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5 STEPS TO A
500
AP U.S. Government and
Politics Questions
to know by test day
Third Edition
William Madden
Brian T. Stevens
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WILLIAM MADDEN is a history teacher who has taught AP classes in U.S. government and comparative government
for the last several years. Prior to becoming a history teacher, he was a senior account executive for a healthcare public
relations agency in New York City, where he became familiar with government regulation and the media. A graduate of
Rutgers University, he holds degrees in political science and English.
BRIAN T. STEVENS is an AP reader and table leader, College Board consultant, AP book editor, and U.S. government
and politics instructor who has taught AP U.S. government and politics for the past 31 years. Over the course of those
years, Brian has had hundreds of his students pass the AP test, most years beating the national passing average by 25 or
more percentage points. A graduate of Western Michigan University and Michigan State University, he holds degrees in
political science and U.S. constitutional history.
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CONTENTS
Introduction vi
Preface vii
Diagnostic Quiz 1
Getting Started: The Diagnostic Quiz 3
Diagnostic Quiz Questions 5
Questions 1–20
Diagnostic Quiz Answers 11
Unit 1 Foundations of American Democracy 15
Questions 1–92
Unit 2 Interactions Among Branches of Government 39

Questions 93–225
Unit 3 Civil Liberties and Civil Rights 73

Questions 226–331
Unit 4 American Political Ideologies and Beliefs 99

Questions 332–418
Unit 5 Political Participation 125

Questions 419–500
Answers 147
Bibliography 199
❮ v

INTRODUCTION
Congratulations! You’ve taken a big step toward AP success by purchasing 5 Steps to

a 5: 500 AP U.S. Government and Politics Questions to know by test day. We are here
to help you take the next step and score high on your AP exam so that you can earn
college credits and get into the college or university of your choice.
This book gives you 500 AP-style multiple-choice questions that cover all the
most essential course material. Each question has a detailed explanation with the
answer. These questions will give you valuable independent practice to supplement
your regular textbook and the groundwork you are already doing in your AP class-
room. This and the other books in this series were written by expert AP teachers
who know your exam inside out and can identify the crucial information you will
need to know as well as questions that are most likely to appear on the exam.
You may be the kind of student who takes several AP courses and needs to study
extra questions a few weeks before the exam for a final review. Or you may be the
kind who puts off preparing until the last weeks before the exam. No matter what
your preparation style is, you will surely benefit from reviewing these 500 questions,
which closely parallel the content, format, and degree of difficulty of those on the
actual AP exam. These questions and their answers/explanations are the ideal
last-minute study tool for those final few weeks before the test.
Remember the old saying, “Practice makes perfect.” If you practice with all
the questions and answers in this book, we are certain you will build the skills and
confidence you will need to do great on the exam. Good luck!
—Editors of McGraw Hill
vi ❯

PREFACE
Welcome to the revised edition of 5 Steps to a 5: 500 AP U.S. Government and Politics
Questions. This edition reflects the changes you will find in the redesigned AP test.
There will now be four answers on multiple-choice questions instead of five, and
questions will be organized by the new curriculum framework aptly named the
Big Ideas. The redesigned AP test will also feature many questions on Supreme Court
cases, including a focus on the 15 landmark cases mandated for the new test. This
edition also includes a detailed answer explanation for each question in order to
help you do your best on test day.
Best of luck!
❮ vii

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Diagnostic Quiz
❮ 1
01_US Govern_DQ_p001-014.indd 1 04/01/22 11:30 AM


GETTING STARTED:
THE DIAGNOSTIC QUIZ
The following questions refer to different units in this book. These questions will
help you test your understanding of the concepts tested on the AP exam by giving
you an idea of where you need to focus your attention as you prepare. For each
question, simply circle the letter of your choice. Once you are done with the exam,
check your work against the given answers, which also indicate where you can find
the corresponding material in the book.
Good luck!
❮ 3


DIAGNOSTIC QUIZ QUESTIONS
Accumulation of powers, legislative, executive, and judiciary in the same
hands . . . may be justly pronounced the very definition of tyranny.
—James Madison, Federalist #47
1. Addressing the above issue with the new Constitution, Madison would
contend that tyranny would be addressed by
(A) creating a federal system of government.
(B) establishing a separation of powers between the branches of
government.
(C) allowing the Supreme Court the use of judicial review.
(D) adding a Bill of Rights to the Constitution.
2. An additional way to prevent tyranny in the new Constitution was also to

establish
(A) a system of checks and balances between branches of government.
(B) the bicameral legislature to represent different interests of the people
and states.
(C) a federal court system to interpret constitutional and federal law.
(D) All of the above
3. In the original Constitution, which would be an example of a direct

democracy?
(A) Creation of an Electoral College
(B) Nomination by the president of Supreme Court justices
(C) State legislatures selecting U.S. senators
(D) Popular election of members of the House of Representatives
4. Other than declaring war, what is a method Congress can use in war-
making policy?
(A) Congress can select military leaders.
(B) The House of Representatives can confirm generals selected by the
president.
(C) The federal Congress has the power of the purse, deciding how
military funds are spent.
(D) The speaker of the house can overrule any military decision of the
president.
❮ 5

6 ❯ 500 AP U.S. Government and Politics Questions to know by test day
5. Although the vice president of the United States has the title of president
of the Senate, his or her powers are very limited. Those powers include
(A) acting as the presiding officer of the Senate.
(B) breaking ties in Senate votes on legislation.
(C) Both A and B
(D) None of the above
6. What is an informal power given to the chief justice of the United States?
(A) He or she selects the cases that come before the Supreme Court.
(B) If the chief is on the winning side of a case, he or she will assign the
Court opinion to a justice on the winning side or himself or herself.
(C) The chief justice appoints all the members’ Court clerks.
(D) If inclined, the chief can reject a presidential nominee to the Supreme
Court.
7. Which pairing is a clear distinction between the federal courts and state
courts?
Federal Courts State Courts

(A) Federal courts can overrule any State courts have jurisdiction
state court decision. over federal law.
(B) Federal courts have appellate State courts also have appellate
courts called circuit courts that courts that cross state lines.
cross state lines.
(C) Federal courts interpret State courts interpret
constitutional law and federal constitutional law and their
law. own state law.
(D) Federal courts do not have trial Only state courts have trial
courts. courts.
8. What is largely the source of protection for civil liberties in the United States?
(A) Declaration of Independence
(B) Articles of Confederation
(C) Federal Bill of Rights
(D) Emancipation Proclamation

Diagnostic Quiz Questions ❮ 7
9. Which of the following are considered to be civil rights issues?

(A) Access to voting
(B) Discrimination in public accommodations
(C) Sexual harassment in the workplace
We do not have a government by the majority of people. We have a govern-

ment by a majority of people who participate.
—Thomas Jefferson
10. What is the most common way for people to participate in government?
(A) Run for a local office
(B) Join an interest group
(C) Send a donation to their selected political candidate
(D) Vote in a presidential election
11. By addressing the concept of “factions,” which foundational document

would be the most skeptical of a common citizen’s involvement in
government?
(B) Brutus 1
(C) Federalist #10
(D) Federalist #51
12. Which of the following types of democracies is largely determined by large

numbers of citizens participating in the governmental process?
(A) Participatory democracy
(B) Elite democracy
(C) Pluralist democracy

WA
NH
MT ND VT ME
OR MN
MA
ID SD WI NY
WY MI RI
IA PA CT
NV NE NJ
IL IN OH
UT DE
CA CO WV
KS VA MD
MO KY DC
NC
TN
AZ OK AR
NM SC
MS AL GA
LA
AK TX
FL PR
HI
States with States with States with

highest increases decreases stable growth
Source: U.S. Census Bureau
13. According to the U.S. Census Bureau in 2020, what region of the United
States witnessed the highest population growth?
(A) The Midwest
(B) The Northeast
(C) The West
(D) The Southeast
14. What could be a result of the changing population shifts?

(A) The states with rising populations could find more federal funds
coming their way.
(B) The states with decreasing populations could lose Electoral College votes.
(C) Because of its rising population, Texas could gain even more political
clout.
15. The changing of population demographics can directly affect what process?
(A) How many congressional districts a state receives
(B) The number of U.S. senators per state
(C) How states choose to elect their governors
(D) The way a state decides to count its votes for state elections
16. How do political parties affect the policy making process in Congress?
(A) Congressional political parties nominate presidential candidates.
(B) By winning majorities, political parties help map out legislative goals.
(C) Interest-group lobbyists are members of Congress, affecting public
policy making.
(D) Third parties largely determine public policy goals in Congress.

Diagnostic Quiz Questions ❮ 9
17. What is the major difference between a presidential election and a

congressional election?
(A) Presidential campaigns accept political action committee (PAC)
money; congressional campaigns cannot.
(B) A presidential candidate is nominated by a political party. Most
congressional candidates are not nominated by political parties.
(C) Much more money is spent on individual congressional elections than
on a presidential election.
(D) Presidential elections tend to be much more competitive than
congressional elections.
18. Which of the following modern political groups would be considered

“factions” by James Madison in Federalist #10?
(A) The Republican Party
(B) The American Civil Liberties Union
(C) A presidential super-PAC
19. Which of the following is true about the Electoral College and presidential
elections?
(A) All electoral votes are given to the winner of the national popular
vote.
(B) Most states use a winner-take-all system: win the state popular vote, a
presidential candidate wins all the state’s electoral votes.
(C) Third-party candidates are very competitive in Electoral College
voting.
(D) Almost all the states are competitive in the Electoral College.
20. Why are linkage institutions so important in the public policy-making

process?
(A) Because linkage institutions produce public policy.
(B) Linkage institutions act as a bridge between the public and policy-
making institutions.
(C) As a linkage institution, the executive branch represents the interests
of the individual states.


DIAGNOSTIC QUIZ ANSWERS
1. (Unit 1: Foundations of American Democracy)
ANSWER: (B) James Madison’s quote from Federalist #47 lists the three branches of gov-
ernment whereby power is prohibited from being “in the same hands” to prevent tyranny.
Separating powers of the branches helps prevent tyranny.

ANSWER: (D) All of the answers, checks and balances, bicameral legislature, and the abil-
ity of the federal courts to interpret the Constitution, prevent tyranny.

ANSWER: (D) Popular election of members of the House of Representatives is one of the
few examples of a participatory democracy. The other examples listed are examples of elite
democracy.
4. (Unit 2: Interactions Among Branches of Government)

ANSWER: (C) Congress could use the power of the purse (although it is rarely used but
sometimes threatened) as a method of affecting war-making policy. High defense budgets
are popular, and denying funds in time of war would most likely be a public opinion night-
mare for Congress.

ANSWER: (C) Acting as presiding officer of the Senate and breaking ties are the only
formal powers the vice president has in the Senate. Thus the position has become largely
ceremonial, and vice presidents rarely preside over the Senate.

ANSWER: (B) Through tradition, the chief justice assigns the Court opinion to himself or
herself or to another justice on the winning side. However, this is an important power. How
an opinion is crafted directly affects how it is interpreted and enforced.

ANSWER: (C) Courts interpret the law. Because of their oath to uphold the Constitution,
both federal and state courts interpret constitutional law. However, state courts do not hear
cases involving federal law—federal courts do.
8. (Unit 3: Civil Liberties and Civil Rights)

ANSWER: (C) Civil liberties are rights guaranteed to citizens by the Constitution. The
codification of those rights is found in the federal Bill of Rights.
❮ 11

9. (Unit 3: Civil Liberties and Civil Rights)

ANSWER: (D) Civil rights are rights that prevent citizens from being discriminated against.
All the rights listed in this question are antidiscriminatory; thus, all are correct.
10. (Unit 4: American Political Ideologies and Beliefs)

ANSWER: (D) Although all the answers are correct, the most common way for citizens to
participate in government is by voting. Running for office is rare, and joining an interest
group or making a donation is less common than voting.
11. (Unit 5: Political Participation)

ANSWER: (C) The focus of Federalist #10 is factions and how the new Constitution and
government mitigate the impact of factions. Modern-day factions include political parties
and interest groups. Madison’s discussion here focuses on a pluralist democracy: the creation
and interaction of these groups are pivotal in a democracy.

ANSWER: (A) A participatory democracy calls for large numbers of citizens participating
in government, largely through voting. Neither elite nor pluralist democracies call for this.

ANSWER: (C) Based on the U.S. Census map, the region on the map that saw the highest
population growth was the West. More states had population growth in the West than in
any other region.

ANSWER: (D) All the examples could be a result of changing population shifts. States with
rising populations could see more money in the form of federal grants. States that decrease
in population could lose congressional seats and thus electoral votes. And Texas, already a
big player on the national political stage, could see this political clout increase.

ANSWER: (A) States with rising population rates may see additional congressional seats
added to their state, whereas stagnating or declining states may see a loss of congressional
seats.

ANSWER: (B) The struggle to become the majority party in the House or Senate has a
huge effect on policy making in Congress. The majority party controls key leadership posi-
tions and maps out legislative strategy. If one party controls the legislative and executive
branches (unified government), it is considered to be a huge advantage for that party in
legislative policy making.

Diagnostic Quiz Answers ❮ 13

ANSWER: (D) Most congressional elections are not competitive. Congressional incum-
bents, members in office seeking reelection, have a distinct advantage. In both the House
and the Senate, incumbents are reelected over 80 percent of the time. Presidential elections
are much closer; rarely does a candidate of a major party get more than 52 percent of the
popular vote, although the Electoral College vote may reflect a larger majority.

ANSWER: (D) All the examples are either political parties or interest groups—all considered
to be factions by Madison’s definition.

ANSWER: (B) The Constitution allows each state to determine how it allocates its electoral
votes. In fact, 48 of the 50 states choose to give all their electoral votes to the candidate
who wins a plurality of the popular vote of that state. So voting in the presidential election
affects the Electoral College.
20. (Unit 4: American Political Ideologies and Beliefs)

ANSWER: (B) Linkage institutions act as the medium, or bridge, between the people and
policy institutions such as Congress and the presidency. How a linkage institution behaves
may have a direct effect on a policy institution, such as an interest group lobbying a member
of Congress.


UNIT
1
Foundations of American Democracy
From these conventions the Constitution derives its whole authority. The
government proceeds directly from the people; is “ordained and established”
in the name of the people; and is declared to be ordained.
“In order to form a more perfect union, establish justice, insure domestic
tranquility, and secure the blessings of liberty to themselves and to their
posterity.”
—Chief Justice John Marshall from McCulloch v. Maryland, 1819
1. According to Chief Justice Marshall, what constitutional principle is used

to justify the credibility of the Constitution?
(A) Federalism
(B) Consent of the governed
(C) The emphasis on individual rights
(D) Checks and balances
2. What federal institution best reflects the belief Marshall is espousing

above?
(A) The Supreme Court
(B) The federal bureaucracy
(C) The president’s cabinet
(D) The House of Representatives
3. The second paragraph above is an excerpt from which of the following

documents?
(A) Federalist #10
(B) Preamble to the U.S. Constitution
(C) Declaration of Independence
(D) Articles of Confederation
❮ 15
02_US Govern_QUN_p015-146.indd 15 28/01/22 11:47 AM

The Declaration of Independence has been described as a lawyer’s brief written by

Thomas Jefferson to justify the break of the American colonies from the British
Empire.
4. The Declaration has been seen as a reflection of what Enlightenment

philosopher?
(A) Alexis de Tocqueville
(B) Voltaire
(C) Montesquieu
(D) John Locke
5. Which political philosophy was the focus of the Declaration?

