate sector by allowing proit-making priate institutions to attract priate
inestment and through proiding scholarships to students in priate institutions.








229

67&8$.% PP
6+*'-</;*0 47+<07$#

1hrough this thesis, I intend to present my readers with a multi-aceted analysis that will
help them better understand the role o the priate sector in the higher education
system, and also in the changing society o a modern Middle Last country such as Saudi
Arabia. I hae examined the priate higher education in Saudi Arabia rom three
perspecties: regional-historical, institutional and socio-political. 1his was in an attempt
to answer my research questions:
1, \hat are the contributing actors behind the emergence and deelopment o
priate higher education in the KSA
2, 1o what extent is the Saudi priate higher education sector perceied to be
distinct rom the public sector
3, \hat are the wider implications o priate higher education or the higher
education system and the country in general

My thesis, accordingly, was organised into our Parts. Part I and II looked into the rise
and early deelopment o the priate sector mainly rom a historical angle. Part III
examined the perceptions o the priate sector among the dierent stakeholders
inoled - students, administrators, aculty members, policy makers and employers, and
the extent to which the priate sector addresses limitations in the public sector o higher
education. Part IV explored the role o the priate sector in a wider socio-political
context, by looking at the use o Lnglish language in the sector as a symbolic interaction
between the country and the outside world, and also the changing relationship between
the sector and the central goernment.

In this concluding chapter, howeer, I would like to summarise my indings in a slightly
dierent ormat or the aoidance o a dreary repetition o preious discussions. 1o do
so, I go back to the title o this thesis and address the keywords one by one - evergevce,
aeretovevt, and ercetiov. o priate higher education in Saudi Arabia. I then go a step
urther in discussing some o the bigger issues that emerge rom my preious chapters,
such as social class, gender equity, globalisation, cultural identity, etc. 1hese issues are
explored in relationship to the debate o public goods ersus priate goods, or social
beneits and priate gains o higher education. I then return to an early assumption

2Su

regarding the role o priate higher education - whether it proides more, better or
dierent education. 1he thesis ends with my recommendations or arious stakeholders
o priate higher education in Saudi Arabia. But beore the summary o my indings, I
would like to relect upon the methodology o my empirical work, in particular its
limitations.

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1here were no published works on the emergence o priate higher education in Saudi
Arabia and its implications. I thereore adopted a qualitatie research design which I elt
was particularly appropriate or the kind o study I was undertaking. 1he sector is so
new that there is little understanding about its nature, and the extent to which it is
dierent rom the public sector. 1he nature and the distinctieness o the priate sector
and the context in which both sectors exist are important things to consider while
understanding the emergence o this new sector. 1hereore the present study oers an
opening or others to ollow.

lrom the beginning, I understood that my work would be exploratory. 1he basic
outlines o my study topic were barely known. I belieed that by gathering and analysing
the perceptions o a broad ariety o stakeholders, including students, academic and
administratie sta, employers, and goernment oicials, I would be able to present a
proisional picture o this ield. My preious work as an administrator in a Saudi
Arabian priate college and my reiew o secondary literature on priate higher
education, as well as contemporary goernment documents, all contributed to the
context o this research and the analysis o the data obtained.

More than one hundred interiews were conducted, which were subjected to detailed
thematic analysis. 1he result is a mosaic o inormatie, nuanced, and sometimes
surprising perceptions. 1hat mosaic is multiaceted, and despite containing many
common themes and sub-themes, it thus also contains some contradictory opinions,
which are all one would expect o human truth`.

Undertaking such a large number o interiews inoled a considerable organisation o
resources as well as time. 1hese interiews required transcribing into Arabic, then
translating into Lnglish, prior to the thematic mapping process which was also ery

2S1

time-intensie. As I was operating as a single researcher within the time rame o a PhD
programme, resources were necessarily limited. 1he study sample was selected rom one
city only-Jeddah, inoling our higher education institutions. Jeddah is representatie
because its higher education operates in a way which relects the country as a whole.

Most o the students interiewed were business subjects. I chose this major to uniy my
sample and also because it was a subject common to all three o the priate institutions
which I sureyed. I did some interiews, howeer, with other majors or control
purposes, but these did not reeal any signiicant dierence in perception. loweer, in
a possible uture study, it might be that students in the subjects o health sciences, such
as medicine, would produce dierent opinion. All medical classes are in Lnglish and
admission standards are ery high in the public sector. 1o make a alid comparison
between the two sectors I need to choose subjects aailable to students in both sectors.
Business subjects are among the ew that are oered by both public and priate sectors.
It would thus be ery useul to compare perceptions o quality in the health sciences in
the public and priate sectors.

\hile I intended not to compare the priate colleges inoled, it must be said that I
hae not noticed a signiicant dierence in the impressions o people o dierent
colleges. 1he only noted dierence was in relation to extracurricular actiities, which
appeared to hae more presence in one institution than the others. Also there were not
substantial dierences in the perceptions o male and emale participants.

Another limitation in the study was that the diiculty or me to obtain access to current
goernment oicials, and much more so to get their perceptions on the record or my
research. Obiously the research can much beneit rom a richer source o personal
perceptions o the key stakeholders o higher education. At the moment this remains
extremely diicult especially or a emale researcher as mysel. \ithout a data input
rom the policy makers one can only speculate on the decisions and intentions, and
make a consideration o important higher education policies and practices based on
second hand data. Based on my personal experience and obseration o goernment
oicials I suspect I would be able to gain more inormation beyond mere diplomatic
answers and oicial accounts. 1hereore, in order to account or this process o
aoidance, uture research using other sources such as published statements could be
accessed.

2S2

A primary reason or adopting the research approach employed in the present study is
because the researcher wanted to open the inestigation o this ield or wider study.
1his is the irst study o priate higher education in Saudi Arabia since it emerged about
a decade ago. As there is no published research on this subject it is hoped that the
present study can lead to urther inestigations, some o which may ask dierent
questions and thus adopt dierent approaches. 1he exploratory, inestigatie approach
adopted here was designed to broaden our awareness o how the emerging and
expanding priate higher education sector appears to those who are part o it. Generally
speaking, een gien the limitations I`e outlined, I do beliee the perceptions I`e
documented would be aluable ocal points or subsequent research--both qualitatie
and quantitatie.


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In Chapter 2, I discussed the perspecties or understanding priate ligher Lducation,
including unding, ownership, orientation, unctions and role, and goernance. So what
exactly counts as priate higher education in Saudi Arabia At this point, with all the
analysis in preious chapter, it is perhaps easier or me to oer a clearer deinition. 1he
clearest distinctions between the priate and the public sectors are the acts that - irst,
in Saudi Arabia, priate institutions are those that are not owned by the goernment, and,
second, priate institutions charge tuition ees.

Priate higher education in Saudi Arabia is not owned by indiiduals but rather by
companies and non-or proit organisations. \hile many goernments around the world
still hae restrictions on or-proit higher education institutions, in Saudi Arabia it was
not too long ater the priate sector came into existence that the goernment waied
this restriction. 1he goernment takes an equal stance in its relationship between or
proit and non-or proit priate higher education institutions. Both types o higher
education institutions comply with goernment regulations and they both receie the
same support rom the goernment. 1he impact o institutional type on the
perormance and the seriousness o the institutions hae not been inestigated but it
might worth urther inestigation.


2SS

Also, it is worth noticing that oreign ownership is still not permitted in priate higher
education in Saudi Arabia. 1his is consistent with the conseratie tradition in the
political economy o Saudi Arabia. It is still unclear whether, or when, the goernment
will allow this orm o ownership. loweer, i it is to be allowed, one may wonder how
easible it is or oreign proiders to recruit qualiied sta considering the existing
priate institutions are acing great diiculty in this regard. One may also be interested
in the ways in which oreign ownership in priate higher education aects the standard
o educational proision, and leads to wider social changes.

\hile the priate sector enjoys more lexibility and less bureaucracy in its daily
management than in its public counterpart, there is tight control rom the goernment.
Such a tight control is maniested through a series o policies and regulations that
aour goernment interention and superision. At the moment the intention o this
tight control is still not entirely clear - whether the goernment is more concerned with
the quality o educational proision in the priate sector, or the possibilities that the
priate sector may act against the interests or preerence o the goernment. 1he
goernment is still uncertain in its stance towards the priate sector in terms o policy
making, implementation and inancial support. My concern about goernment control
oer the priate sector here is about the ways in which the priate sector`s innoation is
aected. I the priate sector is to take a bigger role in the ligher Lducation sector in
Saudi Arabia, the sector should be gien more lexibility in its goernance.


08$%*$"2$

I now moe on to summarise my main indings in this thesis. \ith regard to the
emergence o priate higher education, I explored the early rise and deelopment o the
priate sector in Saudi Arabia. As has been seen, the kingdom o Saudi Arabia aces a
unique combination o challenges-historical, cultural, social, demographic and
economic. 1hese challenges each hae a direct impact on the deelopment and call or a
better higher education system. 1he relationship between the ruling amily and the
\ahbi moement has meant that religion has a proound eect on all aspects o Saudi
lie including education and economic deelopment. Moreoer, while the country has
amassed great wealth rom oil, deelopments in the country hae been subject to the

2S4

unpredictable cycle o rising and alling oil prices. Pace o deelopments has been
slower than the growth in demographics.