(A) Natural rights theory
(B) The social contract
(C) Capitalism
(D) Nationalism
6. Which of the following documents best reflects the values found in the
Declaration of Independence?
(A) Federalist #51
(B) Federalist #70
(C) Lincoln’s Gettysburg Address
(D) “Letter from Birmingham Jail”
7. Which of the following decisions helped establish the supremacy of the

federal government over the states?
(A) Marbury v. Madison (1803)
(B) McCulloch v. Maryland (1819)
(C) The Dred Scott decision (1857)
(D) Schenck v. the United States (1919)
8. After the writing and signing of the Constitution, how was the document
ratified?
(A) Local town halls
(B) State legislatures
(C) Special state conventions
(D) The Articles of Confederation legislature

Foundations of American Democracy ❮ 17
This country, with its institutions, belongs to the people who inhabit it.
Whenever they shall grow weary of the existing government, they can exer-
cise their constitutional right of amending it, or their revolutionary right to
dismember or overthrow it.
—Abraham Lincoln, First Inaugural Address, March 4, 1861
9. What would be an example of an institution Lincoln would be referring to

in his first inaugural address?
(A) The House of Representatives
(B) The right to own property
(C) The Bill of Rights
(D) The right to vote
10. Directly after the Civil War, what would be an example of a constitutional
amendment that addressed the issue of the people becoming weary of an
existing government?
(A) The Fourteenth Amendment, giving citizenship to the new freed slaves
(B) The Sixteenth Amendment, legalizing income taxes
(C) The Seventeenth Amendment, calling for the direct election of the
U.S. senators
(D) The Nineteenth Amendment, giving women the right to vote
11. When Lincoln cited the people’s “revolutionary rights to dismember or

overthrow it” (the government), he was referring to what political theory?
(A) The divine right theory
(B) The evolutionary theory
(C) The force theory
(D) The social contract theory
The President is at Liberty, both in law and conscience, to be as big a man as

he can. His capacity will set the limit; and if Congress is overborne by him,
it will be no fault of the makers of the Constitution.
—Woodrow Wilson, Constitutional Government in the United States
12. Which Foundational Document would support Wilson’s above thesis?

(B) Articles of Confederation
(C) Brutus #1
(D) Federalist #70

13. What constitutional principle would help prevent Congress from being
“overborne by him [the president], it will be no fault of the makers of the
Constitution?”
(A) Federalism
(B) Consent of the governed
(C) Checks and balances
(D) Popular sovereignty
14. Modern students of the Presidency would cite this informal power as a
method of sidestepping Congress.
(A) Vetoing bills
(B) Selecting members of the cabinet
(C) Creating tax legislation
(D) Issuing executive orders
The Commerce Clause is one of the most prolific sources of national power
in the United States and an equally prolific source of conflict with legislation
of the state. While the Constitution vests in Congress the power to regulate
commerce among the states, it does not say what the states may or may not
do in the absence of congressional action.
—Justice Robert H. Jackson, H.P Hood & Sons v. DuMond, 1949
15. Although at times controversial, the Commerce Clause is an example of

what type of constitutional power?
(A) Enumerated power
(B) Reserved power
(C) Implied power
(D) Judicial power
16. What has been a prime criticism of how the Commerce Clause has been
used?
(A) Presidents have a hard time enforcing commerce laws.
(B) Commerce, at times, is hard to define.
(C) Congress has used the Commerce Clause as a method to promote an
agenda other than commerce.
(D) The federal bureaucracy has been allowed to overregulate commerce
with very little oversight.

The “judicial power” of Article III of the Constitution is the power of the
federal government, and not of any inferior tribunal.
—Justice Louis Brandeis, Crowell v. Benson, 1932
17. Which of the following required Supreme Court cases reflects the views of
Justice Brandeis: the dominance of the federal government over the states?
(A) Marbury v. Madison (1803)
(B) McCulloch v. Maryland (1819)
(C) Schenck v. the United States (1919)
(D) Baker v. Carr (1962)
18. Where in the Constitution would Justice Brandeis point to in order to

justify his claim?
(A) Article I, Section 8, the Elastic Clause
(B) Article IV, Section 1, the Full Faith and Credit Clause
(C) Article V, Section 1, the Amending Power
(D) Article VI, Section 1, the Supremacy Clause
19. What judicial events below would fall under Brandeis’s view of the federal
courts versus the state courts?
(A) The Supreme Court’s establishment of judicial review
(B) Allowing internment of Japanese Americans in the Korematsu case
(C) Striking down President Nixon’s claim of unlimited executive
privilege in the U.S. v. Nixon (1974)
(D) The incorporation cases of the Warren Court in the 1960s
20. Which of the following is NOT a check on the federal judiciary?

(A) Presidents can nominate federal judges.
(B) The House of Representatives can impeach a federal judge.
(C) State supreme courts can overturn a federal court decision.
(D) The Senate can refuse to confirm a federal court nominee.

All eyes are on Justice Stephen Breyer’s future as the Supreme Court winds down
its term in the next week. Political observers are holding their breath to see if the
82-year-old liberal justice will be stepping down from the court while Democrats
are in the White House, which would give President Biden a chance to nominate
a younger liberal to the court.
21. What constitutional provision makes the appointment of a new justice so

critical in many citizens’ eyes?
(A) The minimum age requirement for appointment to the federal
judiciary, including the Supreme Court
(B) The fact that a new justice has to be a natural-born citizen
(C) The fact that a new justice has to be confirmed by both congressional
chambers
(D) Lifetime appointments can affect the policy making of the Supreme
Court for decades.
22. What is the constitutional role of the Senate in the judicial nomination
process?
(A) Power of the purse
(B) Advice and consent
(C) Proper interpretation of the Constitution
(D) Judicial review of nominations
23. Other than nominating people to the Supreme Court, what is a formal/
informal way the president can impact the Court?
(A) The president can fire a justice of the Supreme Court.
(B) Impounding funds allocated to the Supreme Court could alter its
decision making.
(C) The president can alter the Court’s jurisdiction.
(D) After the Supreme Court announces a decision, the president could
hesitate to enforce the ruling.

The powers of the federal government are enumerated; it can only operate in
certain cases; it has legislative powers on defined and limited objects, beyond
which it cannot extend its jurisdiction.
—James Madison
24. In the above quote, James Madison is making an argument that the
Constitution calls for a
(A) limited government.
(B) weak federal government.
(C) Congress with unlimited power.
(D) federal government with many implied powers.
25. In the Anti-Federalist paper Brutus #1, the author found great concern in
(A) the Supremacy Clause.
(B) the Necessary and Proper Clause.
(C) an overreaching federal government.
26. If an Anti-Federalist like Brutus could view our political world today, he or
she would be worried about
(A) the amount of governance at the local government level.
(B) the Tenth Amendment.
(C) the expansive power of the federal government.
(D) the size and scope of the federal government.
27. Marriage licenses, birth certificates, and driver’s licenses are recognized
from one state to another because of
(A) the Takings Clause.
(B) the Elastic Clause.
(C) the Full Faith and Credit Clause.
(D) the Supremacy Clause.

28. In order to secure ratification of the Constitution, what did James Madison
and the Federalists offer as a carrot to the Anti-Federalists?
(A) Promise to elect an Anti-Federalist as the first president of the United
States
(B) To amend the Constitution and limit the president to two elected
terms
(C) To allow the states to nullify federal laws
(D) To add a Bill of Rights to the Constitution
29. Which state did not attend the Constitutional Convention?

(A) Georgia
(B) Rhode Island
(C) South Carolina
(D) Massachusetts
30. What event is generally considered the Founding Fathers’ wake-up call that
eventually led to the Constitutional Convention?
(A) French and Indian war
(B) Boston Tea Party
(C) Signing of the Declaration of Independence
(D) Shays’ Rebellion
31. What enumerated power possessed by Congress acts as a form of oversight

over the bureaucracy?
(A) The power of the sword
(B) The ability to declare war
(C) The power of the purse
(D) To power to determine bankruptcies
32. Although the existence of a federal government is not explicitly listed

in the Constitution, it is strongly suggested in what constitutional
amendment?
(A) The First Amendment
(B) The Fourth Amendment
(C) The Eighth Amendment
(D) The Tenth Amendment

33. What is the power employed by the federal government to help ensure that
state governments follow the Constitution?
(A) The president’s pardon power
(B) Judicial review over state laws used by the Supreme Court
(C) Bureaucratic discretion employed by the federal bureaucracy
(D) Congress’s ability to override the president’s veto
34. When the Bill of Rights was ratified in 1791, the amendments were
originally thought to protect citizens against
(A) oppressive state governments.
(B) oppressive local governments.
(C) an oppressive federal government.
(D) oppressive municipal governments.
35. Which Foundational Document infers that the Supreme Court has the
power of judicial review?
(A) The Declaration of Independence
(B) The Constitution
(C) Brutus #1
(D) Federalist #78
36. Which of the following are NOT part of the U.S. Constitution?
(A) Preamble
(B) The Articles
(C) Amendments
(D) Federal laws
37. At the Constitutional Convention, what was the major result of the
Connecticut (Great) Compromise?
(A) A weak executive branch led by the president
(B) Creation of a one-chamber legislature
(C) Largely a continuation of the Articles of Confederation
(D) An independent judiciary with lifetime appointments

38. According to the Constitution, what is the minimum number of Electoral

votes a state can have?
(A) 3
(B) 4
(C) 5
(D) 6
39. What best describes the Articles of Confederation?

(A) Unitary government with a strong executive branch
(B) A federal government with an independent judiciary
(C) A loose alliance of states with a weak national government
(D) An oligarchy led by a few strong leaders from the larger states
40. A federal structure is not explicitly mentioned in the Constitution,

but a confederate structure is definitely mentioned in the Articles of
Confederation. Which article/amendment was a carryover from the
Articles?
(A) Article I: bicameral legislature
(B) Article IV: Full Faith and Credit Clause
(C) Amendment 10: reserved powers to the states
(D) Amendment 14: Due Process Clause in regard to the states
The fabric of the American empire ought to rest on the solid basis of THE
CONSENT OF THE PEOPLE. The streams of national power ought to
flow from that pure original fountain of all legitimate authority.
—Alexander Hamilton, Federalist #22
41. What tenet of American government is Hamilton referring to in Federalist

#22?
(A) Federalism
(B) Checks and balances
(C) Protection of individual rights
(D) Popular sovereignty

42. Although Hamilton claims that “the fabric of the American empire ought
to rest on the solid basis of THE CONSENT OF THE PEOPLE,” there
are arguments that the original Constitution does not call for this consent.
Which national institution calls for direct consent of the people?
(A) The Electoral College
(B) The Senate
(C) The House of Representatives
(D) The Supreme Court
43. Which of the following amendments called for consent of the people not
found in the original Constitution?
(A) Amendment 15: African American men get the right to vote
(B) Amendment 19: women receive the right to vote
(C) Amendment 24: elimination of the poll tax
The powers delegated by the proposed Constitution to the federal govern-

ment are few and defined. Those that are to remain in the State governments
are numerous and indefinite.
44. In Federalist #45, Madison is trying to sell the new Constitution to the
citizens of New York. His pitch to the citizens is that this is a constitution
that promotes
(A) popular sovereignty.
(B) individual rights.
(C) consent of the governed.
(D) limited government.
45. What powers is Madison describing that the federal government has that
are “few and defined”?
(A) Expressed powers
(B) Reserved powers
(C) Concurrent powers
(D) Inherent powers

46. What is Madison describing that give the state governments “numerous
and indefinite” powers?
(A) Expressed powers
(B) Reserved powers
(C) Concurrent powers
(D) Inherent powers
47. Which of the following items was NOT included in the Articles of
Confederation?
(A) A one-house legislature
(B) Weak central government
(C) Inability to tax
(D) All 13 states needed to pass an amendment
48. Which of the following is an example of a reserve power of the states?

(A) The ability to raise an army
(B) The ability to provide educational services
(C) The ability to coin money
(D) The ability to create post offices and post roads
49. Which of the following is an example of a concurrent power?

(A) The ability to tax
(B) The ability to create a judiciary
(C) The ability to enact laws
50. The federal Bill of Rights was ratified in 1791. The intent of the Bill of
Rights was to provide protection against
(A) an overreaching federal government.
(B) state governments.
(C) municipal governments.
(D) county government.
51. Which of the following powers listed is a concurrent power, a power that is
held by both state and federal governments?
(A) The ability to coin money
(B) Naturalization of immigrants
(C) Regulation of marriage
(D) The power to tax

52. In our bicameral legislature, what is an exclusive power given only to the
House of Representatives?
(A) Origination of all taxation bills
(B) Oversight of the bureaucracy
(C) Advice and consent on treaties and presidential nominations
(D) The ability to create standing committees
53. In our bicameral legislature, what is an exclusive power given only to the
Senate?
(A) The ability to create legislation
(B) Confirmation of public officials nominated by the president
(C) The ability to impeach the president
54. From a governmental structural standpoint, what is the difference between

the Articles of Confederation and the Constitution?
(A) The Articles had a two-house legislature, whereas the Constitution has
a one-house legislature.
(B) The Articles used a plural executive, whereas the Constitution has a
single executive.
(C) A judicial branch was found in the Articles, whereas the Constitution
does not include a judicial branch.
(D) The Articles had a confederate structure, whereas the Constitution
calls for a federal structure.
55. Gerrymandering is a governmental practice in regard to

(A) reapportionment.
(B) allocation of Electoral College votes.
(C) redistricting of congressional districts.
(D) the Census realigning congressional districts.
56. The Constitution creates a system that prevents excessive power from being
accumulated by the national government through
(A) judicial review.
(B) federalism.
(C) checks and balances.
(D) representative government.

57. The Anti-Federalists’ opposition to the Constitution was predicated on the

belief that a strong central government would
(A) empower the general public and undermine government officials.
(B) create states that were free to act in their own interests.
(C) not be an effective way to deal with other nations.
(D) strip states and individuals of their rights and the authority to make laws.
58. The constitutional provision that allows Congress to expand its legislative
power is the
(A) Supremacy Clause.
(B) Necessary and Proper Clause.
(C) Commerce Clause.
(D) Implied Powers Clause.
59. Historically, the most frequent method for amending the Constitution has
been for
(A) two-thirds of the states to request a constitutional convention to ratify
a new amendment.
(B) a two-thirds vote in Congress to be followed by ratification in three-
fourths of the state legislatures.
(C) three-fourths of special state constitutional conventions to ratify a
new amendment.
(D) a three-fourths vote in Congress to be followed by ratification in two-
thirds of the state legislatures.
60. The plan proposed by James Madison at the Constitutional Convention

that proved to be the foundation of the structure of Congress was the
(A) New Jersey Plan.
(B) Connecticut Plan.
(C) Virginia Plan.
(D) Great Compromise.
61. The New Jersey Plan, an alternative to the Virginia Plan, received states’
rights support because it
(A) created an independent judiciary.
(B) created a powerful executive.
(C) maintained representation based on the population of a state.
(D) maintained the one-state, one-vote structure that existed under the
Articles of Confederation.

62. The Seventeenth Amendment altered the original structure of dual

federalism toward shared federalism by
(A) allowing the direct election of senators.
(B) creating a national income tax.
(C) allowing the federal government to prevent the sale of alcohol.
(D) providing due process to state law.
63. In the case Marbury v. Madison, the Supreme Court established the Court’s
ability to
(A) practice judicial restraint.
(B) declare laws unconstitutional.
(C) exercise its appellate jurisdiction.
(D) utilize judicial activism.
64. The federal government uses the power of the purse to control the actions
of the states
(A) categorical grants
(B) block grants
(C) funded mandates
(D) all of the above
65. Under the federal system, which type of federal grant-in-aid gives states an
exact amount to spend?
(A) Categorical grants
(B) Matching grants
(C) Treasury grants
(D) Block grants
66. The social contract theory calls for an agreement between

(A) the people and the government.
(B) the national government and state governments.
(C) state and local governments.
(D) the people and God.

67. A writ of certiorari is

(A) the official denial from the Supreme Court to hear a case.
(B) the official request to hear a lower-court case.
(C) the official acceptance from the Supreme Court to hear a case.
(D) the official order to a lower court to reverse a decision.
68. The Tenth Amendment offers the most explicit endorsement of federalism
because it
(A) states that all powers not given to the national government rest with
state governments.
(B) states that all powers not given to the national government rest with
the people.
(C) provides for a clear separation between national and state
governments.
(D) establishes the spheres of influence of each level of government.
69. The supremacy of the federal government over the states was firmly
established in what case?
(A) McCulloch v. Maryland
(B) Marbury v. Madison
(C) Barron v. Baltimore
(D) Gibbons v. Ogden
70. The judicial branch’s primary power in the checks and balances system is
(A) declaring laws and executive orders unconstitutional.
(B) overseeing impeachment trials for high-ranking government officials.
(C) having original jurisdiction over international treaties.
(D) overseeing the function of lower federal courts.
71. In United States v. Lopez, what congressional power did the Supreme Court
rule Congress exceeded when attempting to keep handguns away from
schools?
(A) The Commerce Clause
(B) The Necessary and Proper Clause
(C) The Establishment Clause
(D) The ability to tax

72. Which of the following is the term used for pushing some of the federal
government’s responsibilities back to the states?
(A) Entitlements
(B) Revenue sharing
(C) Devolution
(D) Mandates
We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal, that
they are endowed by their creator with certain unalienable rights, that among
these are life, liberty, and pursuit of happiness.
—Thomas Jefferson, Declaration of Independence
73. When Jefferson was writing this passage in the Declaration of

Independence, what political theory was he drawing from?
(A) The force theory
(B) Popular sovereignty
(C) Consent of the governed
(D) Natural rights theory
74. In the Constitution that was written after the Declaration of

Independence, what part is a good example of unalienable rights?
(A) Electoral College
(B) Bill of Rights
(C) Bicameral legislature
75. What clause in the Constitution is a reflection of Jefferson’s belief in “life,

liberty, and the pursuit of happiness”?
(A) The Full Faith and Credit Clause in Article IV
(B) The Supremacy Clause in Article VI
(C) The Due Process Clause in Amendment 5
(D) The Takings Clause in Amendment 5

76. What was a major concern of the Anti-Federalists at the time of the
Constitution’s ratification?
(A) That the unicameral legislature had too much power
(B) That the Elastic Clause was far too vague and could be abused by
Congress
(C) That the new Constitution made the judiciary the dominant branch
(D) That a unitary structure under the Constitution centralized power far
too much
The House of Representatives . . . can make no law which will not have its
full operation on themselves and their friends, as well as the great mass of
society. This has always been deemed one of the strongest bonds by which
human policy connects the rulers and the people together . . . but without
which every government degenerates into tyranny.
77. In Federalist #57, why is Madison arguing that an institution such as the
House of Representatives is so necessary?
(A) Without the House of Representatives, the president would be
allowed to dominate.
(B) Proper and successful government needs an instrument to connect the
people to government, and the House of Representatives does that.
(C) Making laws in the House of Representatives aids the elite in society.
78. In this passage from Federalist #57, Madison is making a direct pitch for
what type of democracy?
(A) Participatory
(B) Elite
(C) Pluralist
(D) Collective
79. Concurrent powers are powers possessed by both the federal and state
governments. Which of the following is an example of a concurrent power?
(A) The ability to coin money
(B) The power to tax
(C) The power to create post offices and post roads
(D) The power to make and maintain a military

80. One criticism of having a federal system is that

(A) federal and state policies may come in conflict with each other.
(B) federalism perpetuates racism by allowing the states to pass
discriminatory laws such as poll taxes.
(C) a federal system can create confusion when making and enforcing
policy.
81. What clause in the Constitution allows the federal government to take
private land for public use?
(A) The Full Faith and Credit Clause
(B) The Supremacy Clause
(C) The Takings Clause
(D) The Due Process Clause
82. A pivotal event that symbolized the problems with the Articles of
Confederation and demonstrated the need to reform them was
(A) Shays’ Rebellion.
(B) Nat Turner’s Rebellion.
(C) the failure of all states to send troops for defense against a British
attack.
(D) a national tax to help pay the debt incurred by the Revolutionary
War.
83. Which of the following is an accurate description of the arguments found

in Federalist #10 and #51?
Federalist #10 Federalist #51
(A) Defended the judicial branch Defended the executive
branch
(B) Helped create the federal Justified creation of the
bureaucracy president’s cabinet
(C) Noted that factions would be a Explained checks and
necessary evil in our republic balances under the new
Constitution
(D) Explained the federal structure of Defended the Articles of
government in the United States Confederation

84. Which of the following is a correct description of constitutional enumerated

powers and reserved powers?
Enumerated Powers Reserved Powers
(A) Powers listed in Article I, Discussed in Amendment 10
Section 8, of the Constitution of the Constitution
(B) Source of authority comes State powers such as
from natural rights education and law
enforcement
(C) Laws passed by Congress Implied powers of the states
(D) Laws passed by state Decisions made by the U.S.
legislatures Supreme Court
85. Which of the following is an accurate description of the Declaration of

Independence and the Constitution?
Declaration of Independence Constitution

(A) Listed the grievances against Provided the blueprint for
the British justifying the American government
American Revolution
(B) Included a Bill of Rights Included the concept of
separation of powers
(C) Stated that the British violated Written during the American
Locke’s social contract Revolution
(D) Ended slavery in the Has seven articles
United States
86. Which of the following were points of interest in Federalist #70 and
Federalist #78?
Federalist #70 Federalist #78
(A) Focused on the danger of Argued against a plural
factions executive
(B) Was concerned about an Supported the concept of a
overreaching federal government separation of powers at the
federal level
(C) S aid the judicial branch would be Worried about the powers of
“the least dangerous branch” Congress
(D) Believed that the president Mentioned the judicial branch’s
should be singular and active power of judicial review

87. Which of the following pairings accurately provides arguments found in

Brutus #1 and Federalist #10?
Brutus #1 Federalist #10
(A) Argued for the separation of Made the case for a strong
powers between branches executive
(B) Believed the federal Argued that the decentralized
government under the federal government would
Constitution would be prevent dominant factions
overbearing from arising
(C) Worried about application of A powerful judicial branch
the Elastic Clause would be beneficial in the
new federal system
(D) Believed that the checks and Stated that the Supremacy
balances system would prevent Clause would upset the
tyranny balance between the national
government and state
governments
88. Which pairing is an accurate description of the Virginia and New Jersey
Plans?
Virginia Plan New Jersey Plan

(A) Favored by the smaller states Appealed to the larger states
(B) Called for a two-house One-house legislature with
legislature based on population each state getting the same
number of representatives
(C) Called for a weak executive Sought to have a strong
branch executive branch
(D) Had two branches of Was a modification of the
government Articles of Confederation

89. Which of the following pairings provides an example of the Full Faith and
Credit Clause and the Supremacy Clause?
Full Faith and Credit Clause Supremacy Clause
(A) Calls for citizens to respect States that the Constitution is
the laws of another state while the highest law of the land
traveling
(B) Allows Congress to make laws Regulates commerce between
to carry out its constitutional the states
powers
(C) Was the focus of the McCulloch Used in the Marbury v.
v. Maryland (1819) case Madison (1803) case
(D) Allows marriage licenses to be Allows state laws to trump
recognized from one state to federal law
another
90. Which pairing presents examples of the constitutional principles of checks

and balances and separation of powers?
Checks and Balances Separation of Powers

(A) Judicial review Veto power
(B) President’s ability to veto laws President’s ability to enforce
federal law
(C) Congress’s ability to override a The advice and consent role of
presidential veto the Senate
(D) The judicial branch’s ability to Congress’s oversight of the
interpret laws bureaucracy
91. Find the pairing that provides an accurate description of constitutional

expressed powers and reserved powers.
Expressed Powers Reserved Powers
(A) The power to coin money The power to tax
(B) Law enforcement Regulate commerce between
states
(C) Settle border disputes between Most educational services
the states
(D) President as Confirms justices to the
commander-in-chief Supreme Court

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CHAPTER XXXIV.
THE CONQUEST ACHIEVED.
July-August, 1521.
The Destroyers Advance—Fierce Fighting in the Plaza—Dismal Situation