As my analysis in Part II shows, one o the greatest challenges acing Saudi Arabia`s
higher education sector is the gap between demand and supply. lindings suggest that
the higher education system o the KSA is in need o priate higher education, not as an
elitist adjunct to a successul public higher education system, but as a necessary
complementary element to a public system which not only lacks the capacity, but is also
being challenged on many ronts. 1o some extent, one can argue that priate higher
education in Saudi Arabia has surged as a response to the public sector`s ailure to meet
qualitatie and quantitatie demands on the sector. 1he higher education system barely
expanded oer a 30-year period rom the 1960s to the end o the 20th Century that was
marked during the same period by signiicant population growth, as 1able 4 shows. 1his
created a critical lack o capacity and eentually aected the quality o the sector. 1he
quality o education and graduates has been another shortcoming o the public sector,
resulting in high unemployment rates among uniersity graduates.

Another underlying actor in the early rise o the priate sector is the goernment`s
approal. As I mentioned in Chapter 10, no priate higher education institutions existed
beore the Goernment approed the establishment o the irst priate college in 1998.
Despite widespread recognition o the concerns relating to the public sector, it was only
when the Goernment permitted the priate sector to operate that it began to emerge.
1his conirms Ley`s ,2009, 2010, 2011, obserations on the promotional role o the
Goernment on the emergence o priate higher education in the Middle Last. In Saudi
Arabia this decision ollowed signiicant pressure and encouragement rom priate
inestors who had or years been asking to deelop a priate sector within higher
education. 1here was delay, indecision, resistance, denial--and lack o planning. Oerall,
there was a sense that the Goernment eared a loss o control. Also, regulations were
ery detailed rom the beginning. 1he MOlL was gien a superisory role to ensure
that priate institutions complied with all regulations. Restrictie ownership
requirements were set up. 1he academic programs were to be designed to meet labour
market needs. New institutions must be licensed by the MOlL in order to operate. 1he
requirements o the preliminary license are quite detailed and stringent.


2SS

1hough it is still unclear why the goernment decided to allow the priate sector to
come into being, one would suspect that it was mainly due to the eorts o the priate
sector. 1he goernment appeared reluctant towards the introduction o the priate
sector, but perhaps it was becoming clearer to the goernment that the public sector
was not entirely successul in higher education proision or the Saudi society. 1he
priate sector may hae appeared as a reasonable choice or the goernment at the time.
lurthermore, the global pressure was perhaps stronger than any resistance rom the
Goernment. Global pressures which coloured the need or higher quality and more
releant higher education perhaps proed to be stronger than any tendency in
goernment circles to maintain the status quo. 1he world-wide prolieration o high
quality higher education, particularly in neighbouring Arab countries, together with the
adent o the knowledge economy, may hae produced a compelling momentum
towards the encouragement o the priate proision o higher education. I will discuss
this urther in the ollowing section.


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1wo things seem to contribute to the deelopment o the priate sector o lL in the
KSA, its distinctieness and the goernment`s changed stance towards the priate sector.
lor the ormer, we hae seen that the priate sector is distinctie in a number o
perspecties, which were discussed in Chapters 6, , 8 and 9.

A leading selling-point or the promotion o the priate sector, discussed in Chapter 9,
has been its use o the medium o Lnglish instruction in contrast to Arabic-medium
instruction in the public sector. 1he research identiied that the use o the Lnglish
medium was not just an important characteristic, but a deining one o the priate sector,
shared by all proiders. It was also the reason why some young people chose priate
education, whereas others decided not to choose the priate proision because they
preerred to study in the Arabic medium.

1he use o Lnglish is not simply a matter o linguistic luency and capability but also
signals and implies a change in course content and quality. 1he role Lnglish seems to
play or these stakeholders is multiaceted, incorporating educational, economic, social,
and political dimensions. Len the small number o interiewees who expressed

2S6

criticism o the use o Lnglish was clearly reacting to a powerul social reality. Another
aspect o this dierence is the perception that command o Lnglish assists in
employability. Lnglish was perceied to hae a high alue as a necessary skill in a
globalised economy. It was considered the most important job skill.
Despite the priate sector`s promoting o itsel as oering this distinctieness, it
neertheless aces challenges in maintaining its own recruitment o highly luent
Lnglish-language speakers to aculties. Proiders o priate higher education hae
diiculty inding qualiied aculty. Recruiting non-Muslim or \estern aculty is diicult
because o the restrictie way o lie in the Kingdom. lurthermore, there is also a lack
o locally produced Lnglish-language texts, along with lecturers who understand both
the UK,USA contexts and that which preails in the KSA. Moreoer, that access into
the sector is limited by a student`s ability and willingness to study in the Lnglish
medium. A urther concern is the extent to which the promotion o the use o the
Lnglish medium can lead to a loss o a distinctiely Arabic cultural identity to the work
o a higher education institution. I will discuss this point urther in a ollowing section.
lrom the institutional perspectie, the priate sector is, irst o all, distinctie in its
admission policies, particularly the act that it is more accessible or those who ail to
get into the public system or reasons o academic requirements or national policies, and
second, the proision o subjects that bear more releance to a changing job market
under the inluence o a global economy.

Moreoer, priate institutions are perceied as distinct or their smaller class sizes and
or the special attention` they gie to their students, as discussed in Chapter . Student-
teacher ratios were aourably commented on by both students and aculty academics.
In priate institutions, classes are smaller and students are gien more special attention`,
which they alue highly. Students are also able to make presentations in class, which is
not the case in the public uniersities. laculty ind that smaller class sizes allow them to
assign more demanding work which requires more time to grade. 1his appeared to hae
had a positie impact on the deelopment o sot skills` in students and thus their
employability. Moreoer, the presence o extracurricular actiities is another perceied
distinction and selling point or priate institutions in Saudi Arabia, with its implication
or student deelopment and graduate employability.
lurthermore, the priate sector is also distinctie in the ways in which it prepares
graduates or the job market. A linkage o higher education to the labour market is a key
concern in a country with high leels o unemployment among its Saudi nationals. My

2S7

discussion in Chapter 8 suggests that Saudi priate higher education is better linked to
the labour market than the public sector, which also echoes global trends in priate
higher education as discussed by Ley ,1986a, 2006b, 2009, 2010b, and Cao ,2008,. In
addition to the use o the Lnglish language and the market-orientation o the majors
oered, internships and practical learning are ound to be other distinct practices or
Saudi priate higher education which are related to the labour market. 1he priate
ligher Lducation sector has managed to establish more eectie networks or
connections with the priate sector in the market such as through career centres and
eents and actiities hosted by the priate institutions.

Last, but not least, the presence o extracurricular actiities is another perceied
distinction and selling point or priate institutions in Saudi Arabia, with its implication
or student deelopment and graduate employability. All stakeholders perceied those
actiities as haing a greater emphasis in the priate sector. 1his included international
ield trips, sports, clubs, workshops, seminars and lectures. Graduates o priate
institutions are perceied to be better equipped with sot skills which are belieed to be
important or employers. Lmployers who were interiewed belieed that extracurricular
actiities better prepared student graduates or the real world and helped to deelop
their personalities. Public sector aculty members noted the many bureaucratic limits on
oering such actiities in their schools. Priate sector students alued the particular
eorts made by their institutions to proide such actiities. One third o the
interiewees understood extracurricular actiities to be aluable in deeloping
personalities and skills. As a result, they elt themseles to be better rounded`. Student
union actiities and student elections in the priate sector were also enthusiastically
receied. Some students elt that extracurricular actiities could be improed, expressing
a desire or more and wanting them to be more innoatie. Priate sector students
reported that they deeloped greater sel-conidence and the ability to present
themseles` through extracurricular actiities in their colleges.

1he second underlying actor o the deelopment o the Saudi priate higher education
is the changing attitude o the goernment. 1he analysis shows that the Goernment
stance towards priate higher education has changed rom denial, to reluctance, to
experiment and to partial support. I beliee that the Goernment plays an important
role in the deelopment o priate higher education in Saudi Arabia through the
implementation o quality control policies. 1he National Commission or Academic

2S8

Assessment and Accreditation ,NCAAA, was set up in 2004 as an independent body to
urther assess these institutions and to accredit them. Another contributing actor to
the deelopment o the priate sector is the Goernment inancial support to the
priate sector. Initially, the Goernment did lease land or these institutions. Sot loans
were also oered but interiewees complained that priate proiders had to put up one
third o the loan`s alue--which was too much. Moreoer, the introduction o student
scholarships to priate institutions has led to a growth in the number o students
enrolled in the sector, but so ar no student loan programs hae been made aailable by
the Goernment or by the banking sector. 1here is as yet no culture o endowment as
these institutions are still ery new. Oerall, the Goernment plays a signiicant role in
the deelopment o priate higher education with its detailed regulations and its
inancial support.


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1hroughout my analysis in Part III and IV, I hae presented the oerall perceptions o
the priate sector. loweer, I am not suggestin that there were no ariations among
these percetions. In this section, I would like to highlight some dierences in the
perceptions o arious groups o stakeholders that can lead to urther research. lor the
stakeholders, I reer to mainly three groups in the ollowing discussion - students,
aculty members and employers. I also examine the possible dierences between the
public and priate sectors.

lirst, there was a disagreement oer the choice o the priate sector. Some iew priate
higher education to be a place or low achieers while some see it as a place or a better
quality o higher education proision. 1he question here is rather to what extent
admission requirements aect the quality o higher education proision at priate
institutions - i students are enrolled at a lower requirement, to what extent can they
catch up with a higher quality education proision And how do we ealuate the quality
o a gien higher education insitution - by its capacity in producing graduates who are
proessioanlly adequate or by its admission policies that aour applicants who are
academically capable It sounds somehow paradoxical, while the public sector is more
selectie in enrolment, the quality o education deliered is highly questionable. And
also, the labour market appears to aour graduates rom the priate sector oer those
rom the public sector. lor this point, I tend to agree with Cross ,194, P.8, who

2S9

argues that the quality and indeed success o lL depends on the ulilment o the new
task It is not to select those who will be successul but to make successul those who
come `.