of the Mexicans—The Work of Demolition—Movements of Alvarado—
The Emperor Refuses to Parley—Misery of the Aztecs Unbearable—
Horrible Massacre of Women and Children—The Tender-hearted
Cortés Mourns over his own Work—Capture of the Emperor—The
Conquest Completed—Banquets and Thanksgivings—Dispersion of the
Allies to their Homes—Reflections.
With a force of over one hundred and fifty thousand men the
Spaniards now advanced on the city, a large proportion destined
wholly to raze buildings, fill channels, and remove obstacles, while
the rest were to drive back the enemy and keep them at bay. At the
channel near the plaza the Mexicans detained the forces for an hour
with a peace proposal, in order to gain time for some operation, and
then suddenly they began to ply their missiles. Cortés was not slow
to accept the challenge, and led the attack with a recklessness that
caused his followers to remonstrate with him for exposing so
valuable a life. It had the effect, however, of so encouraging the
charging party that the channel with its intrenchments was quickly
captured. On reaching the plaza they found it covered with loose
stones, which prevented the horses from running. Several streets
leading to it were blocked with stone barricades. The main effort for
this day was directed toward opening the approach to the plaza,
which was to serve as the starting-point for subsequent movements.
The work was slow, owing to the massive character of the buildings
along the leading avenue, and in this imperial centre of the city; but
myriads swarmed thereat, and structure after structure was levelled,
opening wide access to the southern causeway.
The Mexicans made repeated efforts to stay such ruthless
destruction. But their onslaught was futile, for thundering cannon and
fiery chargers protected every point. “Burn and raze, you slaves,”
they shouted to the auxiliaries in their impotent fury; “you will have to
rebuild it all, either for us if we win, or for your present masters if they
conquer!” And so it happened. With dreary tasks did they pay for the
momentary triumph over their enemy. During the withdrawal of the
troops to camp in the evening the Mexicans were able to make a
forcible demonstration, more so than usual on these occasions, if we
may credit the native records. They pushed in front of their lines a
fine-looking Spanish cross-bowman, reserved from the late captives,
and sought to make him direct his arrows against his countrymen.
This he refused to do, always shooting too high, and finally the
enraged Aztecs cut him down. His presence naturally interfered with
the free operations of the soldiers, as the enemy had expected.
On the following days Cortés ascended the commanding temple
pyramid in the plaza, and thence directed more effectively the
operations for razing buildings and driving back the Mexicans, who
fought with desperation for every foot of ground, so much so that on
one day alone fell twenty thousand it is said. On one occasion a
corps of Tlascaltecs crossed a canal and were thrown into disorder
by the enemy. The Aztecs began to exult, and one of their number, a
muscular warrior with enormous bejewelled plumage, armed with a
Spanish sword and shield, shouted a challenge to any Spaniard.
Several were ready, among them Hernando de Osma, who had just
swum across the canal to sustain the wavering allies. Dripping wet
he rushed upon the warrior, but received a blow which cleft his
shield. Recovering himself, he dealt the Mexican a thrust from below
and stretched him dead, whereupon he snatched the sword and
plumage and sprang back in time to escape the pursuing friends of
the fallen man. He afterward offered the trophy to Cortés, who
accepted, but returned it at once with the remark that none was so
worthy thereof as he who had won it. The deed served also to
reanimate the Tlascaltecs, and they sustained their position.
Not long after, another powerful warrior, similarly plumed, came
forth brandishing a Spanish sword and announcing that he sought
the glory of either dying by the hand of a brave Spaniard or defeating
him. Cortés, who was present, told him that ten more men like
himself were needed to match one soldier. The warrior insisted.
“Very well,” said the general, “this beardless page of mine shall
despatch you, and demonstrate the mettle of our Castilian boys.”
Juan Nuñez de Mercado, as the youth was called, thereupon
stepped forward, and bravely as this Goliah fought, a few passes
from the skilled arm of the youngster soon sufficed to lay him low.
This feat served not alone to discourage duels with Spaniards, but
was regarded by many Mexicans as a bad omen.[1190]
Whatever may have been the reverses of the enemy, they
usually rallied in the evening to pursue the troops as they returned to
camp, the allies being always sent back first so as to leave the road
clear for the soldiers, covered by the cavalry. One day the pursuit
was not made for some reason, and a few horsemen ventured to
look into it, but only to be driven back with two animals badly
wounded. Cortés resolved to be avenged. He ordered Sandoval to
reënforce him so as to increase the number of horse to forty. Thirty
of these were posted early in the day in a hiding-place near the
plaza, and close by a hundred select soldiers and a corps of
Tlascaltecs. When the hour came to return to camp, the Mexicans,
as expected, fell upon the retreating lines in stronger force than ever,
encouraged by the achievement of the previous evening and by the
pretended timidity of the ten horsemen who covered the rear. When
the first columns of pursuers had well passed the hiding-place, the
signal was given, and with ringing Santiagos the parties in ambush
rushed upon the startled warriors. Finding their retreat cut off, the
severed section lost presence of mind, and permitted themselves to
be butchered like cattle. When the massacre was over, fully five
hundred of the flower of the Aztec armies covered the ground.[1191]
Never again were the Spaniards exposed to pursuit near or beyond
the plaza, or indeed to any such fierce charges, and the horses
became again an object of awe.[1192]
The captives were questioned regarding the condition of the city,
and from them a revelation was obtained showing that the majority of
the occupants were in favor of capitulation, but afraid to express their
views in face of the firmness of Quauhtemotzin and his party, who
were resolved to defend their city to the end. And there was still
enthusiasm among the Mexican people. Women and cripples could
be seen preparing and bringing war material for stronger arms to
use; they swept dust from the roofs into the faces of assailants, while
children threw tiny stones and lisped an echo of the curse that fell
from the lips of their parents. But all this manifest spirit was slowly
but surely subsiding, and deep and dismal woe was settling down
upon them.[1193] Alas for Mexico, pride of the grand plateau! Alas for
thine ancient grandeur! Blotted out forever must be thy culture,
crushed thy budding progress! The days of thy glory are ended; and
so are thy bloody ceremonies and sacrificial stones!
Long sieges had never suited the native ideas of warfare, and
experience could therefore teach little in the preparation for the
event. Vast supplies had been accumulated by the Mexicans, but a
large influx of fugitives from the lake towns had swelled the number
of non-combatants and had helped to diminish the food supply,
which had received but scanty additions, owing to the close watch of
the cruisers. Nor had any restrictions been placed on consumption,
since the provisions were chiefly in private hands. Now famine was
raging with rapidly increasing horrors, and jewels were offered by the
handful for an equal quantity of food.[1194] Excluded from such
competition, the poorer classes sought in holes and canals for snails,
lizards, and rats, skimmed the surface of the water for its
mucilaginous scum, or tore up the earth for roots and weeds, glad
even to chew the bark of trees, and anxiously waiting for the scanty
allowance of brackish water. Disease was marching hand-in-hand
with hunger, and weakened by their sufferings hundreds were left to
linger in torment till welcome death relieved them. The frequency of
these incidents made the people callous, and the sufferings even of
near friends were looked on with indifference by the gaunt and
hollow-eyed, who were themselves marked for death.
Regardless of the consequences, many crept at night close to
the Spanish camps in search of roots and refuse which could no
longer be found within their precincts. Advised of such movements, a
body of soldiers and allies was sent out before sunrise one day and
fell on a large number, slaughtering many of them before discovering
them to be starving women and children.[1195] It was necessary to
take increased measures even against these surreptitious attempts
to sustain the defence, and to keep in the useless population, though
there was little prospect of any important exodus, since the fear of
the savage and cannibal auxiliaries who surrounded the city made its
very pest-holes appear attractive places of refuge. The vessels were
particularly efficient for this purpose, the more so since the crews
had found a ready means to render the submerged stakes and
palisades of little hindrance.[1196] They were thus enabled to ravage
the suburbs, and to coöperate with the other forces by landing and
driving the inhabitants toward the narrow quarter in which they were
now confined. They had not always an easy task, however, for the
Mexicans were growing more reckless, and would sometimes
venture to meet even the ‘winged houses.’
On one occasion a portion of the fleet was closely beset in a
confined place, and the flag-ship happening to strand on some
timbers the crew became panic-stricken and sought to abandon her.
Martin Lopez, the builder, who was the chief pilot, at once turned
against the deserters, and being a large and powerful man he
pitched two into the water, beat and bruised half a dozen others, and
soon compelled their return to duty. He thereupon led them against
the enemy and drove them off, killing the leader, who was a
prominent officer. For this important service the brave Lopez was
rewarded with a captaincy.[1197]
Cortés made quite rapid advance in the work of demolition,
considering the immensity of it. The Tlacopan road had been
levelled, rendering communication easy with the camp of Alvarado,
and on the eve of Santiago’s day[1198] the greater part of the main
street to the market was gained. This thoroughfare bore afterward
the name of Guatemotzin,[1199] because this emperor’s palace was
here situated. Strongly fortified, its capture was not effected without
a severe struggle, wherein many a brave fellow met his fate. During
the fight Alderete’s horse became unmanageable from a thrust, and
rushed amid the enemy in mad fury, creating more disorder by his
pawing and biting than a squad of soldiers could have done.[1200]
Equally severe was the struggle on the following days in entering
and filling a street with a wide canal, adjoining the main road. At the
same time was taken a temple,[1201] wherein a number of impaled
bearded heads stared the horrified Spaniards in the face. Tears filled
the eyes of the beholders, and reverently the ghastly remains were
taken down to receive Christian rites.[1202]
The progress of Cortés’ party in the direction of Tlatelulco
market, the objective point of all the movements, had impelled
Alvarado to almost superhuman efforts to gain before them a spot
lying much nearer to his camp. Once within, he hoped to keep his
ground, for it was large and level, twice the size of the market-place
in Salamanca, says Cortés, and capable of accommodating sixty
thousand persons. It was lined with porticos, wherein more
substantial traders had their shops, while the open square was
covered with booths, between which the Spaniards had so often
wandered to gaze on products of every variety, from field and forest,
from river and mountain, as well as from the workshop of artisan and
artist.[1203] Thus it was formerly; but now were to be displayed only
the worst phases of human selfishness, cunning, and brutality; blood
and corpses in lieu of fabrics and provisions; fierce war-cries and the
clash of arms in place of merry traffickings and the clink of coin. By
the day following Santiago’s day Alvarado had levelled a wide
approach, and now he resolved to direct his whole strength against
this plaza, leaving merely a portion of his auxiliaries to attend to
further razing operations. Before dawn the next morning he
advanced with all his force and took the Aztecs by surprise. He
effected an entrance with little trouble, and was able to meet in good
order the bands which came to retrieve their neglect by fierce
charges. They were led by the renowned orders of Tigers and
Eagles, conspicuous in their corresponding gear, and eager to
maintain the reputation which had gained for them their insignia.
Mayehuatzin, lord of Cuitlahuac, was also among the prominent
leaders, but the cavalry soon obliged him to turn in flight, and
enabled the infantry to capture a number of the shops which lined
the market, and begin to pillage. Much more determined proved the
division under the Tiger captain, Coyohuehuetzin, who fell back and
maintained himself on the Momuztli edifice.
While the main portion of the Spanish forces thus fought at
different points in the plaza with varying advantage, Captain Gutierre
de Badajoz was ordered to capture the great temple which
overlooked the market. It was held by Temilotzin and Tlacatecatl,
who fiercely disputed his advance. Time and again were his men
driven back, or sent tumbling down the steps, bruised and bleeding,
many a one never to rise. But Badajoz persevered, and step by step
he climbed upward, sustained by reënforcements, till after two hours
of hard contest the summit was gained, first by Alférez Montaño.
Woe now to the defenders remaining! Not a Spaniard there but had
wounds to show, and not one who did not strive to exact blood for
blood. It was a repetition of the aerial combat of the year before on
the summit of the central temple. The Mexicans neither expected
mercy nor asked it; rather longed they to dedicate their last breath to
the gods, and gain by glorious death admission into the abode of the
blessed. By nine o’clock in the forenoon the two wooden towers
holding the altars and idols were gained, and the next moment
dense smoke columns rose to announce the victory of the
Spaniards.[1204] Loud rose the wail of the natives as they witnessed
the portentous result, and with the recklessness of despair they
renewed their onslaught, led by Axoquentzin and the Eagle captain,
Quachic. So severely pressed was Alvarado that he was obliged to
call down Badajoz and to concentrate his forces, abandoning the
several temples which surrounded the large pyramid. Encouraged by
this success the Mexicans pushed their advantage from all sides,
and unable to hold their position the Spaniards retired with
considerable loss, including three horses.[1205]
Nothing daunted, Alvarado repeated his entry on the following
day, and met with comparatively little opposition, the enemy being
evidently discouraged by the fall of the temple and the resolute
bearing of the Spaniards. He now passed through and came up to
Cortés’ party, by whom he was received with ringing and repeated
cheers. The latter had just captured the last canal and intrenchments
near the market-place, after a sharp struggle, and now the general
and his doughty lieutenant entered the market and ascended the
lofty pyramid, on which the royal banner waved a proud welcome,
while beside it the still impaled heads of white and dusky victims
recalled the bitter vengeance yet to be exacted. Surveying the city
beneath him on all sides, Cortés says: “It seemed undoubted that of
eight parts we had gained seven.” The late magnificent metropolis,
the finest and largest on all the northern continent, displayed now a
mass of ruins, through which the broad paths levelled by the
invaders led to the one corner which alone remained to the
besieged,[1206] wherein, amid famine, pest, and putrefying bodies,
they huddled in packed masses, sending forth from their midst the
groans of dying and loud lamentations, in an atmosphere so
pestiferous that the soldiers who entered the lately abandoned lanes
were almost stifled. People were found in different stages of hunger
and disease, meeting the soldiers with passive indifference in the
recklessness of despair. Beyond on the roofs stalked the warriors,
gaunt and yellow, like caged and starving beasts.
Cortés felt painfully oppressed on beholding so much misery,
and at once ordering a stay of hostilities he sent some captive chiefs
to Quauhtemotzin with peace proposals, showing the utter futility of
further resistance, which could involve only a needless infliction of
suffering and slaughter, and embitter against him and his the
besieging forces. He was prepared to forget all past animosity, and
respect the persons and property of the besieged, and his rights as
sovereign, and demanded in return only the renewal of allegiance
already offered in Montezuma’s time. Quauhtemotzin scarcely gave
the messengers time to speak, before he answered solemnly: “Tell
Malinche that I and mine elect to die. We will intrust ourselves
neither to the men who commit, nor to the God who permits, such
atrocities!”
Struck by the lofty bearing of the doomed, and desirous of
securing the treasure which the besieged assured him would all be
cast into the water before his fingers should touch it, Cortés again
sent a proposal, formally attested by notary and witnesses, declaring
that the responsibility for the terrible consequences which must
follow the rejection of his offer would fall wholly on the besieged. But
all without avail. And when the priests came and declared the oracle,
“Appeased by sacrifice the gods have promised victory after three
days,” Quauhtemotzin made answer, his council being present: “It is
well. And since it is so, let us have a care of the provisions, and if
need be die fighting like men. Let no one henceforth speak of peace
under pain of death!”
Preparations were accordingly made to renew hostilities at the
designated time, on which occasion sacred relics were to be brought
into service from the paraphernalia of Huitzilopochtli, one a twisted
snake sceptre set with mosaic, called the Xiuhcoatl, which was said
to become alive when launched against the foe and terrify them to
flight; the other a war-dress of feathers tipped with an owl’s head of
fearful aspect, an ægis to scatter the enemy.[1207]
Cortés on his side was not impatient to break the truce, for he
knew that hunger and disease were efficiently fighting his battle, and
he was besides busy constructing in the market-place a catapult
which was to soon end his labors there whatever might be the further
decision of the Mexicans. The idea had been suggested by a soldier
named Sotelo, who boasted of military science acquired during the
Italian wars; and since powder was becoming scarce the necessary
carpenters were readily furnished to construct the machine.
“Behold!” cried the Tlascaltecs, pointing it out to the Mexicans,
“behold a monster mechanism which will quickly annihilate you!” But
on trial it proved a failure.
Then messengers were again despatched to Quauhtemotzin to
talk of peace, and were told that they should have an answer soon.
Next day the Spanish sentinels observed a great commotion among
the Mexicans and a gathering of armed masses. They gave due
notice of this, but before the troops were fully prepared the enemy
came rushing from their retreats with a suddenness that threw the
first opposing lines in disorder, a number being wounded and several
killed, at least among the auxiliaries.[1208] The troops quickly rallied,
however, under cover of the artillery, and Cortés resolved to inflict
chastisement. Alvarado was ordered to attack a large ward
containing over a thousand buildings, while the remaining forces
should turn against the main quarter. Incited by the presence of the
mystic owl and the sacred snake-bearer, the Mexicans fought with
an indifference to fate that turned the war into a butchery. When the
survivors were driven back it was ascertained that over twelve
thousand Mexicans had been killed or captured.
The promised victory had proved a disastrous defeat, and even
the most hopeful Mexican sank into the depths of despair. This
feeling was greatly fostered by a strange occurrence about this time,
which the native records describe as a fiery whirlwind, resolving into
flames and sparks. It rose with great noise in the north, after sunset,
revolved over the doomed quarter and disappeared in the lake,
leaving the natives overwhelmed with apprehensions.[1209]
Their eyes were fully opened to the situation. And in pondering
on the dreadful past and present, the dreadful future became dim,
even its terrors growing every day fainter. They had been passive
under the pain of wounds and under hardships indescribable; but
when at last frenzied mothers and fathers seized upon their own
offspring to still the pangs of hunger over which sane minds no
longer had control; when others began furtively to look about for less
closely allied beings whereon to feed, then indeed a stranger and
more terrible fear came over them.[1210]
When Cortés returned with full force on the following day to
renew the fight, crowds of miserable beings came forth, repulsive in
their emaciated and haggard appearance, careless of their lives yet
clamoring for mercy and for bread. Moved by the appeal, he ordered
them not to be injured, and proceeded to answer certain chiefs who
had summoned him to a parley. “Son of heaven!” they cried, “within
one brief day and night the tireless orb returns. Why dost not thou
also finish thy task as quickly? Kill us, so that we may no longer
suffer, but enter paradise and join the happy throng already sent
thither!”[1211] He told them that in their hands was the remedy. They
had but to cease their insane opposition, and their suffering would
cease, for he would give them food and respect their persons and
property. No satisfactory answer was returned. They were evidently
afraid to speak of peace, though eager for it. Cortés felt convinced
that the emperor and a few leading nobles were the only persons
holding back, and willing to spare the people he again resolved on
an appeal.
A distinguished captive was prevailed on to carry this message
in order to give it more weight,[1212] and to use his influence with the
emperor. On appearing before Quauhtemotzin the noble began to
speak of the kind treatment he had received from the Spaniards.
Praise of this nature hardly accorded with the mood of the ruler or
with the views he wished to impart, and no sooner did the envoy
allude to peace than he was ordered away with an imperious sign to
the stone of sacrifice.[1213] Any fate for ruler and people was better
than to fall into the hands of Christian civilization. At the same time
the warriors faintly threw themselves against the Spaniards with
shouts of “Death or liberty!” The attack cost the besiegers a horse,
and several men were wounded, but the charge was easily repelled,
and was followed up by further slaughter. That night the allies
encamped within the city.
The following day Cortés again approached some nobles at an
intrenchment and asked, “Why remains the emperor so stubborn?
Why will he not come and speak with me, and stay the useless
slaughter of his subjects?” Bound by superstitious loyalty to their
ruler, weepingly they replied, “We know not; we will speak with him;
we can but die!” Presently they returned to say that Quauhtemotzin
would present himself in the market-place on the following noon.
Delighted, Cortés ordered a dais to be prepared on the raised
masonry platform recently used for the catapult, together with choice
viands. At the appointed hour the Spanish general appeared in state,
with the soldiers drawn up in line, ready to do honor to the
distinguished guest. After waiting impatiently for some time, they saw
five personages approach, who proved to be the bearers of excuses.
Quauhtemotzin could not come, but desired to learn the wishes of
Malinche.[1214]
Concealing his chagrin, Cortés caused the nobles to be
entertained, and then he sent them to their master with assurance of
good treatment; they soon returned with presents, and said the
emperor would not come. Again they were sent, and again their
efforts were unavailing. The truth is, Cortés desired with the monarch
to secure his treasure; else he would not long have stayed his
bloody hand. On the other hand, though Quauhtemotzin’s conduct
might be attributed to selfish obstinacy, he well knew that even for
his people death was to be scarcely more feared than capture; now
they might at once enter paradise, but the foreigners sought them
but to enslave.
The following day the five nobles again kept Cortés waiting with
a promise that the emperor would meet him. The hour having
passed without his appearance, the allies, who had been kept in the
background during the negotiations, were called forward and the
order was given for assault, Sandoval directing the fleet along the
shore and up the canals to the rear. “Since they will not have peace,
they shall have war!” cried Cortés. Then the carnage became fearful.
Spaniards and auxiliaries alike, two hundred thousand strong and
more, so it was said, abandoned themselves to the butchery, while
Satan smiled approval. In helpless despair, like cooped beasts in the
shambles, they received the death-blow as a deliverance.[1215] I will
not paint the sickening details so often told of chasms filled, and
narrow streets blockaded high with the dead bodies of the
unoffending, while down upon the living settled desolation. It must
indeed have been appalling when he who had brought to pass such
horrors writes: “Such was the cry and weeping of children and
women that not one amongst us but was moved to the heart.” Then
he attempts to throw upon the allies the blame of it. “Never,” he says,
“was such cruelty seen, beyond all bounds of nature, as among
these natives.” Already, before this massacre of forty thousand[1216]
the streets and houses were filled with human putridity, so that now
the Spaniards were forced to burn that quarter of the city to save
themselves from infection.
Another morrow engenders fresh horrors. The three heavy guns
are brought forward to assist in dislodging the besieged. Fearful lest
the emperor escape him in canoes, Cortés directs Sandoval to place
vessels on the watch for fugitives, particularly at the basin of
Tlatelulco,[1217] into which it is proposed to drive the besieged, there
to catch the king and nobles with their gold and jewels. Of a truth
Cortés does not wish to kill the miserable remnant of this so lately
proud race—particularly if thereby he loses the encaged treasure. So
he again appeals to them, and the Cihuacoatl,[1218] chief adviser of
the emperor, appears and is treated with great courtesy. After a time
he takes his departure, then for the first time declaring that
Quauhtemotzin will on no account present himself. “Return then,”
exclaims Cortés in ill-suppressed anger, “and prepare for death,
invoked, not by high and holy purpose, but by obstinate
timidity!”[1219]
Five hours are thus gained by the wily monarch for the escape of
the women and children, who pour out in swarms, the fainting
supported by the feeble, all emaciated and haggard, and many
marked by wounds or disease. Seeing which the allies pounce upon
them, all stricken and defenceless as they are, and murder them, to
the number of fifteen thousand. And the same number perish in the
fall of broken bridges, in the choked canals, and from the tread of
their fellow fugitives. How glorious is war! How noble the vocation!
How truly great the hero of such hellish deeds! Blush, oh sun! for
making such to-morrows; for lending thy light to human intelligence
by which to do such diabolical wickedness!
Observing no signs of surrender, Cortés opened fire with his
cannon and gave the signal of attack. Another massacre followed,
the Mexicans displaying the same apathy and sullen indifference to
death as on other late occasions. At some points, however, large
bodies surrendered, and the remaining Mexican quarters were fast
falling into the conqueror’s hands Sandoval on his side was closely
guarding the water front and preparing to coöperate. Entering the
harbor basin with a portion of the fleet, he bore down on the canoes
with a crash, upsetting the greater number, filled chiefly with nobles
and their families, of whom a large portion perished. The canoes
which escaped scattered in different directions, into canals and
corners, most of them however turning toward a nook of the basin
with the brigantines in hot pursuit. At this moment a few boats of
larger build emerged from a retreat at the other end and paddled
rapidly toward the open lake.
Warned by his commander to watch closely for the emperor,
Sandoval had not failed to observe the movement, and he
immediately directed García de Holguin, captain of the fastest
vessel, to overhaul the fugitives, who might be persons of note.
Aided both by sails and oars, Holguin speedily gained on them, and
they began to scatter in different directions, evidently with a view to
confuse him; but a captive on board indicated one as most likely to
contain the emperor.[1220] On approaching it the archers levelled
their cross-bows, whereupon a sign of surrender was made, with the
pleading cry that Quauhtemotzin was there. As the overjoyed
Holguin stepped down to secure his captives, among whom were the
young empress, the king of Tlacopan, and other prominent
personages,[1221] the monarch bade him respect his consort and his
retinue. As for himself, he was at his disposal.
Conducted by his captor, he passed along the streets to the
presence of the conqueror, the object of ten thousand eyes, for
rumor had preceded him. Men rested from the slaughter to gaze at
him. In the distance was heard the din of battle, but along the
captive’s path there fell a hush. His was a striking figure. The grave,
careworn face betokened suffering. He wore a dingy blood-stained
robe, and the pallor which overspread a naturally fair face was yet
more heightened by the feverish brilliancy of the eyes, now bent
dejectedly on the ground, now looking straight before him. He
walked with a firm step, and young as he was, the majestic dignity of
the prince and leader impressed every beholder. “He was quite a
gentleman,” graciously affirms Bernal Diaz. Cortés had stationed
himself on the roof of a high building in the Amaxac ward,[1222]
thence to direct operations, and now he caused a dais to be
prepared, and a table with refreshments. When the emperor
approached the guard drew up in line, and the general advanced
with benign dignity and led him to a seat by his side. “Malinche,” said
the captive, “I have done all within my power for the defence of my
people, but the gods have not favored me. My empire is gone, my
city is destroyed, and my vassals are dead. For what have I to live?
Rid me therefore of worthless existence.”[1223] Saying this, with his
hand he touched a dagger in the belt of Cortés. The general sought
to reassure him, declaring that none could resist the Christian’s God.
He had performed his duty bravely, like a good prince, and should be
treated as such.
Although the great end was thus accomplished, slaughter and
pillage were continued until long after vespers. Before the troops
withdrew to their respective camps, the prisoners, including the
pretty empress, Tecuichpo, were conducted to safe quarters in
Coyuhuacan. Shortly afterward a rain set in, aiding the efforts of the
Spaniards to check the auxiliaries in their maraudings, and this,
developing toward midnight into a furious storm with lightning and
thunder, seemed to the homeless Mexicans to be the xiuhcoatl of
Huitzilopochtli and the tumult of departing deities. To the conquerors
this flashing and thundering of heaven’s artillery was the salvo
attending victory, which was celebrated in feasting and merriment till
came late slumber with visions of gold, and lands, and vassals.
Thus ended Tuesday, the 13th of August 1521, sacred to St
Hippolytus, and accordingly adopted by the conquerors as patron
saint of the city. During colonial régime the day was annually
celebrated by a solemn festival, wherein the leading citizens and
officials rode on horseback in procession round the city, headed by
the viceroy and the alférez mayor bearing a banner commemorative
of the conquest.[1224] For seventy-five days consecutively, says
Cortés,[1225] the siege had been wreathing its coils midst almost
hourly scenes of bloodshed, wherein nearly one thousand Spaniards
and two hundred times that number of allies had taken part, one
hundred or thereabout of the former falling, and many thousands
among the latter.[1226]
As for the Mexicans, most of the early authorities assert that fully
one hundred thousand perished, besides those who died from pest
and famine.[1227] At the order of their sovereign, after the
proclamation of peace, the miserable remnant began to evacuate
their pest-holes, and to seek the fields adjacent, now lustrous green
under refreshing rains. Ah! it was pitiful, life to them now, this world a
great charnel-house filled with the bones of their loved ones, and
their hearts dead though still bleeding. What were their sins more
than those of others, that they should be so stricken, that they should
be so ground to the dust while the conquerors flushed with victory
were exulting before God because he had so ordered and
accomplished? They had sacrificed human beings on the altars of
their gods, sixty thousand in one year, some said. But what were
these butcheries of the Spaniards but human sacrifices, of more than
six times sixty thousand in one year! Behold them as they file along
the causeway, the very sun striking black and stifling on their famine-
stricken forms and agonized faces. On them, then, ye conquerors!
Complete your work; for in its swift continuance is their earliest rest!
[1228]
The 14th of August the troops entered the surrendered quarters