Second, regarding the notion o quality` in higher education proision, students in both
sectors aour certain practices in the priate sector, such as small class size and special
attention to indiidual students. But aculty members hae dierent concerns - those in
the priate sector argue that students tend to misuse this special attention` by taking
their consumer rights` or granted and making unreasonable demands. lere, we see an
interesting phenomenon that is much related to the idea o priate good. As 1eixeira
and Dill ,2011, point out,
... higher education institutions are increasingly motiated to adopt an external
orientation, oten translated into a discourse calling or greater customer ocus.
1his customer-orientation is oten receied with mistrust and perplexity`,1eixeira
& Dill, 2011, p. XV,

Students in the priate sector, on the one hand, enjoy the educational experience o a
higher standard, and on the other hand, seem to understand the educational process in
more o a consumer-proider relationship. 1he priate sector, hence, is aced with a
dilemma - students are entitled to hold certain expectations o the educational
serices but they should also not be understood as mere consumers`. Students, in both
public and priate sectors, are ater recipients o a particular orm o education - they
are to be educated while being sered`. low to achiee this balance between the roles
o educator` and serice proider` will be a demanding task or the priate sector.

1hird, regarding the teaching and learning o Lnglish in higher education, almost all
stakeholders agree that Lnglish language skills are important or graduate employment,
but students and aculty members in the priate sector and also employers hold
dierent opinions oer the deicits o Lnglish language education. Students in the
priate sector complain that teachers are not entirely competent, while teachers tend to
blame students or their lack o basic language skills, and employers are still not entirely
satisied with the Lnglish language competence o priate institutions graduates een i
they were better than public sector graduates. One must inestigate this matter a bit
urther in order to better understand the cause o the problem. 1he priate sector is
capable o urther improing its educational proision in Lnglish, but irst, it must also

24u

address this issue properly. I students are not adequately prepared, they should be
requested to take longer training in academic Lnglish, i aculty members are not
competent enough, the priate sector should make greater eorts securing better
teaching sta, i employers are demanding graduates o higher Lnglish language
competence, the priate sector can also inole them in curriculum design procedure in
this regard.

Last, but not least, in a comparison between the priate sector and international
standards, students within the priates hold slightly dierent opinions - some regard the
priate sector as a desirable alternatie to oerseas studies, while those who are exposed
to oerseas education beore beliee that there is still a gap between the two. lere,
those two groups hold dierent standards o quality o higher education. 1he ormer
compare the priate sector with its local public counterpart, while the latter use
international standards. Also, employers are aware o this gap perceied by the latter
group, as they tend to preer oerseas returners than local graduates rom the priate
sector. 1his perhaps indicates that the priate sector, though regarded as proiding
higher quality education than its local public sector, has a lot to catch up with to match
international standards - it is ater all a young sector in its early stage o deelopment in
arious aspects.


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In this section, I intend to briely discuss some contentious issues that emerged rom
my analysis in this thesis that bear wider social implications, such as social class, gender
equity, and globalisation, etc. 1hese issues are beyond the scope o the inquiry in this
thesis. In this section, I thereore discuss their releance to the Saudi context, and also
suggest urther questions or uture studies.

1here is no agreement oer the extent to which higher education is a public or priate
good ,see 1eixeira & Dill, 2011,. 1he situation aries greatly rom country to country,
rom era to era. One key issue in this debate is the distribution o the cost o higher
education - to what extent higher education should be understood as a public good and
thereore paid or by the society ,through tax, or instance, that beneits rom an
increase in the growth o proessional personnel, knowledge and economy, or as a

241

priate good and thereore paid or by indiiduals ,through tuition ees, who most
directly beneit rom their participation in higher education. In a number o Luropean
countries such as lrance, higher education remains ree or eeryone ,\indol 199,.
But in some other countries, higher education is increasingly regarded as a priate good.
lor instance, in Lngland, higher education was regarded as mainly a public good beore
a market philosophy preailed - uniersities did not charge tuition ees and receied
stable unding rom goernment ,see Barr 1993 or instance,. loweer, since 1998, the
tuition ee has risen rom a maximum o 1,000 pounds to a maximum o 9,000 pounds
in 2012
1
. Students are widely described as customers or consumers o higher education,
and are, thereore, requested to share the cost. ligher education, accordingly, is
increasingly regarded as a orm o priate good that is subject to certain rule and
regulations o a market o educational credentials and experiences. 1he Uniersity o
Lxeter, or instance, has recently introduced some new policies and practices or its
9,000 pounds experience` campaign
2
.

1o complicate this debate een urther, there are no uniersal deinitions o either
public good` or priate good`. In a large number o higher education studies, the
ormer mainly reers to social beneits o higher education such as citizenship,
democratic alues, the deelopment o new knowledge ,research,, the training o highly
qualiied personnel ,teaching,, and the ethic unction which implies social criticism, etc.
1he latter mainly reers to priate gains through higher education participation such as
proessional skills, all-round personal deelopment, social recognition, income rise,
social mobility, etc.

At this point, I would like to discuss some issues that emerge rom my preious
discussions and tackle their implications in relation to this debate o public and priate
goods. I am not to discuss the role o the entire higher education system, but only ocus
on the priate sector. In particular, I want to explore, apart rom its most noticeable
contribution to priate gains such as a quality experience and employability, to what
extent the priate sector also contributes to wider social gains.



1
see or instance this BBC report by Sean Coughlan, 1vitiov fee. .et to ri.e vet ,ear, aailable at
http:,,www.bbc.co.uk,news,education-18984938, last accessed on 1st October, 2012.
2
see 1imes ligher Lducation Supplement report by Rebecca Attwood eter goe. to tbe to of tbe ca,
aailable at http:,,www.timeshighereducation.co.uk,story.aspstorycode~415355, last accessed on 1st
October, 2012.

242


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1he priate higher education sector in Saudi Arabia is perhaps more o a priate good.
1his is eident rom my preious discussions. In comparison with the ree public sector,
the priate sector charges tuition ees or its quality educational proision`. Uniersity
pedagogy is more student-centred, with each student haing more special attention`
rom the teaching aculty, students are more exposed to extra-curricular actiities
designed to acilitate students` personal deelopment, other serices such as a careers
centre` aim to maximise priate gains o each student by helping with better
employment opportunities, students are also gien more power in other matters such as
choices o tutors - as I mentioned preiously, administrators in the priate sector are
more willing to accommodate student demands to change tutors.

lor uture studies, it will be interesting to explore the priate gains o students in Saudi
Arabia, either in the public or the priate sector, or both, through their participation o
higher education, in particular how students themseles interpret and understand these
beneits.


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One must be cautious in applying this discussion o public beneits to the Saudi context.
1o begin with, actors that hae been widely discussed in existing literatures, such as
citizenship and democratic alues, are not readily applicable to the Saudi context. 1he
kingdom is ruled by religious laws and has a ery dierent political system than a
modern democracy. 1o what extent these actors commonly used in \estern settings
can be applied to Saudi Arabia is open to urther examination. Second, the priate
higher education sector is mainly teaching oriented, with now only one exception - the
King Abdullah Uniersity or Science and 1echnology, research is not a main concern
o the priate sector at the moment.





24S


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Perhaps, the most releant actor in this regard is the training o highly qualiied
personnel`. As my preious discussion shows, the priate sector is belieed to
outperorm the public sector in preparing its graduates or employment - students rom
the priate sector are better equipped with Lnglish language skills, proessional attitudes,
work ethics and a global way o thinking, which could beneit the society and the
economy in the long term.

A related issue is the policy o Saudirisation` that intends to reduce the country`s heay
reliance on oreign workers, and gradually replace them with Saudis. One may ask
whether the priate sector is acting against such policies by proiding higher education
opportunities to non-Saudi applicants. I want to point out that non-Saudis with a
uniersity degree and aboe only accounted or a small part o the total employment
,5.56 in 2008
3
,. 1he majority o the non-Saudi workers are without any qualiications
or with only primary education ,68. o the total employment o non-Saudis in 2008
4
,,
and are thereore excluded rom the competition or high end jobs in the market.
1hough the exact statistic is not aailable at the moment, one may conclude that the
proportion o non-Saudi graduates rom the priate sector in the job market is perhaps
minimal. In other words, een i the priate sector proides educational opportunities to
non-Saudi students, they account or so small a proportion o the total employment as
to raise no concern or the general Saudiaisation` process.

loweer, the ratio o oreign workers in the priate sector is a dierent matter. It
appears that oreign aculty is the dominant group in priate higher education
institutions. Statistics rom 2009 show that out o 1,53 employees in the priate sector,
1,186 are non-Saudis - that is . In comparison, in the public sector, non-Saudis
account or 35.5 o the total employment
5
. Apparently, the ratio o non-Saudi workers
is much higher in the priate higher education. loweer, it is not clear to what extent
the priate sector will be the target o the Saudirisation` policies.

3
based on statistics proided by Central Department o Statistics and Inormation, and
Ministry o Lconomy and Planning, Saudi Arabia in
http:,,www.mep.go.sa,inetorms,article,Download.jsp,jsessionid~C20A958DA9ABA3l998B290892B
B969.alaDownload.ObjectID~218, last accessed on 21st September, 2013.
4
based on the same statistics as aboe
5
based on statistics proided by Ministry o ligher Lducation, 2009

244


432)(; I;(&& ("# 0#12(')3"(; 0g1)'U

In the tradition o sociology o education, one o the most debated issue about the role
o the higher education sector in social mobility. lor instance, in the United States,
priate uniersities such as larard and \ale are traditionally associated with social class.
1hey charge higher tuition ees than their public counterparts, and attract students rom
priileged amily backgrounds. 1his phenomenon has been studied widely in both
quantitatie and qualitatie studies. \oung`s discussion o education-based meritocracy`
,see \oung 2000 or instance,, Bourdieu`s theory o cultural reproduction` ,Bourdieu
and Passeron 2000,, Ball`s research on parental choices o education ,Ball, Daies et al.
2002,, and many other quantitatie research on the contribution o one`s amily
background on one`s chances in quality education ,see Goldthorpe, Llewellyn et al. 1980,
Lgerton and lalsey 1993, latcher 1998 or instance,, all intend to reeal or better
understand the relationship between priate ,higher, education, educational elitism and
social class. A large number o studies argue that social class, measured by amily
income or parent education, etc., has a positie impact on children`s chance in quality
education, and in the case o higher education, the elite sector ,priate
uniersities,colleges in the United States, and Oxbridge in the United Kingdom or
instance,. It would appear that the access to the elite higher education sector plays an
important role in one`s social mobility, whether it is to achiee upward mobility or to
maintain amily social priilege.

Looking back at the priate sector in Saudi Arabia, one may wonder whether it will,
ollowing the ootsteps o the American counterparts, become the elite sector o higher
education in the near uture. Although the sector is at its early stage o deelopment,
some o its practices tend to suggest its strategic ision - its relatiely high tuition ee, its
closer link to the global economy, and its ocus on the quality o educational proision.
1he sector is already attracting students rom wealthy amily backgrounds, though it
remains unclear who exactly these students are by the usual sociological measurements,
such as their parental occupation and education, amily income, etc.. Or perhaps,
considering the socio-political hierarchy o Saudi Arabia ,the substantial number o
royal amily members,, one is also curious about the role o the priate sector in
producing a new social group, i not a class, in the country`s slow but gradual socio-
economic transition.

24S


At this moment, there are a number o questions regarding the uture deelopment o
the priate higher education sector in Saudi Arabia that desere our attention: \ill the
priate sector play an signiicant role in producing new social and,or intellectual elites
o Saudi Arabia who are exposed to quality higher education and subject to a global
mentality Or will the priate sector be crucial to social mobility o the domestic social
elites Or rather perhaps, will the priate sector become the elite sector in Saudi Arabia
in the near uture, or become instead the incubator o the new middle class 1he
answers to these questions are ar rom being clear at this moment. It is or uture
studies to inestigate.

1hereore, it is perhaps early to discuss the impact o priate higher education on social
class in Saudi Arabia, as the country is yet to see a clearer stratiication among social
classes by the standards used in most Luropean or American studies. Beore urther
studies identiy the shape o social classes in Saudi Arabia, and the actors that can be
used to identiy one social class rom another, there is not much we can say about this
issue at the moment.

On the other hand, there is eidence o a positie impact on educational equity. 1he
priate sector in Saudi Arabia has managed to proide access to those who are
otherwise denied rom higher education, in particular the non-Saudis. As my preious
discussion indicates, the public sector only accepts Saudi students, and students o
oreign nationalities were once orced to leae the countries or access to higher
education beore the priate sector came into existence. Also, the priate sector has
been more willing to accommodate demands o emale students in terms o the subjects
o studies aailable. 1his will be urther discussed in the ollowing section.

Nonetheless, one should not oerlook the act that relatiely high tuition ees are
charged by the priate institutions. 1his implies that the priate sector is mainly
accessible or students rom the aluent amily background. 1hose who are less
inancially capable can only resort to a limited number o scholarships, or choose the
public sector instead. 1o what extent the priate sector will be dominated by the socially
priileged in Saudi Arabia remains unclear at the moment.



246


E$"#$% 0g1)'U

Gender equity is among the most discussed issues in internal news magazines such as
1ime, Newsweek, 1he Lconomist, etc. and regional studies o the Middle Last, Saudi
Arabia being no exception
6
. As an Islamic state, Saudi Arabia is subject to a long history
and tradition o gender segregation. loweer, I do not wish to engage in a discussion o
the legitimacy o this history and tradition at this moment, as it is a complicated issue
that inoles many actors such as religious belie, war history and social conention. I
will limit my discussion to the role o the priate higher education sector in gender
equity in Saudi Arabia.

As my preious discussion has shown, the priate higher education sector has
introduced a number o practices that aour gender equity, such as new subjects o
studies that suit emale students. 1hese subjects will, slowly but surely, help their emale
graduates to step into a wider spectrum o proessions. 1he priate sector appears to be
more lexible than its public counterpart in accommodating the demands o emale
students, but in an Islamic state such as Saudi Arabia, the priate sector needs to tread
careully - it needs to cautiously test the social acceptance o these changes and it the
general pace o socio-cultural reorms. 1he relationship between the new practices o
the priate higher education sector and wider social changes is unclear - whether the
priate sector is mainly echoing the social changes that are already taking place, or the
priate sector is leading social changes, or the innoations o the priate sector are
gathering momentum or wider social changes to come. But one message is clear, the
priate sector is making a positie contribution to gender equity by proiding emale
students with wider access to higher education and new proessions in the job markets.

1he recent years hae witnessed other new practices in priate institutions in Saudi
Arabia. lor instance, the King Abdullah Uniersity or Science and 1echnology recently
became the country`s irst mixed-gender uniersity. Opened in September 2009, this

6
see or instance http:,,www.economist.com,node,215532,
http:,,www.dailymail.co.uk,news,article-21802,Saudi-Arabia-\omen-city-planned-allow-more-
emales-pursue-career.html, http:,,www.businessweek.com,news,2011-09-26,king-abdullah-gies-
saudi-women-right-to-ote-or-irst-time.html, last accessed on 1st October, 2012.

247

priate uniersity is located near Jeddah, and is designed to produce Saudi scientists

.
Only in this uniersity can male and emale students mix. loweer, this new practice o
co-education` was not without strong opposition, and the uniersity was once at the
heart o debates between liberal and conseratie scholars in the country. 1his is yet
another example o how social changes can only happen at a small scale and a slow pace
in an Islamic state such as Saudi Arabia. It remains unclear or how long this practice
can continue, or whether it will be adopted by other institutions in the uture.

1here is one more issue to be taken into account in this discussion. One may easily take
or granted that gender equity can be measured by certain uniersal standards, such as
education and occupation. But I would argue, or an Islamic society such as Saudi
Arabia, some new standards or measurements need to be deeloped. 1hese standards or
measurements must be sensitie to local culture and history, and must not blindly ollow
any existing practices and procedures o other countries. luture studies in this regard
should pay attention to this point. lurthermore, one should also be aware o some
challenges, i not negatie impacts, o this process o greater gender equity on the Saudi
society. lor this, I would like to add some personal obserations. In some o the priate
institutions, students are encouraged to deelop their own personalities through
classroom teaching and extra-curricular actiities, and some students, especially emales,
are becoming more ambitious`. I am aware that this word has a positie meaning in the
Lnglish language, but it may not be so in the Saudi context - we are nonetheless talking
about a society that has traditionally associated male members with ambitious`
characters, not emales. lor eeryone inoled in this debate o gender equity in Saudi
Arabia, I would like to remind them o this point.

Another interesting point here is about the goernment stance toward gender policies
and practices in the priate sector. Lidently, the priate sector enjoys more lexibility
and reedom in this regard. Some noel practices such as co-education o male and
emales students are irst implemented in priate institutions. One would speculate that
the goernment is using the priate sector as a testing ield or controersial issues - i
there is little resistance in the general society, the goernment can gradually introduce
these new policies and practices to the public sector.

please see http:,,blogs.reuters.com,aithworld,2009,10,05,king-abdullah-slaps-down-saudi-cleric-

criticial-o-co-ed-uniersity, and http:,,blogs.reuters.com,aithworld,2009,10,01,saudi-cleric-to-
kings-uniersity-dont-teach-eolution-mix-sexes, or ull stories.

248

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lrom the early history o this relatiely young kingdom, Saudi Arabia was subject to a
certain degree o oreign presence in its social, political, and economic policies and
practices. loweer, as the heart o Islamic ciilization, Saudi Arabia has also been
subject to strong religious traditions. 1he debates about oreign presence, or in many
case, interention or inasion, and the preseration o Islamic cultural identities hae
neer ceased. In her study Changed Identities`, \amani ,2005, ocuses on this debate in
the discourse o globalisation, and explores the ways in which young Saudis understand
their relationship with the Islamic culture they grow up in, and with the global market
and mentality at their doors. 1he image is a complicated, but a large number o
participants in her study show concern oer the loss o their own cultural identities in
the waes o globalisation, or as some argue, westernisation`. 1his was the reason why I
inestigated the issue o the use o the Lnglish language as medium o instruction in
this thesis. 1he use o Lnglish is not only a pedagogical choice, or a strategic decision o
the priate sector itsel, but a symbolic interaction between a global economy and a
unique regional culture.