to review their work and its results. “I swear,” writes Bernal Diaz,
“that the lake and houses and abodes were so full of bodies and
heads of dead men that I am unable to convey an idea thereof; for in
the streets and courts of Tlatelulco there were no other things, and
we could walk only amidst dead bodies.”[1229] Many became sick
from the stench, and Cortés ordered fires to be lighted to purify the
air. Natives were sent to bring forth the dead, and with them went
Spaniards seeking for gold, silver, precious stones, and plumage,
leaving textile fabrics and other less valued effects to the allies; but
the quantity known to have been obtained fell far below their
extravagant expectations, and in their disappointment the soldiers
searched the persons of fugitives, looking into their very mouths for
hidden gold, says a native record. Bernal Diaz complains that the
brigantine crews had already plundered the wealthiest persons, who
were in the canoes, and had sacked the treasure-houses while the
others were fighting. They in their turn affirmed that the Mexicans
had cast their treasures into the lake. The mysterious depths harbor
many secrets, and beneath the waters, round the famed city of the
Aztecs, tradition still places glittering deposits of untold extent.
Three or four days after the fall, Cortés passed over to
Coyuhuacan with the greater part of his forces, there more formally
to celebrate the end of the siege in banqueting and thanksgiving. A
feature of the performance was a solemn procession by all the
soldiers, bareheaded, with banners, raising their voices in praise to
God, who had given them the victory, and who was so soon to be
worshipped from gulf to southern sea.[1230]
The services of the allies being at present no longer needed,
Cortés assembled them to speak farewell. He dwelt in flattering
terms on their brave and effective deeds. He promised they should
be duly represented to his majesty, who would reward them with
singular privileges. To the chiefs were then given shields, robes, and
other articles, with promises of more lands and vassals. Then they
went their way, happy in their slaves and spoils, happy in the thought
of humbled foe, happy in the promises of the Spaniards; they did not
know, poor simpletons, that all along the days and nights of this
terrible siege, with sword and lance on Aztec breast, they had been
forging their own fetters, which they and their children long must
wear.[1231]
The conquest of Mexico was less a subjugation by Spanish
soldiers than their skilful manœuvring of New World forces against
one another. Had Anáhuac been united it would have succumbed
less readily, perhaps never. As it was, while the native nations were
slaying each other, fighting out their ancient feuds, the astute
Spaniards laid their all-possessing hand upon the country.
Nor was any apology on their part needed before Christendom.
Mankind to this day have not become so humane and just as not to
find excuse for any wrong within the realms of strength and
inclination. What then could be expected of an age and nation
wherein it was not uncommon to cloak crime under the fair garb of
religion. Hitherto came the Spaniards to murder and to rob: to rob
and murder in the name of charity and sweet heaven. No excuses
were necessary, however convenient to that end came the appeals
of the Cempoalans groaning under terrible oppression at the hand of
a race delighting in blood and extortion; a race which within two
centuries had risen from a degrading servitude largely by means of
intrigue and treachery; a race stamped with ignoble characteristics
born of serfdom, and eager to retaliate on others for their past
humiliation, yet energetic, enterprising, and advancing with rapid
strides along the pathway of indigenous culture. Ambitious to rule,
they sent their armies to bring province after province under the
yoke. Rapacious collectors followed to press the substance out of
the people, for the appetite of themselves and their masters.
Confiscation, enslavement, and desolation marched in the train, and
the fairest hopes of the land were dragged away in bondage, and to
bleed on the stone of sacrifice.
To all these appalling evils the Totonacs, among others, were
exposed, when soldiers appeared on their shores bearing aloft the
symbol of charity, of deliverance. The crushed family appealed to
them, also the writhing slaves, for from the altars of hideous idols
rose the dying shrieks of youths and maidens. But a short time
before knights of different orders swarmed over Europe, the
professed champions of the oppressed; and the spirit of the
crusaders still lingered in Spain, in form if nothing more; and what
Christian soldier could unheedingly view such outrages!
Montezuma and his people were inhuman monsters, and
Grotius, Montesquieu, and others who should know, say that war in
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ch’essa non è più sua moglie, e d’andare a cercargliene una in
quella Casa d’Austria dond’era Maria Antonietta. I buoni Viennesi
gemevano su Maria Luigia, vittima offerta a placare un nemico, e
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consolidasse la dinastia napoleonica, e un impero che allora toccò
all’apogeo.
CAPITOLO CLXXX.
I Napoleonidi a Napoli.
Le vittorie aveano tolto a Napoleone il senso delle convenienze:

sicchè, afferrato lo scettro a guisa di spada, più non badava agli
interessi della sua o delle altre nazioni, ma alla propria volontà; offesi
tutti, credesi da tutti odiato: laonde rinnega le tradizioni, vuol
sovvertire l’Europa o rimpastarla a sua obbedienza, perciò collocare
sui troni i parenti suoi. E comincia con Napoli.
Ferdinando Borbone vi era stato applaudito al suo ritorno come
simbolo di pace, ma non seppe perdonare; anche cessati i pericoli,
continuò processi d’opinione. I soldati detti della Santa Fede a
grosse masnade negli Abruzzi rapinavano. L’erario esausto
rifornivasi con infelici ripieghi: intanto che l’inesorabile Carolina non
requiava dagli intrighi. Dei quali accusandola, Napoleone avea
spedito trentamila Francesi ad occupare Terra di Otranto acciocchè
non vi sbarcassero gl’Inglesi. Acton proclamò che la nazione si
armerebbe come un uomo solo, per seguire il suo re alla difesa
dell’indipendenza; ma nessuno si mosse, e il generale Gouvion
Saint-Cyr dispose quelle truppe ne’ posti opportuni. I Reali, col
pretesto di respingere una flottiglia tunisina, distribuirono armi ai
Calabresi, fecero reclute, negoziarono un prestito in Olanda,
lasciavano che gl’Inglesi levassero soldati, e inseguissero i
bastimenti francesi fin sotto i forti.
Se n’indispettiva Napoleone, e viepiù dacchè Carolina ricusò dare
sposa sua figlia Amalia al Beauharnais (1805), figlio adottivo di lui e
non ancora principe. Quando, per la coronazione, essa gli mandò
ambasciadore a Milano il principe di Cardíto, e’ volle riceverlo in
giorno di concorso e sfarzo straordinario onde far più pungenti le
invettive che lanciò contro la regina, fin a chiamarla Gezabele.
Esigette ch’ella congedasse Acton; e Carolina per quanto pregasse,
fremesse, si ostinasse, dovè dargli successore il duca di Luzzi. Essa
avrebbe potuto assodarsi in capo la corona soggiogandosi
all’imperiosa volontà di Napoleone, che inclinava più a riconciliarsi le
vecchie dinastie che a prostrarle; e tanto più questa, che diverrebbe
un rinfianco al regno d’Italia: ma invelenita dall’ultimo affronto, non
mettea misura alle parole, tenea carteggio con Nelson e con Elliot,
inglesi, richiamò in Corte il cardinal Ruffo, valeasi delle cognizioni
amministrative del conte di Damas generale francese migrato,
tentava sedurre l’ambasciatore francese Alquier; il quale, mosso da
passioni men che virili, incapricciavasi a mortificarla, e la trattava
come niun suole una regina, nè una donna.
Tutt’a un tratto Napoleone intima sia mandato via Damas; guai se
truppe straniere sbarcassero; la Corte faccia un trattato di neutralità,
nel qual caso l’esercito d’occupazione se n’andrà dal regno, se no
drizzerebbe sopra la capitale. Il re firmò, ed esibì sei milioni l’anno
sin al fine della guerra; e le truppe partirono per giovar l’impresa di
Massena nell’alta Italia.
Allora subitaneamente Inglesi da Malta, Russi da Corfù,
Montenegrini da Cataro spingonsi nel golfo di Napoli; e Carolina,
violentata senza rincrescimento, inalbera la bandiera della
coalizione, mette le sue truppe sotto il comando del russo Lascy;
talchè sessantamila uomini poteano, forzando la Romagna, giungere
sul Po, assalire alle spalle Massena, e dar mano agli Austriaci
appostati dietro l’Adige. Il principe Eugenio mosse ad affrontarli
verso Bologna: ma intanto le sorti italiche decideansi in Germania e
nella battaglia d’Austerlitz, dopo la quale la Corte napoletana si trovò
abbandonata dagl’Inglesi per consiglio, dai Russi per patto. E
Napoleone dichiara che i Borboni hanno cessato di regnarvi, e sfoga
l’insolente verbosità contro «la moderna Atalia, quella donna
scellerata, che tante volte e con tanta sfacciataggine avea violato
quanto gli uomini han di più sacro; via costei dal regno; vada a
Londra a crescere il numero degl’intriganti; non più perdono ad una
Corte senza fede, senza onore, senza ragione; il più bel paese del
mondo non porti più oltre il giogo de’ più perfidi fra gli uomini».
A Giuseppe, prediletto tra’ suoi fratelli, Napoleone confidava le sue
passioni giovanili, i primi accessi di sua ambizione, i momentanei
scoraggiamenti; poi venuto al potere l’adoprò, massimamente nella
diplomazia. Da lui furono condotte le paci di Lunéville e d’Amiens, da
lui sottoscritto il concordato; e col suo buon senso e
coll’osservazione dei fatti moderava gl’impeti del fratello, se non altro
temperava colle buone maniere i colpi che alla cieca avventava la
irremovibile assolutezza di quello. Napoleone avealo destinato re
dell’alta Italia; ma egli ricusò, o considerasse come precario un
regno su cui l’Austria conservava le pretensioni, o non volesse,
coll’accettare uno scettro straniero, infirmare il plebiscito che lo
designava eventuale successore all’impero (1806 31 genn.). A lui
scrisse allora Napoleone: — Intenzione mia è d’impadronirmi del
regno di Napoli, e mettervi un principe di mia casa. Massena e Saint-
Cyr vi marciano con due corpi; te ho nominato generale in capo, e re
se vorrai; se no, un altro. Quarant’ore dopo ricevuta questa lettera,
parti per Roma, e il tuo primo spaccio m’informi che sei entrato in
Napoli e ne hai snidato una Corte perfida, e messo questa parte
d’Italia sotto le nostre leggi».
Napoleone vuol dunque un re colà, non per nazionalità o per altre
idee, ma perchè gli è necessario. All’avanzarsi de’ Francesi,
Ferdinando fugge a Palermo, lasciando ordine alla reggenza di non
cedere per nessun patto le fortezze. Comandava l’eroismo
fuggendo! Carolina determinata a ceder solo alla violenza, raccozza
le masnade, richiama alle armi frà Diavolo, Nunziante, Rodío,
Sciarra, terribili ad amici e a nemici; ma le provincie non rispondono
al suo impeto; arma i lazzaroni, ma ne deriva tal minaccioso
disordine, che i cittadini assumono essi medesimi la difesa, e
trovandosi l’armi in mano, chiamano i Napoleonidi come liberatori.
Cinquantamila di questi procedono senza ostacolo, prendendo le
fortezze, salvo Gaeta che fu difesa dal principe di Assia Filippstadt, e
Capri occupata dagl’Inglesi: ed entrano a Napoli (13 febb.) nel punto
che n’esce la regina. Quel Vanni ch’era stato stromento alle vendette
di lei, non potè farsi raccogliere con essa, onde si ammazzò e la sua
fine serva d’esempio a’ pari suoi. Lo Speciale era già morto pazzo in
Sicilia. Una colonna, condotta da Regnier e Gouvion Saint-Cyr, andò
a sottomettere le Calabrie, ove si sosteneva Damas col principe
reale, ben presto costretto egli pure tragittare in Sicilia.
I Francesi erano accolti con favore dai borghesi, e con isdegno dalla
plebe; e Giuseppe, qual luogotenente del fratello a Napoli, protegge
la sicurezza, disarma il vulgo, ricompone l’esercito, ravvia i tribunali,
pianta un Governo provvisorio, promettendo migliorare senza
sovvertire. Egli visitava Scigliano al fondo della Calabria ulteriore,
quando ricevette un decreto che lo dichiarava re delle Due Sicilie
(1806 31 marzo), «cadute in potere di Napoleone per diritto di
conquista e come formanti parte del grand’impero»: da questo
voleva tenerlo dipendente col crearlo grand’elettore.
I Napoletani non aveano più che un amore d’abitudine per la dinastia
caduta; mentre il partito vinto nelle sanguinose riazioni precedenti,
favoriva i Francesi, e sperava usufruttarli. Abbondarono dunque le
feste e le codardie come sempre; i più devoti al re antico accorsero
primi al re nuovo; il marchese del Gallo [105], ambasciadore di re
Ferdinando a Parigi, diveniva ministro di re Giuseppe; lo stesso
cardinal Ruffo lo incensava. Giuseppe non trovò difficoltà ad
applicare il sistema francese; la benevolenza con cui fu accolto gli
permetteva di collocare nel ministero e negli alti impieghi i nazionali:
ma non ebbe la delicatezza di non porvi forestieri, quantunque
lodevoli, quali furono Dumas ministro della guerra, Röderer delle
finanze, Miot degli affari interni, Saliceti della polizia, intanto che gli
eserciti facea comandare da Massena e Jourdan, eccellenti spade.
Avido di piaceri, di ricchezza, di fasto come uom nuovo, e cercando
conciliar la parte esecrata di capitano d’esercito straniero con quella
di riformatore e pacificatore, Giuseppe sperò farsi ben volere e
mostrarsi italiano. Conservò sul trono le idee e le simpatie della
rivoluzione, per quanto può un re; si tenne amici tra i filosofi; amava
la discussione, il miglioramento, la giustizia distributiva; proponeasi
di farsi amare, non crescere le imposte, prevenire le insurrezioni,
promovere gl’interessi del regno; abolendo, non i titoli, ma i privilegi
e le giurisdizioni della nobiltà, estese l’amministrazione della giustizia
a paesi fin allora tiranneggiati dai feudatarj. S’introdusse il codice
Napoleone; e sebbene senza giurati e con commissioni speciali e
tribunali d’eccezione, la giurisprudenza e la giustizia migliorarono
dall’esser esposte al dibattimento, come l’amministrazione dalla
semplicità e robustezza. Il Tavoliere di Puglia [106] fu dato a censo, e
in parte anche donato a poveri per moltiplicare i proprietarj,
estendere la coltura e crescere la produzione; al qual uopo
svincolavansi le manimorte e i fedecommessi, e alle ventitre tasse
dirette venne sostituita la fondiaria, senza esenzioni ma senza
catasto. Le finanze furono tolte dallo scompiglio, riducendo nel solo
Gran Libro tutte le rendite e le spese, in un sol banco tutto il denaro
entrante o uscente. Si ordinò l’istruzione pubblica, favorendo le
accademie Pontaniane e d’incoraggiamento, e istituendo la Reale di
storia, antichità, scienze ed arti. Case di giuochi e di voluttà furono
sistemate per lucro del fisco; illuminate le strade, e apertane una da
Toledo a Capodimonte.
Giuseppe alla moglie scriveva: — Le cedole del banco di Napoli, che
perdevano il venticinque per cento, or vanno al pari. Co’ miei proprj
mezzi ho fatto la guerra e l’assedio di Gaeta, che costò sei milioni di
franchi: trovai modo a nutrire e assoldare novantamila uomini;
giacchè oltre sessantamila di terra, ne tengo trentamila fra marini e
invalidi, pensionati del vecchio esercito, guardacoste, cannonieri
litorali; ed ho mille cinquecento leghe di costa, cinte, bloccate,
spesso attaccate dal nemico. Con tutto ciò non iscontentai colle
imposte i proprietarj nè la plebe, e posso senz’imprudenza viaggiare
quasi solo dappertutto: Napoli è tranquilla quanto Parigi, trovo
imprestiti, do esempio di moderazione e d’economia; non ho nè
amanti, nè favoriti, nè chi mi meni pel naso; e generalmente si sa
che, se non fo di meglio, non è colpa mia. Leggi ciò a mamma e a
Carolina, per torle d’inquietudine; assicurale che mai non ho
cambiato, e che cittadino oscuro, coltivatore, magistrato, sempre
sagrificai volentieri il mio tempo a’ miei doveri...».
Ma sprovvisto delle robuste qualità che voglionsi a un capo di
dinastia, sospettoso ne’ pericoli fin all’ingiustizia, volente docilità
perchè docilissimo al suo padrone, Giuseppe, ben presto sentì che
eragli cinta una corona di spine; e ai primi soliti applausi successero
dappertutto le solite scontentezze, e sollevazione, e guerra di
briganti. Essendo gl’Inglesi col generale Stuard sbarcati nel golfo
Sant’Eufemia (1 luglio), le Calabrie divamparono; Morte ai Francesi
fu il grido generale; ed a Regnier, che era stato respinto a Maida, fu
duopo di gran coraggio e prudenza per trincerarsi a Cassano e
salvar le sue truppe, finchè Massena, costretta Gaeta a capitolare
dopo vigorosissima resistenza, accorse ad allargarlo, fucilando,
impalando, lapidando, bruciando.
Il ritirarsi degl’Inglesi non lasciò più sussistere che qualche banda,
fra cui quella di Michele Pezza detto frà Diavolo, a lungo imbaldanzì
fra la Romagna e il Volturno, piombando sui Francesi, assalendo i
convogli e i quartieri, ov’era meno aspettato. Battuto a Sant’Oliva,
sparpaglia i suoi, e rifugge in Sicilia; poi tornato li raccozza, e fortifica
un quartier generale; sconfitto in campagna, è vincitore nelle
montagne; e con mille uomini tien testa a tutte le forze del paese, e
specialmente al colonnello Hugo, destinato contro di lui; perdutane la
traccia, i Francesi lo credono perito, ed ecco uno dice averlo trovato
sulla destra del Tiferno, altri sulla sinistra, chi negli Abruzzi, chi
presso Napoli o nella Puglia. Così lungamente stancò i nemici,
finchè fu preso e decapitato. Ad egual fine andarono pure Rodío e
molti briganti, fucilati, impiccati sommariamente, e non soltanto da
parte de’ militari, e fin sotto la fede di amnistia, eppure senza
estirparli; quando le prigioni fossero zeppe, parte mandavansi a
Fenestrelle e ad altre fortezze lontane, parte si uccideano
compendiosamente.
Così ordinava Saliceti, astuto côrso e giacobino, che fatto ministro di
polizia, credeva o fingeva dappertutto congiure [107], o le lasciava
tessere a bella posta per istracciarle con tremendo rigore: gran
signori e titolati, nobili donne, un vescovo, preti, frati, sin monache
furono mandati alla prigione, alla morte orribilmente esacerbata: e
perchè il popolo tumultuò gridando grazia al supplizio del marchese
Palmieri, al domani nuove forche portarono i promotori di quella
dimostrazione. Una volta fu infocata una mina sotto al palazzo del
Saliceti, ma egli campò; alfine morì di colica e si disse di veleno.
Tali persecuzioni e tali arbitrj sapeano più del crudele essendo
commessi da coloro che non rifinivano di pomposamente incolpare il
vecchio governo, del quale perciò rinasceva il desiderio. Carolina
dalla Sicilia, sempre fissa gli occhi al continente, mandava diplomi e
cappelli a quei ch’essa chiamava realisti e indipendenti, e gli altri
chiamavano assassini, e amicavasi la Russia, per cui interposto
Napoleone le assegnò in compenso le isole Baleari, senza tampoco
interrogarne i re di Spagna a cui esse appartenevano.
Ad ogni bene del regno di Napoli si opponevano lo stato vacillante
del paese, la continua guerra, l’incerto avvenire: pure il re
debolmente buono era compatito, e della coscrizione o dei rigori
versavasi ogni colpa su Napoleone suo padrone. Il quale con una
politica egoista che non lasciava campo a discutere nè consigliare, a
que’ suoi re da scena infliggeva prove crudeli, dolorose umiliazioni;
ripeteva loro, come a tutti i suoi satelliti, — Non avete appoggio altro
che me; s’io cadessi, cadreste; previsione vera, e ch’è la peggior
condanna del suo sistema. A Giuseppe dirigeva rimproveri da
padrone, tacciandolo di debole, inoperoso, vano, irresoluto, che
voleva tenere un esercito eppure non incarire le tasse, non prendea
Gaeta, non allestiva una spedizione contro la Sicilia. — Il
Napoletano (gli dicea) deve fruttar cento milioni, quanto il regno
d’Italia, e trenta bastano per pagare quarantamila uomini. I vostri
piacentieri vi dicono che siete benvoluto per la vostra dolcezza.
Follia! che domani io perda una battaglia sull’Isonzo, e saprete qual
conto fare della popolarità vostra e dell’impopolarità di Carolina.
Trista figura d’un re fuggitivo!»
Altrove disapprova l’istituzione delle guardie nazionali. — Costoro
inorgogliano, e credono non essere conquistati: popolo straniero che
abbia tali bizzarrie non è sottomesso. Volete una guardia reale?
ebbene prendete quattromila Napoletani, nulla più, padri di famiglia
ben fiacchi e vecchi, buoni di custodire la casa dai ladri; altrimenti vi
preparate gravi sciagure... Un esercito napoletano? ma il solo grido
di Via i Barbari ve lo torrà. Coscrivete tre o quattro reggimenti, e
mandateli a me, che colla guerra darò a loro disciplina, coraggio,
sentimento d’onore, fedeltà, e ve li rimanderò capaci di divenire
nocciolo d’un esercito napoletano. Intanto assoldate degli Svizzeri,
dei Côrsi, dei Tedeschi, che io non posso lasciarvi cinquantamila
Francesi, quand’anche foste in grado di pagarli». E qui divisava le
guise di difendere il regno con poche truppe, distribuite da Napoli sin
in fondo alle Calabrie; si munisse una gran piazza al centro del
regno, ove il re potesse gettarsi col tesoro e gli archivj e le reliquie
dell’esercito, e resistere sei mesi a sessantamila Inglesi e Russi.
Oltre che un re straniero non istà senza pericolo in mezzo ad una
popolazione numerosa, necessariamente nemica, Napoli pareagli
poco acconcia; meglio Castellamare, e all’uopo dovrebbero
destinarsi cinque o sei milioni annui per dieci anni [108].
Erano a cozzo la bontà senza genio col genio senza bontà.
Giuseppe, che avrebbe voluto esser re del suo popolo, non satellite
dell’imperatore, provava qual tristo dono fosse quello d’un trono;
Napoleone invece proclamava senza riserva la ragion di Stato e
l’indifferenza a ogni altro affetto; e — Giuseppe deve intendere che
tutte le affezioni ora cedono alla ragion di Stato; sappia dimenticare
quando occorre tutti i legami d’infanzia; facciasi stimare, acquisti
gloria. Io non posso avere parenti oscuri; non amare e riconoscere
per tali se non quelli che mi servono; non al nome di Buonaparte è
attaccata la mia famiglia, ma a quel di Napoleone; ed io fo una
famiglia di re che si connetteranno a un sistema federativo» [109]. In
fatti egli volle i parenti mutassero il lor nome di casa in quel di
Napoleone; pretendeali esaltati sopra milioni di sudditi, ma umiliati
sotto di sè; escludeva la famigliarità antica, ordinava con durezza
talvolta mista d’ironia, e diceva a re Giuseppe: — Se le contingenze
non vollero che aveste grandi movimenti militari a compire, vi resta
la gloria di saper nutrire il vostro esercito».
E quanto alla guerra, chi meglio poteva dare suggerimenti
opportuni? Ma non conoscendo i luoghi, e presumendo dirigere fino
le particolarità, sbaglia spesso. Da prima vuole si conquisti la Sicilia:
è necessario e facile. Ma ecco resistergli lo scoglio di Gaeta: allora
impone si convergano qui tutti gli sforzi, tutti, eppure senza stornarsi
dalla Sicilia. Poi gli bisogna soccorrere Corfù: tutto si faccia a
quest’uopo. Ordini sopra ordini, che imbarazzano gli esecutori, e
fanno stizzire il padrone. Vuol si compia la guerra? rinfaccia a
Giuseppe d’avergli lasciato 45,000 uomini. Ma Giuseppe gli dice, —
Datemi dunque il denaro da pagarli», esso risponde che
effettivamente non passano i 25,000. Nel resto poi mostrava quel
disprezzo delle nazioni e delle proprietà, che infangò la sua gloria; a
severa risolutezza spingeva il fratello timido e circospetto, e ne
combatteva gli scrupoli: — Gli arrendimenti non hanno nulla di sacro,
perchè nulla è sacro dopo la conquista. In un paese che paga
ventisei milioni di debito pubblico, si ritarda il pagamento di un anno,
ed ecco ventisei milioni belli e trovati».
Giuseppe proponeva clemenza, riconciliazione, rispetto alle leggi e
alla nazionalità? Napoleone gli rispondeva come chi, per la prima
volta trovandosi a fronte una popolazione armata a difesa delle leggi
e dell’indipendenza, crede facile il domare i popoli quanto i re;
giudica oltraggio e scandalo pericoloso ogni opposizione alla vastità
de’ suoi disegni, all’immensità della sua potenza; — Ho inteso (gli
dice) che avete promesso non imporre tasse di guerra, e proibito ai
soldati di esigere la tavola da’ loro ospiti. Piccolezze! Non colle
moine si guadagnano i popoli; decretate trenta milioni di
contribuzione: a Vienna dove non c’era un soldo, appena arrivato io
ne posi una di cento milioni, e fu trovata ragionevole [110]. Così
pagate i soldati, rimontate la cavalleria, abbiate abiti e scarpe. Avrei
gusto che la canaglia di Napoli s’ammutinasse: in ogni popolo
conquistato un’insurrezione è necessaria. Non sento abbiate fatto
saltar le cervella a un solo lazzarone, eppure essi adoprano lo
stilo.... Ho udito con piacere la fucilazione del marchese di Rodio....
Mi fu gusto il sapere che fu incendiato un villaggio insorto:
m’immagino lo avrete lasciato saccheggiare dai soldati.... Gli Italiani,
e in generale i popoli, se non s’accorgono del padrone, propendono
alla rivolta. La giustizia e la forza sono la bontà dei re, che non
bisogna confondere colla bontà di uom privato. Aspetto d’udire
quanti beni avete confiscato in Calabria, quanti insorgenti giustiziati.
Niente perdono; fate passar per le armi almeno seicento rivoltosi,
bruciare le case de’ trenta principali d’ogni villaggio, e distribuite i
loro averi all’esercito. Mettete a sacco due o tre delle borgate che si
condussero peggio: servirà d’esempio, e restituirà ai soldati l’allegria
e la voglia di operare» [111].
E perchè un far simile doveva necessariamente procacciare nemici,
e quindi paure, gli soggiungea: — Vi fidate troppo de’ Napoletani.
Occhio alla vostra cucina; non abbiate che cuochi e scalchi francesi;
sempre in guardia a Francesi; di notte non entri a voi se non il vostro
ajutante di campo, che deve dormire nella camera precedente; e
anche a lui non dovete aprire se non dopo ben riconosciutolo; ed egli
non deve battere alla vostra porta se non dopo chiusa la sua».
Vedete, o oppressi, che i vostri oppressori non dormono tutti i sonni.
La pace di Lunéville aveva scomposto l’impero germanico, e tolta la
supremazia dell’Austria, in cui vece si formò una confederazione del
Reno sotto la protezione di Napoleone (1805 12 luglio); sicchè
Francesco II, «non sentendosi in grado di corrispondere alla
confidenza degli elettori e dei principi, e di soddisfare ai doveri di cui
era incaricato», rinunziò alla corona germanica, che così cessò
d’esistere; e in quella vece eresse ad impero gli eterogenei Stati
ereditarj della sua Casa, e non più Francesco II di Germania, ma
s’intitolò Francesco I imperator d’Austria. La Germania, fremendo del
sentirsi serva allo straniero, e trovandosi abbandonata dall’Austria,
fece capo alla Prussia, e insorse a nome della libertà nazionale: ma
nella battaglia di Jena Napoleone sfasciò la monarchia prussiana, e
andò a troneggiare nella reggia di Berlino (1806 14 8bre), come già
in quella di Vienna; poi menò i soldati di Francia e d’Italia sotto al
rigido settentrione nel cuore dell’inverno per sconfiggere i Russi ad
Eylau e Friedland. Il colloquio di Tilsitt lo riconcilia con Alessandro
czar; e i due giovani ambiziosi s’accordano di rinnovare l’uno
l’impero d’Occidente, l’altro quello d’Oriente: intanto Napoleone si fa
assicurare le Bocche di Cataro e le isole Jonie, compendio
dell’eredità dell’uccisa Venezia.
Non contento delle opere di leone, volle ricorrere a quelle di volpe,
ciuffando il trono di Spagna per sostituirvi un re della sua razza. E fu
Giuseppe, al cui posto in Napoli destinava il generale Murat, come
appunto si cambierebbero le sentinelle d’un posto, senza sentire nè
il popolo cui toglieva, nè quello cui dava questi fantocci di re.
Giuseppe se ne andò nè rimpianto nè insultato, e da Bajona diede
una costituzione (1808 20 giugno) per le Due Sicilie, ma senza
garanzie, e vantatrice fra le miserie [112]. La Spagna, mercè delle
istituzioni comunali e di quel cattolicismo che, a sentire certi uni,
credono causa dell’indebolimento degl’Italiani, aveva conservato un
vigore primitivo; e insorse contro l’oppressore con una risolutezza,
inaspettata dall’Europa, avvezza a non considerar la libertà che sotto
le forme francesi, e che allora si avvide come dalle bande popolari
potrebbe essere fiaccato l’indomabile vincitore degli eserciti regj, il
quale in sei campagne dal 1808 al 1814 vi sacrificò centomila uomini
all’anno.
Gioachino Murat nasceva alla Bastide sul pendio dei Pirenei; dal
mestiere paterno di oste passò soldato nell’87; e la migrazione degli
ufficiali nobili gli schiuse il passo ai primi gradi. Ben presto si segnalò
in Italia, sostenne or il coraggio or le imprese di Buonaparte, di cui
sposò la sorella Carolina; salì col salire di lui; fu intitolato granduca di
Berg e di Cleves; mandato a conquistar la Spagna, avea creduto
cogliervi un trono, del quale parvegli inadeguato compenso quello di
Napoli e la dignità di grand’ammiraglio dell’impero. Eccellente in
attacco e in una pompa più che nel governare, bello, entrante,
manieroso, tutto sfarzo di pennacchi e decorazioni, piaceva più che
non fosse amato. Giurò egli lo statuto di Bajona, ma non l’effettuò
mai, almeno quanto il convocare il Parlamento: pure, entrato appena
(6 7bre), rallenta molti rigori dello stato di guerra, cresce le rendite
alla cappella di san Gennaro, visita l’ospedale e regala, scioglie i
disertori ed i carcerati per piccoli delitti, e i sequestri sui migrati in
Sicilia, sollecita la liquidazione del debito pubblico e le paghe ai
soldati vecchi; fa attuare i codici francesi e le leggi abolenti la
feudalità; sopprime i monasteri possidenti, non quei mendicanti;
vietato ai vescovi di non stampar pastorali senza regia
approvazione; società d’agricoltura in ogni provincia, con terreno per
esperimenti, e a Napoli un giardino botanico; riservata la coltivazione
del tabacco. Molte opere pubbliche si compiono, e principalmente la
bella strada da Mergellina a Posilipo, il campo di Marte, la casa de’
pazzi in Aversa, l’osservatorio astronomico. Estinse 57 milioni del
debito con possessi nazionali, ma moltissimi ricusarono riceverli
come di illecita provenienza: molti altri ne distribuì a Napoletani e
stranieri per farsene appoggio. Carezzava i militari, carezzava i
baroni e chiunque portasse un titolo: ma il popolo ne restava
sagrificato; e i soldati, sentendosi necessarj, divenivano licenziosi,
insolenti, e col pretesto di trame e d’accordo coi briganti vessavano
la quieta popolazione.
Tutto armi egli stesso, e conoscendo unico merito il guerresco, per
secondare e imitar l’imperatore voleva avere molti soldati, e
coscrivendo due uomini per mille, senza le antiche esenzioni della
città di Napoli e d’alcune famiglie, ne ebbe 60,000 di regolari, 20,000
di guardia nazionale; moltiplicati i gradi, pomposissime le divise, e
continue mostre, e scuole di genio e d’artiglieria; ma poi non sapeva
esigere l’obbedienza, perchè egli stesso nè imperava risoluto, nè
sottomettevasi alle leggi. Non si rassegnò come Giuseppe
all’indecorosa vicinanza degl’Inglesi, e assalita Capri difesa da
Hudson Lowe, futuro carceriere di Napoleone, venne a capo di
prenderla.
Più gli doleva portare il titolo di re della Sicilia, mentre questa restava
ai Borboni; e tra per dignità di re, tra per imitare lo sbarco meditato
da Napoleone a Boulogne, divisò una spedizione contro la Sicilia.
Grandi preparativi fece in Calabria; grandi gl’Inglesi sull’altra sponda;
e guerra da briganti cominciò anche sul mare, con gran sangue,
grande spesa e nessuna conclusione. Ne prendeano spirito in
Calabria i briganti, e Gioachino pronunziò ordini ferocissimi; i beni
dei loro capi fossero venduti per compenso ai danneggiati e premio
agli zelanti; i soldati borbonici sarebbero trattati come ribelli; in ogni
Comune si facesse una lista de’ briganti, e qualunque cittadino
dovesse arrestarli, le commissioni condannarli compendiosamente:
e le liste mostrarono esser tanti, che sciagura se avessero operato
d’accordo! Responsali i Comuni dei danni arrecati nel loro territorio;
si arrestavano i parenti dei briganti e i loro fautori, parola di
spaventoso arbitrio; si esercitava contro di essi una caccia da
selvaggi, spezzando ogni legame di natura. Guaj a chi li ajutasse o
nascondesse! guai a chi non li rivelasse! D’un padre fu preso l’ultimo
supplizio per aver dato pane al figlio brigante: la moglie d’un altro,
dopo aver partorito, va affidare il neonato a una donna di Nicastro, e
questa n’è denunziata e messa a morte. Il generale Manhés faceasi
fiero esecutore dei fieri ordini, con supplizj spettacolosi e feroci,
ch’essi incontravano con intrepidezza.
Infine gl’insorgenti furono parte sterminati, gli altri ridotti a tacere ed
aspettare; allora si potè sistemare la giustizia, moderare la polizia,
attuare le riforme decretate, e principalmente l’abolizione della
feudalità col dividere e assegnare i beni a privati o a Comuni, senza
troppo farsi coscienza d’ingiustizia e d’abusi.
Non per questo rimase sicuro il regno, e sempre durò lo stato di
guerra civile cogli orrori che lo accompagnano; e la maschera di
partito toglieva vergogna ad infamie inarrivabili. Gli Inglesi
mandavano in Sicilia denari e truppe, e di 400,000 lire annue
sussidiavano la Corte: eppure riprovavano il brigantaggio che in
Calabria si manteneva a nome di Ferdinando, levarono ogni
protezione a chi si rendesse colpevole di delitti, poi si dolsero
dell’aggravio dell’un per cento messo su tutti i contratti, e che
sconcertava i negozianti inglesi; anzi essendosi, per una trama a
Messina, arrestate molte persone di basso stato, e voluto estorcerne
la confessione mediante le basse prigioni che ivi chiamano
dammusi, e i ferri infocati ai piedi e le funicelle alle tempia, gl’Inglesi
non vollero tollerare tali sevizie in un forte da loro presidiato, e non
mancò chi nel Parlamento britannico chiamasse quello il peggior
Governo e il più oppressivo. Frasi che ripeteronsi quando giovò,
smentironsi quando giovò.
Rottasi la guerra del 1809, Steward e Carolina, sempre in occhio a
ricuperare la terraferma od almeno turbarla, mandarono in Calabria
sessanta legni da guerra e ducentosei da trasporto, quattordicimila
uomini di sbarco, oltre i briganti buttati in varj punti sotto lo Scarola, il
Bizzarro, il Francatrippe e altri nomi scherzosi o spaventevoli.
Gioachino avventurò la sua debolissima flottiglia contro l’inglese
(1809 25 luglio); Napoli vide fiera mischia nel suo golfo; ma memore
di Nelson, respinse con estremo sforzo gl’irreconciliabili Borboni.
Gl’Inglesi sbarcano a Procida; ad Ischia trovano resistenza, a Scilla
sono rituffati in mare: ma essi tentano pigliar terra sulle coste
Adriatiche, spingono masnade fino a Roma, dove Miollis stava in
gran punto se Gioachino nol soccorreva. La vittoria di Wagram
disperò gli assalitori; ma rimasero a migliaja i briganti in Puglia, nella
Basilicata, nella Calabria, attizzati da Carolina, che per lusso e per
corrompere vendeva fin le gioje della Corona e intaccava l’erario.
Per opporsi ai preparativi di Gioachino si chiesero straordinarj
sussidj al Parlamento siciliano (1810 15 febb.), il quale decretò
793,000 onze l’anno, oltre le 328,000 di contribuzioni indirette, e i
beni sequestrati a stranieri che ne rendeano 200,000. Ma di
quell’occasione si valse il Parlamento per domandare al re la riforma
del codice criminale e di abolire le servitù prediali. Poi non bastando
le percezioni, il re ne mise di nuove, senza il voto di esso
Parlamento; donde gravi lamentanze, e arresto de’ più arditi
reclamanti, e odio contro il cavalier Medici, succeduto al morto Acton
nel favore della regina.
Bentinck, generale inglese e liberale, interpostosi invano, ne informò
il suo Governo; dando sospetto che Carolina, divenuta zia di
Napoleone per la moglie, pensasse avvicinarsi a questo, cacciar
gl’Inglesi dall’isola, e aprirla ai Francesi; onde il Governo inglese
ordinogli d’occupar militarmente l’isola per mettervi la tranquillità.
Bentinck, che odiava Carolina, lo eseguì con durezza (1811); e
Ferdinando non potendo resistere alle domande di lui, si ritirò,
destinando vicario il figlio Francesco. Questi revocò i baroni sbanditi,
mutò i ministri, convocò un Parlamento, da cui fu compilata una
costituzione. Era foggiata sul modello inglese: non si potessero far
leggi o mettere tasse che dal Parlamento, composto di 61 pari
spirituali e 124 laici, e di 154 deputati de’ Comuni, eletti per quattro
anni con certe condizioni di censo; indipendente il regno,
quand’anche il re ricuperasse la terraferma; non censura; abolita la
feudalità e le angherie [113]. Con ciò e coll’assumere il comando
militare, Bentinck conservava la pace in Sicilia; e quel Governo
libero, quantunque snobilitato dall’ingerenza forestiera, tolse
l’onnipotenza delle spie, la baldanza dei sicarj. Gl’Inglesi
spendevano profusamente; commercio faceasi vivissimo, come
emporio al contrabbando di tutto il Mediterraneo; molti paesi in prima
sottoposti alle bandite, fruttarono riccamente; cessavano infiniti
legami della proprietà e servigi di persona.
Intanto che la Sicilia godeva questa superficiale prosperità, la
terraferma era sommossa da sêtte, varie di ordinamento e di scopo,
quali intente a rintegrare Ferdinando, quali a fargli cedere anche la
Sicilia mediante un compenso, quali all’assoluta indipendenza
d’Italia. Fra questi ultimi furono i Carbonari.
Derivavano essi dai Franchimuratori, e di questi adottarono alcuni riti
e la gerarchia; non si limitarono però come loro alla beneficenza e a
godimenti, ma tolsero per iscopo l’indipendenza nazionale e il
Governo rappresentativo.
Il principe di Moliterno, antico repubblicano, suggeriva agl’Inglesi,
che unico modo di prevalere a Francia era il dichiarare l’unità e
l’indipendenza d’Italia. E non ascoltato appunto perchè
repubblicante, si pose in Calabria a capo d’un’antica banda,
diffondendo le stesse idee, secondato anche dalla regina e al tempo
stesso ascoltato dai Carbonari; de’ quali alcuni s’acconciarono alle
lusinghe della Corte che prometteva una costituzione; altri, fedeli a
un simbolo più puro, stabilirono una repubblichetta a Catanzaro sotto
un Capobianco. La polizia illusa favorì la setta; per quanto il conte
Dandolo dal regno d’Italia la denunziasse a Murat come minacciosa
ai troni: onde quella si propagò per la sua sistemazione mirabilmente
diffusiva, e per la più mirabile arte de’ Napoletani a conservare il
secreto; ed abbracciando anche il resto della penisola, divenne
stromento di future mutazioni.
I patrioti studiarono usufruttare la mal dissimulata ambizione di
Murat, il quale porse orecchio alle loro insinuazioni, ma le tenne in
petto finchè Napoleone potente: pure lasciava intendere che
potrebbe aver bisogno della loro cooperazione, che solo quel
despoto impedivagli di rendere nazionale e indipendente il suo
Governo.
CAPITOLO CLXXXI.
Ostilità col papa.
Buonaparte aveva mostrato rispetto per l’islam in Egitto, e chiesto

favore appo i Musulmani col vantarsi d’avere distrutto il papa; poi,
quel desso che veniva intitolato la rivoluzione fatta uomo, a dispetto
de’ pensatori, de’ forti, de’ consiglieri, ricostituì non solo il
cattolicismo col concordato, ma la supremazia pontifizia col
richiedere da essa la consacrazione. Ve lo induceva il desiderio di
opporre una legittimità alle riscosse de’ Realisti, d’unire in sè i diritti
della rivoluzione e quei del sacro crisma, e di disporre de’ fulmini
della Chiesa contro i re che meditava osteggiare. Ma ciò ch’egli avea
preso per semplice formalità, parve altrimenti al buon senso
pubblico, il quale non si limita a tirare da una premessa le sole
conseguenze che i potenti vorrebbero.
Col concordato egli pubblicò articoli organici che in parte lo
derogavano intaccando la libertà della Chiesa [114]. Il papa in
concistoro si dolse di questa intrusione di sorpresa, e dal nunzio
Caprara fece presentare una protesta contro gli obblighi che in essi
imponevansi al pontefice, fin di giurare nella sua consacrazione che
non attenterebbe alle libertà gallicane. I partigiani e ministri
dell’imperatore erano tutti alunni della enciclopedia e della
rivoluzione; due de’ più creduti, Fouché e Talleyrand, erano preti
apostati, perciò ostili alla Chiesa, onde si compiacquero di usare col
papa un linguaggio burbanzoso. Suggerivasi a Napoleone di tenerlo
per forza a Parigi, quivi accentrando l’unità religiosa, e riducendo
secolare il patrimonio di San Pietro: e avutone sentore, Pio VII lasciò
intendere d’avere già tutto disposto per abdicare, sicchè non si
troverebbero in mano che il povero frate Barnaba.
Roma dunque esultò allorchè, dopo ritardi se non violenti però
inospitali, Pio fu lasciato partire, e l’accolse con solennità cordiale.
Dolente di non avere nulla ottenuto di quanto riprometteasi da quella
sua gita, a’ compagni di viaggio il papa raccomandò discrezione; ma
fin questo silenzio era un’accusa contro l’imperatore. Nuovo dolore
cagionò al pontefice l’essersi nel Codice ammesso il divorzio, e fatte
pari tutte le religioni, fin l’ebraica: delle novità ecclesiastiche
introdotte nel regno d’Italia lagnossi con lettere confidenziali, dolci,
ma insistenti: e Napoleone rispondeva vantando come donato tutto
ciò che non toglieva alle chiese, ai capitoli, ai vescovi nostri; e —
Non ho io forse posto fine ai disordini, e dato torto ai filosofi che
credevano inutili le istituzioni religiose? Dappertutto ebbi
ringraziamenti e lodi; molti trovavano anzi ch’io faceva troppo pel
clero: or come invece Roma me ne disgrada? Avrei, è vero,
negl’innovamenti dovuto concertarmi colla santa Sede; ma questa va
troppo a rilento, nè la sua politica più s’affà col secolo; e mentr’essa
avrebbe tardato due o tre anni a mettere sesto alle cose religiose
d’Italia, io le racconciai detto fatto».
Poteasi non prendere ombra d’un’ambizione che non conoscea
limiti? al primo istituire del regno d’Italia non v’aveva egli soppressi i
conventi, scemate le parrocchie, prefinito il numero de’ seminaristi?
non aveva egli in Germania sovvertito l’edifizio cattolico
coll’abbattere i principati ecclesiastici, e spartire i popoli senza
riguardo alla religione? non circondava d’esploratori il Vaticano e i
cardinali? [115] Le preghiere dunque del sacerdote mal potevano
alzarsi a favore del guerriero, se anche la prudenza ratteneva dal
contrariarlo.
Il papa, mansueto, e sollecito soprattutto di conservare la religione,
blandiva all’imperatore; il Consalvi ministro di Stato ricusava di
prendere parte nelle coalizioni ostili alla Francia, sebbene spintovi
dal sacro Collegio: ma allo scoppiare delle ostilità con Napoli tutta
Romagna fu sossopra; Vanni, Navarro, l’ex-frate Benigetti a capo di
bande ricomparvero nelle montagne limitrofe al reame, eccitando la
popolazione alle armi; in Roma si formarono due comitati che
corrispondevano coi nemici di Francia ed occhieggiavasi ogni
occasione di palesare odio a questa.
Ancona era sulla via di comunicazione fra il regno d’Italia e il
napoletano, rimpetto a Corfù dove s’annidavano i nemici; avea
fortificazioni cascanti, e custodita appena da 676 uomini e 58
cannoni. L’imperatore ordinò al papa di metterla in buona difesa, ma
il sacro Collegio rispondea ciò repugnare alla sua neutralità; ond’egli
comandò a Gouvion Saint-Cyr (1805 6 9bre) di occuparla per
sorpresa. Il papa ne protesta coll’imperatore; questo, ebro della
vittoria d’Austerlitz, gli risponde come a vecchio inetto: — Egli è
buono a svolgere tesi teologiche, non gl’intrighi che lo circondano;
ho occupato Ancona qual protettore della santa Sede; la spada mia,
come quella de’ miei predecessori della seconda e della terza razza,
è la vera salvaguardia della Chiesa; rimandi pure il mio
ambasciadore, e riceva invece quel dell’Inghilterra o il califfo di
Costantinopoli; giudice sarà Iddio» [116].
Il papa sommessamente allegava il candore del suo carattere, la
mitezza de’ suoi consigli, le prove d’affetto mostrategli; lo felicitava
delle sue vittorie; ma poichè queste gli aveano dato il Veneto,
compisse le speranze lasciate di restituire le Legazioni; intanto
rendesse Ancona al primitivo stato pacifico; conchiudeva, «se gli
toccasse, dopo tante altre, anche la sventura di perdere la
benevolenza di lui, il sacerdote di Cristo che ha la verità nel cuore e
sulle labbra, sopporterebbe con rassegnazione e senza paura, della
tribolazione stessa confortandosi colla costanza».
Ma nei concetti del conquistatore più non restava luogo a prudenza
o moderazione, e risoluto d’involgere anche le credenze e il culto nel
suo despotismo amministrativo, più non poteva arrestarsi sulla curva
che parea sollevarlo al vertice e il portava all’abisso. Facea
mantenere dallo Stato Pontifizio le sue truppe che lo attraversavano
(1806), e che in quattro mesi valsero 1,300,000 scudi; occupò i
principati di Benevento e Pontecorvo attribuendoli in feudo a