One may wonder what role the priate sector is playing in this regard. Does the priate
sector intend to initiate wider social changes through this particular practice Or does
the priate sector only respond to a growing market demand o labour orce with
suicient Lnglish language skills \hat is the priate sector`s stance in the interaction
between globalisation and local culture Does it aour a global mentality or a unique
cultural identity or the uture generations o Saudi Arabia 1o what extent is the priate
sector to blame or a loss o cultural identity in an Islamic society such as Saudi Arabia

I do not beliee there are simply answers to these questions. lirst o all, one must
distinguish between intention` and eect`. 1he priate sector perhaps does not intend
to bring wider social changes through its educational innoations, but the eects o
these innoations may include socio-cultural changes. Second, the priate sector, by
introducing new subjects, curricular materials, and ways o thinking, is making a positie
contribution to a balance between a globalising world or a regional culture. One cannot
protect one`s cultural identity simply by keeping the globalising world out o the door.
Rather, one must irst ully understand the nature and context o globalisation, and also

249

relect upon one`s own culture, beore one can set out to make plans or cultural
preseration.

1o make some more practical suggestions, I would urge the priate sector to deelop its
own organic curriculum as soon as possible, a curriculum that is based on the Saudi
context, with inputs rom local intellectuals, aculty and students, a curriculum that
addresses important social, cultural and political issues and demands. I would also adise
the priate sector to urther deelop its own standards o quality higher educationthat
includes a wider spectrum o actors than the use o international curricular materials or
the presence o oreign aculty. In other words, the priate sector must deelop its own
cultural identityas well.

A inal point beore I moe on to the next section - one should also not oer-estimate
the impact o globalisation on Saudi higher education in general. Apart rom the use o
Lnglish in the priate sector, there are ew signs o globalisation in the country`s higher
education system. Up till now, no international institutions are allowed to hae their
campuses in Saudi Arabia, and hardly any online oreign degrees are recognised by the
goernment, such programs are thereore not coered by the scholarship programmes.
1he inluence o globalisation is yet to be urther inestigated.
















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1o acilitate a better understanding o priate ligher Lducation in Saudi Arabia, I am
now going back to Geiger`s distinctions between more`, better` and dierent` as
presented in Chapter 2, with reerence to the indings rom my analysis in the three
Parts.

Data strongly suggest that the surge o priate higher education in Saudi Arabia is a
response to the public sector`s ailure to meet the demand or more`, dierent` and
better` higher education. As the public sector is alling short o absorbing the demand
or higher education, this suggests that one o the reasons why Saudi priate higher
education has emerged was to proide more` access to higher education. 1he number
o public uniersities has not increased in proportion to population growth.
Demands or higher education remain at higher leels than the sector can meet. Arab
,200, has projected that with the current trends, by 2035 6.2 o students seeking
admission into higher education will not be absorbed. Should this act materialise, there
will be a real crisis o demand. 1here is unquestionably a more` role or priate higher
education to ill.

1he priate sector, with its small share o total enrolment ,3.49 , is not sering a
capacity building unction at present. In 200, Arab ,p. 414, indicated that the Saudi
Arabian priate higher education sector ailed to meet its absorptie capacity, and he
called or an expansion. In the ollowing hal-decade this remains to be the case, despite
some growth. lis study recommended an ambitious plan o opening between 122 and
244 new priate colleges by 2030 ,200, p. 414,. 1hereore the option o expanding the
priate higher education sector must remain under consideration, especially since
expansion has not been happening at a suicient rate through the public sector.

Geiger`s category o more` was most typically associated with countries with a small
public higher education sector, which hae restrictie admission standards. 1his does
not accurately describe the entire situation which preails in Saudi Arabia. 1he number
o public uniersities has not increased in proportion to population growth since then.
As a result o this widening gap in demand, the public uniersities hae become
increasingly selectie, taking those with the highest GPAs and thus in eect becoming

2S1

elite institutions. So, there is unquestionably a more` role or priate higher education to
ill.
As was noted in Chapter 2, Geiger`s category o better` is a complex one to apply to the
Saudi Arabian priate sector, because o the lack o credible and objectie data
concerning the relatie output and standards between comparable priate and public
higher education institutions and courses.

Irrespectie o this lack o eidence, the majority o stakeholders interiewed in this
study gae strong indications that, in their iew, the priate sector was proiding
something they iewed to be better. 1hey highlighted the prealence o the Lnglish
medium, access to better educational resources, and better quality o some teaching,
while class sizes were smaller and students were gien more personal attention, and
more majors were oered or more students who could not obtain them in the public
sector.

1here hae been perceptions that priate institutions are there or the children o the
wealthy elite who achieed low high school grades and thus could not gain admission
into competitie public uniersities. Initially, priate institutions were less selectie in
their admissions because o the diiculty in attracting students to new colleges o a kind
which had neer existed beore. But as these institutions hae gradually proed their
worth and hae become better known, and as goernment scholarship support has
increased, the priate colleges are becoming more selectie. It should be noted that
students who receie these goernment scholarships must meet the same high academic
standards as Saudi Arabian citizens who study abroad on scholarships. It remains to be
seen how well the priate institutions will do in terms o academic perormance. \e
must await urther comparatie ealuation between the sectors.

1he criteria used by Geiger to deine better` arose rom qualities within USA
uniersities. 1hese can, thereore, not be translated uncritically into a discourse ocused
upon realities in Saudi Arabia. One example o this was the research-rich ocus within a
uniersity like larard, which places it aboe almost all others in terms o assessed
quality. Such a criterion cannot be used to distinguish between public and priate
sectors in Saudi Arabia, as the priate sector is still mainly teaching oriented.
Another broad area o priate higher education which should be placed in Geiger`s
category o better` are the arious actiities which help to link students with the labour

2S2

market, a key point in a country with high leels o unemployment among Saudi
Arabian nationals. Again, Lnglish instruction is ery highly alued by employers.
Lxtracurricular actiities in the priate sector are perceied to be positie in their eects
on personal deelopment in relation to students` sel-conidence, their ability to
communicate, to present themseles, and to their leel o experience. Career centres,
career days, practical learning in the classroom, and internships are all taken to be much
better in the priate sector-more emphasis with more resources-than in the public
sector. 1hese are seen by students, graduates, and employers alike as preparing students
or work and or connecting them to the employers who hire them. \hile more needs
to be done to urther improe these actiities, they represent a positie direction or
these new priate institutions.

1he last o Geiger`s three categories to address is dierent`. 1he act that priate higher
education is seen to be better` implies that it is dierent`. loweer, this is unlike some
other countries where priate higher education is considered to be dierent` by meeting
the demand o cultural or religious groups which the public sector ails to meet. In
Saudi Arabia, priate higher education is dierent` in its use o the Lnglish language,
educational resources, smaller class sizes, and the majors and degree programmes
oered. Priate institutions are also dierent` links to a key aspect o the priate sector,
that o access. Priate institutions admit the children o Saudi Arabia`s large expatriate
population, women who could not ind degree programmes in the public uniersities,
and students with lower high school grades. 1hey also admit students who may not be
underachieers but are simply not ranked at the top o their cohort, and thus ail to
access courses or which only small numbers are admitted in public uniersities. lor all
such social groups, priate colleges and uniersities oer the opportunity or a higher
education. 1he greater access aailable to a more dierse student population again
presents a marked dierence. Although priate higher education colleges may not make
a public point about saying so, they operate open enrolment policies, accepting anyone
rom any background. 1he institutions are, thereore, dierent rom public sector
colleges, which are required to operate under airly strict religious guidance and control.

Another sense in which Geiger used the category dierent` arises rom simply not
being the norm -the public. As public sector uniersities became more characterised by
admissions based upon merit in Saudi Arabia, many rom higher socio-economic
backgrounds looked or alternatie institutions which oered their children the

2SS

opportunity to be educated together in dierent institutions and thus aoid the social
mixing which was ineitable in public uniersities. Priate higher education in Saudi
Arabia is thus being dierent`.

1he Saudi priate sector echoes global trends in its role o expanding access to higher
education, in teaching taking priority oer research ,Altbach, 1999, 2009, Ley, 1986a,
2006, 2008, 2011,, and in considering graduates` employability and the market needs
,Ley, 1986a, 2006b, Cao, 2008,. 1he priate sector has the possibility o proiding
better quality education than is proided in the public sector, but time will tell whether
this really is the case. 1hereore priate higher education has emerged in Saudi Arabia to
address the demands which the public sector has allen short o addressing. 1he
demands are not limited to the capacity o the sector, but are also or a dierent quality
o education, new proessions, and the need or better quality graduates. 1he priate
sector o higher education has the tools to proide dierent and better education, but
still aces some challenges which might hinder its success.

2S4

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In this inal section o the thesis, I would like to express my concerns about the priate
higher education sector and make some recommendations to arious perspecties and
stakeholders o priate higher education in Saudi Arabia.


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It is clear that the use o Lnglish as the medium o instruction, with the goal o
producing luent graduates, is ery important to all stakeholders. It is seen as an essential
actor in employability and as the gateway to the global economy. It is also linked to
access to high quality publications and sotware, as well as to majors in the sciences.
1hereore, urther emphasis should be placed on Lnglish-language skills at the
secondary education leel, both public and priate. Additionally, greater emphasis
should be placed on enhancing the Lnglish skills o teachers in higher education. 1he
priate sector should inest more in deeloping its own high-quality teachers, rather
than borrowing` rom the public sector. 1his will require higher pay or teachers. \hile
emphasising Lnglish, the priate sector must make a balance with cultural traditions:
Arabic instruction should not be gien lesser importance in secondary education as it
now sometimes is. More majors should be made aailable, especially in those specialties
most needed by the labour market, such as medicine, engineering, and the sciences.

Practical learning is ery well receied by students and should be deeloped and
expanded. Internships are also greatly alued by students. More o them should be made
aailable, which will require coordination with the labour market. Priate institutions
should, howeer, be clearer about what they want rom employers. Lxtracurricular
actiities also receie ery aourable responses rom students and employers as a
means o both personal deelopment and better preparation or the job market, which
will help students in deeloping sound personal qualities or their uture employment.
Punctuality, attitudes, and work habits should be addressed in course work, practical
learning classes, or in workshops or seminars oered by school career centres. Larly
job success may depend on these simple actors.


2SS

Priate higher education institutions in the KSA echo the global trend in ocusing on
teaching. \ith the exception o the recently established King Abdullah Uniersity, they
do not hae many links with research. Research is to arying degrees an important
unction o public higher education in many countries. 1his is not so in the KSA. Public
uniersities` dedication to research is weak. A serious eort should be applied to correct
the situation, or the country to be able to compete in an era o knowledge economy.
1he priate sector should be encouraged through incenties to participate in research.
In this it is important or the country to make use o brain power` whereer it might be
ound.


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An independent body should be ormed by those institutions to represent their
collectie interests with the Goernment and as a orum or inormation exchange.
1here is also a great wealth o inormation on the experience o priate higher
education in the rest o the world, which would be useul to those institutions now
emerging in the country.

More collaboration between priate uniersities is needed to cope with challenges such
as aculty recruitment. A concept like that o independent colleges in the USA would be
beneicial. 1he MOlL has a body which deals with priate institutions, but these
institutions might beneit more i they also hae a body which can liaise with the
Goernment as a whole, especially in relation to challenges such as shortages o aculty
and instructors.
Priate institutions should continuously assess their contribution and benchmark
themseles against other reputable higher education institutions. Some priate
stakeholders in the Kingdom may be content with comparing their institutions with the
public sector, but they would be ound wanting when judged with international
standards. 1he Goernment might want to consider strategies other than quality
assurance mechanisms, to enhance quality, e.g. by allowing the establishment o
branches o reputable international uniersities to create a competitie market in higher
education and thus raise standards.


2S6

Priate institutions need to consider entrepreneurial actiities to generate unds which
would allow them to prosper with or without goernment inancial support. \ith rising
oil prices and healthy budgetary surpluses, the Saudi Goernment could easily continue
to support the priate higher education sector. 1he challenge to the sector`s inancial
stability would be acute, should the State ace inancial challenges o its own and seek to
resort to austerity measures. 1he priate sector will then hae to seek other ways o
balancing the books.


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In term o the labour market, there is at present inadequate basic data about what jobs
are aailable in the country, in what numbers and what skills they require. Research
should be undertaken to gather this inormation and to make it widely aailable and up
to date, as job trends are eer changing in a rapidly deeloping economy. 1he job skill
most oten mentioned by employers-Lnglish luency-needs critical examination. Is
this a necessary job skill across the globe or is it something many employers seek or
prestige, or in the sense that graduates who speak Lnglish are smarter low much
Lnglish is really needed and or which jobs 1he answer to those simple questions
would signiicantly impact upon educational policy. 1here is no doubt that Lnglish is
required or some jobs in international business and inance, but the job skills o non-
Lnglish-speaking Saudi Arabians should not be oerlooked either.

As noted, internships are held in high esteem by students. But it appears that many
employers are not ready or them yet. Lnsuring that the training period is longer ,six
months, seems to gie employers greater incentie to train, trust, and eentually hire
graduates whom they know rom intern positions. More structure seems to be needed
or these internship programmes. 1his would require greater communication between
the labour market and priate institutions. Lmployers ind career centres and career
days to be useul or contacting and recruiting students, so those centres should be well
unded. In particular, emale students hae diiculty in inding workplaces or their
internships and employment. Lmployers should make increased eorts to train them.
1hey are a ital and underused human resource or the Kingdom and are currently
moing through the education system in greater numbers than males.


2S7

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\ith regard to the role o the Goernment, it has been a tentatie and inconsistent
orce in recognising the priate higher education sector. A number o stakeholders
expressed their rustration that the Goernment did not understand the priate sector as
a partner in meeting the country`s educational needs. linancially, the Goernment has
increased the amount o scholarships in the priate sector to coer up to 50 o
students enrolled. Not all o these scholarships pay ull tuition costs, despite the high
academic standards which students must meet to receie them. In act, those standards
are the same required o Saudi students who study abroad. In contrast, the Goernment
pays all o the tuition and a monthly stipend to public sector students, so there is hardly
a leel playing ield between the two sectors. A urther question rom some stakeholders
was, why there are so many subsidies or Saudi Arabian students to study abroad ,at
greater cost, when they could be educated in their own country through an expanded
priate sector
1he Goernment could proide greater support to the priate sector by leasing more
goernment land or campuses. Sot loans could be oered. 1he Goernment could
also take a direct role in proiding low-interest student loans, or at least put pressure on
the banking sector to do so. 1he ery heay subsidies gien to the public higher
education system may not be the best use o the nation`s wealth. At the ery least, i the
two sectors were put on a leel playing ield, a competitie education market would exist
which would beneit both sectors and would place a premium on the quality o results:
students would attend the uniersities they thought were the best or them. 1his has
been the experience in many other countries with parallel` systems.
1he Goernment should encourage incenties o the priate sector to deelop new
uniersities outside the largest cities. 1his could inole the leasing o goernment
lands, loans, subsidies, customs exemptions, and reduced isa ees. Priate higher
education could be encouraged by changes in the Goernment`s current ownership
requirements. loreign ownership should be permitted. Additionally, the Goernment
should allow branches o international uniersities to be established in the Kingdom ,as
has been recently happening with its Gul neighbours,. 1his would proide high-quality
standards and create greater competition.

1he Ministry o Labour has more to accomplish to assess the speciic needs o the
labour market regarding uniersity graduates` skills and qualiications. Still there is little

2S8

basic inormation about this critical area. It has been suggested by administrators in the
priate sector that the MOlL should coordinate between the Ministries o Labour and
Planning and the Saudi Arabian Monetary Agency ,SAMA, as higher education policies
and budgeting are currently diided between them, which results in delay, conusion,
and inaction. No one wants to take the initiatie to coordinate policy. More sta is
needed within the MOlL, which is knowledgeable about priate higher education. A
recommendation has been made to appoint a Deputy Minister or Priate ligher
Lducation, someone speciically ocused on that sector and with knowledge o its
operations and needs.
1he licensing process should be clariied, streamlined, and made to operate in a timely,
predictable manner. lor example, ater eight years in existence, the NCAAA waited
until July 2012 to accredit the irst three priate institutions. 1here should also be
greater lexibility in applying regulations, as not all priate higher education is the same.
Again, the public sector uniersities are not subjected to these time-consuming and
costly requirements. Although they are examined by the NCAAA or quality, the
ealuations which result seem not to aect public uniersity budgets. 1hose budgets
should at the ery least be perormance-based.

1he Goernment may want to consider other orms o partnership with the priate
sector, which are not limited to inancial support, but rather oer collaboration at
management leel and the sharing o physical resources. 1here should be less sensitiity
between the two sectors o higher education. 1he Goernment might want to consider
partnerships between public and priate institutions, so as to reduce some o the
challenges acing them and ensure the continuity o a successul priate sector.
Coordination and cooperation between the public and the priate sectors should
encompass academic programmes and inormation-exchange in all areas.
1he MOlL might want to expand the ministerial body in charge o priate higher
education and sta it with capable indiiduals to deal with the priate sector. Sta
within the MOlL whose work methods and culture may hae worked well or the
public sector need to be complemented by indiiduals who are in tune with the
particular needs and problems o the priate sector. It was incongruous to expect
indiiduals steeped in the culture o sering the public sector o education to be able to
succeed in planning and guiding the priate sector.

2S9

At this point, I now end my discussion here with a hope that my research will
contribute to a better understanding o priate higher education in Saudi Arabia, and o
the change and challenges aced by this modern Middle Last country.

26u

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Gul Centre lor Uniersity Lducation - 1992 Kuwait
Uniersity o \ollongoing In Dubai - 1993 Dubai, United Arab Lmirates
American Uniersity, Dubai - 1995 Dubai, United Arab Lmirates
Majan Uniersity - 1995 Oman
Caledonian College o Lngineering - 1996 Oman
Modern College o Business and Science- 1996 Oman
Muscat Colloge - 1996 Oman
Dubai Polytechnic - 199 Dubai, United Arab Lmirates
Unieristy o Sharjah - 199 Sharjah, United Arab Lmirates
American Uniersity o Sharjah - 199 Sharjah, United Arab Lmirates
Zayed Uniersity - 1998 United Arab Lmirates
Mazoon Uniersity- 199 Oman
Ittihad Uniersity - 1999
Ras Al Kahimaj, United Arab
Lmirates
AlZahra Colloege lor womed Oman
Australion Uniersity o Kuwait - 2000 Kuwait
Birla Institute o 1echnology and Science, Pilanie
- 2000
Dubai, United Arab Lmirates
Sohar Uninersity -2000 Oman
Oman Medical College - 2001 Oman
Gul Ubiersity, Bahrain -2001 Bahrain
Gul Uniersity, Bahrain - 2001 Bahrain
Preston Uniersity, Ajman - 2001 Ajman, United Arab Lmirates
Sur Uniersity College - 2001 Oman
\aljat College o Applied Sciences - 2001 Oman
Arab Open Uniersity - 199 Saudia Arabia, Oman, Bahrain
Middle Last College o Inormation 1echnology
- 2002
Oman
\eston Resere Uniersity - 2003 Kuwait
Carnegie Mellon, Qatar Campus - 2003 Qatar
Al Buraimi College - 2003 Oman
Dhoar Uniersity - 2004 Oman
Nizwa Uniersity - 2004 Oman
Royal Uniersity or \omen - 2004 Bahrain
American Uniersity o Kuwait - 2004 Kuwait
British Uniersity in Dubai - 2004 Dubai, United Arab Lmirates
Scientiic College o Design - 2004 Oman
Oman College o Management and 1echnology -
2004
Oman
Gul College - 2004 Oman
Middlesex Uniersity, Dubai Campus - 2005 Dubai, United Arab Lmirates
Georgetown Uniersity, Ldmund A. \alsh
School o loreign Serice, Qatar -2006
Qatar
\eill Cornell Medical College in Qatar - 2006 Qatar
Virginia Commonwealth Uniersity, Qatar - 2006 Qatar