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Unit 2 Interactions Among Branches of Government 39

Unit 3 Civil Liberties and Civil Rights 73

Unit 4 American Political Ideologies and Beliefs 99

Unit 5 Political Participation 125

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Congratulations! You’ve taken a big step toward AP success by purchasing 5 Steps to

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2. An additional way to prevent tyranny in the new Constitution was also to

3. In the original Constitution, which would be an example of a direct

01_US Govern_DQ_p001-014.indd 5 04/01/22 11:30 AM

Federal Courts State Courts

01_US Govern_DQ_p001-014.indd 6 04/01/22 11:30 AM

9. Which of the following are considered to be civil rights issues?

We do not have a government by the majority of people. We have a govern-

11. By addressing the concept of “factions,” which foundational document

12. Which of the following types of democracies is largely determined by large

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States with States with States with

Source: U.S. Census Bureau

14. What could be a result of the changing population shifts?

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17. What is the major difference between a presidential election and a

18. Which of the following modern political groups would be considered

20. Why are linkage institutions so important in the public policy-making

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2. (Unit 1: Foundations of American Democracy)

3. (Unit 1: Foundations of American Democracy)

4. (Unit 2: Interactions Among Branches of Government)

5. (Unit 2: Interactions Among Branches of Government)

6. (Unit 2: Interactions Among Branches of Government)

7. (Unit 2: Interactions Among Branches of Government)

8. (Unit 3: Civil Liberties and Civil Rights)

01_US Govern_DQ_p001-014.indd 11 04/01/22 11:30 AM

9. (Unit 3: Civil Liberties and Civil Rights)

10. (Unit 4: American Political Ideologies and Beliefs)

11. (Unit 5: Political Participation)

12. (Unit 5: Political Participation)

13. (Unit 5: Political Participation)

14. (Unit 1: Foundations of American Democracy)

15. (Unit 5: Political Participation)

16. (Unit 2: Interactions Among Branches of Government)

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17. (Unit 5: Political Participation)

18. (Unit 5: Political Participation)

19. (Unit 5: Political Participation)

20. (Unit 4: American Political Ideologies and Beliefs)

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9781260474978_SPAHN_PASS5.indd 4 11/15/21 6:57 PM

1. According to Chief Justice Marshall, what constitutional principle is used

Unit 2 Interactions Among Branches of Government 39