262

Bayan College - 2006 Oman
Oman Dental College - 2006 Oman
Box lill College - 200 Kuwait
1exas A&M Uniersity at Qatar - 200 Qatar
Middlesex Uniersity, Dubai - 200 Dubai, United Arab Lmirates
lerriot-\att Uniersity, Dubai - 200 Dubai, United Arab Lmirates
American College o the Lmirates - 200
George Mason Uniersity - 200
Ras Al Kahimaj, United Arab
Lmirates
lult International Business School - 200 Dubai, United Arab Lmirates
Luropean Uniersity College Brussels, Dubai-- Dubai, United Arab Lmirates
Islamic Azad Uniersity, Dubai-- Dubai, United Arab Lmirates
Mahatma Gandi Uniersity, Dubai Dubai, United Arab Lmirates
St. Petersburg Uniersity o Lngineering and
Lconomics
Dubai, United Arab Lmirates
Shaheed Zulikar Ali Bhutto Institute o Science
and 1echnology
Dubai, United Arab Lmirates

Source Directorate General o Priate Uniersities and Colleges, ligher Lducation Institutions in
the Sultanate o Oman ,Muscat:200,. Various websites o uniersities and college. Shaeeq
Ghabra and Margreet Arnold, "Study the American \ay: An Assessment o American-Style
ligher Lducation in Arab Countries" 1he \ashington Institute or Near Last Policy, Policy
locus 41, June 200. ,as cited in \illoughby, 2008, p.33,





























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Gul Centre or
Uniersity
Lducation Kuwait
1992
Symbolic
Association
Madurai
Kamaraj Uniersity
1amil Nadu

Annamalal
Uniersity


1amil Nadu Indira
Gandhi National
Open Uniersity

New Delhi
Uniersity o
\ollongong in
Dubai
1993
Branch CampusL
lormal
Superision
Uniersity o
\ollongong

American
Uniersity o Dubai
1995 Branch Campus
American
Intercontinental
Uniersity
leadquarters in
Atlanta, Georgia
Majan College
Oman
1995
lormal
Superision
Uniersity o
Bedordshire
Uniersity o Leeds
Associated with
Oman Chamber o
Commerce
Caledonian College
o Lngineering
1996
lormal
Superision
Glasgow
Caledonian
Uniersity

Modern College o
Business and
Science
1996
Symbolic
Association
Uniersity o
Missoui, St.


Louis Uniersity o
Bond


Australia Uniersity
o Lxeter

Muscat College 1996
lormal
Superision
Uniersity o
Sterling Scottish
Qualiications
Authority

Dubai Polytechnic
UAL
199
lormal
Superision
Uniersity o lull
lounded by Dubai
Chamber o
Commerce
Uniersity o
Sharjah Uae
199
Symbolic
Association
Uniersity o
Caliornia- San
Diego Uniersity
Importance o Links
Probably aries
rom programme to
program
Uniersity o Jordan

Uniersity o
Arizona


American
Uniersity o Beirut


Uniersity o Lxeter
International
Islamic Uniersity



264


Malaysia Monash
Uniersity:
Victorian College o
Pharmacy


Uniersity o
Adelaide

American
Uniersity o
Sharjah UAL
199
Sub-Contracting
Partnership
lormal
Lndorsement
American
Uniersity o 1exas
A & M Accrediting
by Commission on
ligher Lducation
o the Middle States
Assoiation o
Colleges and
Uniersities
American Uniersity
proides Major
administratie sta
Zayed Uniersity
UAL
1998
lormal
Lndorsement
Accepted or
candidacy by
Leading accrediting
association
lounded to proide
education or
national womed
Mazoon College
Oman
1999
Symbolic
Association
Uniersity o
Missouri, Rolla
Banasthali
Vidyapiyh, Jaipur,
India
Mazoon College
Oman
AlZahra College or
\omen
1999
Symbolic
Association
Al Ahlia Uniersity,
Jordan

Birla Institute o
Science and
1echnology Pilani
2000 Branch Campus
Birla Institute o
Scince and
1echnology Pilani,
India
Undergraduate
Lngineering
Programmes
Sohar Uniersity 2000
Symbolic
Association
Uniersity O
Queensland
,Australia, Mutah
Uniersity ,Jordan,

Oman Medical
College
2001
lormal
Superision
\est Virginia
Uniersity
Initiated by Dr.
Mohammed Ali,
Managing Director
o Galar Group
Gul Uniersity,
Bahrain
2001
Symbolic
Association
Uniersity o
London


Uniersity o
Leicester


Memorial
Uniersity o
Newoundlan,
Canada


American
Uniersity in Cairo

Perston Uniersity,
Ajman, UAL
2001 Branch Campus Preston Uniersity
Priately owned, or
proit corporation
incorporated in
Alabama
Sur Uniersity
College
2001
Symbolic
Association
Bond Uniersity
,Australia,

\alijat College o
Applied Science
2001
Symbolic
Association
Birla Institute o
1echnology ,India,


26S

Arab Open
Uniersity
2002
lormal
Superision
United Kingdom
Open Uniersity

Middle Last College
o 1echnology
Oman
2002
lormal
Superision
Coentry Uniersity
\eston Resere
Uniersity Kuwait
2003 Branch Campus
Carnegie Mellon
Qatar Campus
Branch Campus
Carnegie Mellon
Uniersity

Al Buraimi College 2003
Dhoar Uniersity
Oman
2004
lormal
Superision
American
Uniersity o Beirut

Nizwa Uniersity 2004
Symbolic
Association
Sultan Qaboos
Uniersity


1he Jordian
Uniersity


Oregon State
Uniersity

Leipzig Uniersity
Uniersity o Lxeter

Uniersity o
Reading


Uniersity o Al
Gare

Uniersity O Porto
Royal Uniersity
or \omen Bahrain
2004
American
Uniersity o
Kuwait
2004
lormal
Superision
Dartmouth College
lor proit
institution lead o
Board o 1rustees is
Shaikha Dana
Nasser Sabah Al-
Ahmed Al-Sabah
British Uniersity in
Dubai UAL
2004
lormal
Superision
Uniersity o
Ldinburgh
Oers Masters
Programmes

Uniersity o
Manchester
Not or proit
Uniersity

Uniersity o
Birmingham Cardi
lounding donors
are Al Maktoum
loundation

Uniersity Cass
Business School o
City
Dubai Deelopment
and Inestment
Authority, the
National Bank o
Dubai
Uniersity London
the British Group
and Rolls Royee
Scientiic College o
Design Oman
2004
Oman College o
Management and
1echnology Oman
2004
Gul Colege Oman 2004
Middlesex
Uniersity, Dubai
Campus
2005 Branch Campus
Middlesex
Uniersity
Various
undergraduate
degrees in Business,

266

Comuting,
Communication,
Oers shot
proessional
programmes
Georgetown
Uniersity Ldmund
A. \alsh School o
lorein Serice,
Qatar
2006 Branch Campus
Georgetown
Uniersity
International Aairs
\eil Cornell
Medical College in
Qatar
2006 Branch Campus Cornell Uniersity
1wo year premed
programme and
our year medical
program
Virginia
Commonwealth
Uniersity in Qatar
2006 Branch Campus
Verginia
Commonwealth
Uniersity

Bayan College
Oman
2006
Oman Dental
College Oman
2006
Box lill College
Kuwait
200
1exas A&M at
Qatar
200 Branch Campus 1exas A&M Lngineering
Middlesex
Uniersity, Dubai
200
lerriot-\att
Uniersity Dubai
200
American College
o the Lmirates
Dubai
200
George Mason
Uniersity Ras al
Khaimah
200 Branch Campus
George Mason
Uniersity

lult International
Business School
Dubai Branch Campus MBA
ClN Uniersity
Qatar

lormal
Lndorsement
ClN Uniersity o
ligher Proessional
Lducation
Netherlands
lotel Management

London
Metropolitan
Uniersity
London
Metropolitan
Uniersity has
accredited our MA
programmes
Medical Uninersity
o Bahrain
Branch Campus
Constituent
Uniersity o Royal
College o Surgeons
in Ireland

New \ork Institute
o 1echnology
Sub-Contracting
Oers graduate and
undergraduate
programmes
through intitutional
ailiation in
Bahrain, Jordan and

267

Abu Dhabi
Uniersity College
o Bahrain

Symbolic
Association
American
Uniersity o Beirut
Member o
AACSB,"the highest
accreditation body
in the USA"
Luropean
Uniersity College,
Brussels, Dubai
Branch Campus
Luropean
Uniersity College,
Brussels
International MBA
and Bachelor
Degrees in
Administration
Islamic Azad
Uniersity, Dubai
Branch Campus
Islamic Azad
Uniersity, Iran
Oldest priate
uniersity in Iran
Mahatama Gandhi
Uniersity, O
Campus Center,
Dubai
Branch Campus
Mahatama Gandhi
Uniersity, Kerala,
India
Lstablished as an
Oshoot o Kerala
Uniersity in 1985
Manchester
Business School,
\orldwide Dubai
Branch Campus
Manchester
Business School
Lxecutie MBA,
Lxecutie Centers
in long Kong,
Singapore and
Dubai
St. Petersburg
Uniersity o
Lngineering and
Lconomics, Dubai
Branch Campus
St. Petersburg
Uniersity o
Lngineering and
Lconomics
Degree programmes
in Russian language
only
Shaheed Zulikar
Ali Bhutto o
Science and
1echnology, Dubai
Branch Campus
Shaheed Zulikar
Ali Bhutto o
Science and
1echnology,
Karachi Pakistan
las our campuses,
Dubai is only one
outside Pakistan.
Oers Business
degrees in Dubai
Scientiic College o
Design Oman
2004
Oman College o
Management and
1echnology Oman
2004
Gul Colege Oman 2004
Middlesex
Uniersity, Dubai
Campus
2005 Branch Campus
Middlesex
Uniersity
Various
undergraduate
degrees in Business,
Comuting,
Communication,
Oers shot
proessional
programmes
Georgetown
Uniersity Ldmund
A. \alsh School o
lorein Serice,
Qatar
2006 Branch Campus
Georgetown
Uniersity
International Aairs
\eil Cornell
Medical College in
Qatar
2006 Branch Campus Cornell Uniersity
1wo year premed
programme and
our year medical
program
Virginia
Commonwealth
Uniersity in Qatar
2006 Branch Campus
Verginia
Commonwealth
Uniersity

Bayan College 2006

268

Oman
Oman Dental
College Oman
2006
Box lill College
Kuwait
200
1exas A&M at
Qatar
200 Branch Campus 1exas A&M Lngineering
Middlesex
Uniersity, Dubai
200
lerriot-\att
Uniersity Dubai
200
American College
o the Lmirates
Dubai
200
George Mason
Uniersity Ras al
Khaimah
200 Branch Campus
George Mason
Uniersity

lult International
Business School
Dubai Branch Campus MBA
ClN Uniersity
Qatar

lormal
Lndorsement
ClN Uniersity o
ligher Proessional
Lducation
Netherlands
lotel Management

London
Metropolitan
Uniersity
London
Metropolitan
Uniersity has
accredited our MA
programmes
Medical Uninersity
o Bahrain
Branch Campus
Constituent
Uniersity o Royal
College o Surgeons
in Ireland

New \ork Institute
o 1echnology
Sub-Contracting
Oers graduate and
undergraduate
programmes
through intitutional
ailiation in
Bahrain, Jordan and
Abu Dhabi
Uniersity College
o Bahrain

Symbolic
Association
American
Uniersity o Beirut
Member o
AACSB,"the highest
accreditation body
in the USA"
Luropean
Uniersity College,
Brussels, Dubai
Branch Campus
Luropean
Uniersity College,
Brussels
International MBA
and Bachelor
Degrees in
Administration
Islamic Azad
Uniersity, Dubai
Branch Campus
Islamic Azad
Uniersity, Iran
Oldest priate
uniersity in Iran
Mahatama Gandhi
Uniersity, O
Campus Center,
Dubai
Branch Campus
Mahatama Gandhi
Uniersity, Kerala,
India
Lstablished as an
Oshoot o Kerala
Uniersity in 1985
Manchester
Business School,
\orldwide Dubai
Branch Campus
Manchester
Business School
Lxecutie MBA,
Lxecutie Centers
in long Kong,

269

Singapore and
Dubai
St. Petersburg
Uniersity o
Lngineering and
Lconomics, Dubai
Branch Campus
St. Petersburg
Uniersity o
Lngineering and
Lconomics
Degree programmes
in Russian language
only
Shaheed Zulikar
Ali Bhutto o
Science and
1echnology, Dubai
Branch Campus
Shaheed Zulikar
Ali Bhutto o
Science and
1echnology,
Karachi Pakistan
las our campuses,
Dubai is only one
outside Pakistan.
Oers Business
degrees in Dubai
Scientiic College o
Design Oman
2004
Oman College o
Management and
1echnology Oman
2004
Gul Colege Oman 2004
Middlesex
Uniersity, Dubai
Campus
2005 Branch Campus
Middlesex
Uniersity
Various
undergraduate
degrees in Business,
Comuting,
Communication,
Oers shot
proessional
programmes

Source: \illoughby ,2008, pp 34-41,




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1. \hat were the actors that contributed to your inal choice between a public and a
priate institution
2. On what basis did you decide about your subject o study
3. low would you compare a degree rom a priate college with an oerseas degree
4. In what ways, do you think, will your subject o study aect your uture career
5. \hat are your main concerns, i any, with your employment perspectie ater
graduation
6. \hat do you think are the main adantages o attending a priate,public college low
about disadantages
. \hat role do you think higher education institutions should play in preparing their
students or employment
8. low do you ealuate your uniersity`s eorts in preparing you or the labour market
9. \hat do you think are the important skills or a good employment perspectie in the
labour market
10.1o what extent do you think that your college has proided you with what you need
or employment

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1. low do you interpret the Goernment initiatie in allowing your sector to operate
2. \hat role do you think priate higher education institutions play comparing to public
higher education institutions 1o what extent are they dierent
3. low do you understand the missions o your institution
4.1o what extent, do you think, is the central Goernment inoled in priate higher
education institutions
5.low do you decide about the kind o programmes that you oer
6.1o what extent is your institution concerned about the market needs low do you
address those needs
.1o what extent is your institution concerned about the employability o its graduates
\hat are your practices in this regards
8.low do you ollow up with your graduates` employment inormation Do you keep
records
9.\hat are the main challenges- do you think your institution is acing at the moment


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1. \hat is the nature o your organization
2. \hat is the percentage o national to expatriates in your organization
3. 1o what extent do you ind uniersity graduates qualiied or job requirements
4. Upon what criteria do you base your selection o graduate applicants or your
organization
5. \hat kind o skills are you looking or in uniersity graduates And to what extent are
they ulilling your expectations \hat can be improed in this regard
6. \hat kind o training programmes does your organization oer to graduates once they
are recruited
. \hat are the dierences, i any, do you ind between priate , public, oerseas
graduate applicants
8. \hat kinds o communication, collaborations are there between your organisation and
higher education institutions
9. \hat is your general iew on priate higher education



274


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1. \hat are the actors behind your decision o allowing priate proision o higher
education
2. low do you assess the role o dierent type o higher education institutions ,public
and priate, \hat are the tasks that you would like priate institutions to perorm
3. \hat are the major actors that you consider beore allowing priate institutions to
operate
4.1o what extent is graduates` employability important in this process
5. \hat are the main concerns you hae any concerns regarding the eectieness o
priate higher education institutions
6. 1o what extent can the Goernment control or inluence priate higher education
institutions
. lrom the Ministry`s perspectie, what role does Priate higher education play in terms
o addressing the needs o the labour market and skills deelopment
8, \hat is mechanism, i any, do you use to identiy subjects needed to be proided by
priate higher education institutions
9. \hat is there the communication mechanism with other agencies as to identiy the
market needs
10 1o what extent and why is the role o priate higher education dierent rom that o
public higher education in terms o addressing the labour market and skills needs o
KSA
11. \hat is the Ministry`s uture plan or both sectors o higher education \hat do you
base your policy or priate proision o higher education on low do you ealuate its
contribution o higher education
12. Is there a speciic policy and , or any initiaties and , or any strategy in place or
Priate higher education
13. Is the Goernment aware o any challenges that are acing or could in the uture ace
the priate proision o higher education Is the Ministry doing anything as to support
the priate proision on this regard


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Dear Participant,

I am a PhD student in the School o Lielong Learning and Comparatie Studies at the
Institute o Lducation, Uniersity o London. I would like to inite you to participate in this
important research project about the role o priate proision o ligher Lducation in the
Kingdom o Saudi Arabia. I am interested in exploring priate proision o higher education in
the KSA. 1his is a ery important study as it will seek to inluence policy and practice in an
emerging ligher Lducation agenda within KSA.


\our participation will comprise o up to a ,45, minute interiew, and will be recorded
and transcribed or analysis. I will be complying with the Data Protection Act 1998 and with the
Lthical Guidelines or Lducational Research rom the British Lducational Research Association
2004. I will not identiy your institution`s name or your indiidual name in any publication. \our
participation in this project is oluntary and you hae the right to withdraw rom the study any
time.

1his study will be used to produce my PhD thesis, which will be published in hard copy,
microiche and electronic ormat which will be housed at the Institute o Lducation and the
Senate louse Libraries o the Uniersity o London. 1he data and the analysis o the data will
also be used to produce articles, books, conerence papers, as well as presented in conerences
and lectures. In any o these ormats I reassure you that your identity and anonymity will be
protected.

I appreciate you giing time to this study, which will help me learn more about the role
and contribution o priate proision o ligher Lducation . I you hae any questions, please eel
ree to call me at xxxxxx or contact me on xxxxxxx

Signature_____________________ Date____________

I, _____________, print your name,, hae read, or been inormed o, the inormation
about the study. By signing my name, I hereby consent to participate in this study.


1hank you.








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Lngineering and Bio-Lngineering, Computer Science,
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