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SPENCER A RATHUS

CDEV 2

CDEV 2
CHILD AND ADOLESCENT DEVELOPMENT

CDEV2
CHAPTER

History, Theories, and Methods

CHAPTER

Heredity and Conception

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THE PROCESS
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THE CDEV SOLUTION

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CHAPTER

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CHAPTER

Heredity and Conception

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SPENCER A. RATHUS

CDEV   2 BRIEF CONTENTS

1 History, Theories, and Methods 2


2 Heredity 24
3 Conception and Prenatal Development 36
4 Birth and the Newborn Baby: In the New World 54
5 Infancy: Physical Development 74
6 Infancy: Cognitive Development 94
7 Infancy: Social and Emotional Development 114
8 Early Childhood: Physical Development 134
9 Early Childhood: Cognitive Development 146
10 Early Childhood: Social and Emotional Development 162
11 Middle Childhood: Physical Development 180
12 Middle Childhood: Cognitive Development 190
13 Middle Childhood: Social and Emotional Development 212
14 Adolescence: Physical Development 232
15 Adolescence: Cognitive Development 248
16 Adolescence: Social and Emotional Development 262

Answers to Study Tools Questions 280


References 282
Name Index 304
Subject Index 309
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iii

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CONTENTS
Image Source/Alamy Stock Photo

iStockphoto.com/Sdavidi
1 History, Theories, 4 Birth and the Newborn Baby:
and Methods 2 In the New World 54
1-1 The Development of the Study of Child Countdown … 55
Development 3 4-1 The Stages of Childbirth 56
1-2 Theories of Development 4 4-2 Methods of Childbirth 58
1-3 Controversies in Development 15 4-3 Birth Problems 60
1-4 How do we Study Development? 17 4-4 The Postpartum Period 61
4-5 Characteristics of Neonates 66

2 Heredity 24
2-1 Heredity: The Basics 25
2-2 Chromosomal and Genetic Abnormalities 29
5 Infancy: Physical
Development 74
2-3 Genetic Counseling and Prenatal Testing 31
5-1 Physical Growth and Development 75
2-4 Heredity and the Environment 33
5-2 Development of the Brain and Nervous System 79

3 Conception and Prenatal


5-3 Motor Development 83
5-4 Sensory and Perceptual Development 85
Development 36
3-1 Conception: Against all Odds 37
3-2 Infertility and Alternate ways of Becoming Parents 39
6 Infancy: Cognitive
3-3 Stages of Prenatal Development 41
Development 94
3-4 Environmental Influences on Prenatal 6-1 Cognitive Development: Jean Piaget 95
Development 44 6-2 Information Processing 99
iv CONTENTS

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6-3 Individual Differences in Cognitive Functioning 9-4 Development of Memory 154
among Infants 101 9-5 Language Development: Why “Daddy Goed
6-4 Language Development 103 Away” 155

7 Infancy: Social and Emotional 10 Early Childhood: Social and


Development 114 Emotional Development 162
7-1 Attachment: Bonds that Endure 115 10-1 Dimensions of Child Rearing 163
7-2 When Attachment Fails 119 10-2 Social Behaviors 166
7-3 Day Care 124 10-3 Personality and Emotional Development 172
7-4 Emotional Development 126 10-4 Development of Gender Roles and Gender
7-5 Personality Development 128 Differences 174

11 Middle Childhood: Physical


Development 180
11-1 Growth Patterns 181
11-2 Weight 181
11-3 Childhood Asthma 183
11-4 Motor Development 184
11-5 Attention-Deficit/Hyperactivity Disorder (ADHD) 185
Joakim Leroy/E+/Getty Images

11-6 Learning Disorders 186

12 Middle Childhood: Cognitive


Development 190
12-1 Piaget: The Concrete-Operational Stage 191
12-2 Moral Development: The Child as Judge 193
8 Early Childhood: Physical 12-3 Information Processing: Learning, Remembering,
Problem Solving 195
Development 134 12-4 Intellectual Development, Creativity, and
8-1 Growth Patterns 135 Achievement 200
8-2 Motor Development 137 12-5 Language Development and Literacy 208
8-3 Health and Illness 140
8-4 Sleep 142
8-5 Elimination Disorders 143 13 Middle Childhood: Social and
Emotional Development 212
9 Early Childhood: Cognitive 13-1 Theories of Social and Emotional Development
in Middle Childhood 213
Development 146 13-2 The Family 216
9-1 Jean Piaget’s Preoperational Stage 147 13-3 Peer Relationships 218
9-2 Factors in Cognitive Development 152 13-4 The School 221
9-3 Theory of Mind 153 13-5 Social and Emotional Problems 224
CONTENTS v

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15 Adolescence: Cognitive
Development 248
15-1 Piaget’s Stage of Formal Operations 249
15-2 Gender Differences in Cognitive Abilities 251
15-3 Moral Development 252
15-4  The Adolescent in School 254
15-5 Adolescents in the Workforce 255
rubberball/Getty Images

16 Adolescence: Social and


Emotional Development 262
16-1 Development of Identity: “Who am I?” 263
16-2 Relationships with Parents and Peers 266

14 Adolescence: Physical 16-3 Sexuality 269


16-4 Juvenile Delinquency 275
Development 232
16-5 Suicide: When the Adolescent has Nothing—Except
14-1 Puberty: The Biological Eruption 233 Everything—to Lose 275
14-2 Emerging Sexuality and the Risks of Sexually
Transmitted Infections 238 Answers to Study Tools Questions 280
14-3 Health in Adolescence 240 References 282
14-4 Eating Disorders 241 Name Index 304
14-5 Substance Use and Substance Use Disorders 242 Subject Index 309

vi CONTENTS

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1 History, Theories, and Methods
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LEARNING OUTCOMES
After studying this chapter, you will be able to…

1-1 Relate the history of the study of child 1-3 Enumerate key controversies in child
After you finish
development development this chapter, go
1-2 Compare and contrast theories of child 1-4 Describe ways in which researchers study to PAGE 21 for
development child development
STUDY TOOLS

2 PART ONE: Introduction

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T his book has a story to tell. An important,
remarkable story—your story. It is about the
amazing journey you have already taken through
You are unique, and
things will happen to
childhood, and about the unfolding of your adult
you, and because of
life. Billions of people have made this journey
before. You have much in common with them. Yet
you, that have never
you are unique, and things will happen to you, and happened before.
because of you, that have never happened before.

1-1 THE DEVELOPMENT OF THE STUDY nuclear unit of mother, father, and children rather than
the extended family. Children became more visible, fos-
OF CHILD DEVELOPMENT tering awareness of childhood as a special time of life.
Still, children often labored in factories from dawn to
Developmental psychology is the discipline that stud- dusk through the early years of the 20th century.
ies the physical, cognitive, social, and emotional develop- In the 20th century, laws were passed to protect chil-
ment of humans. It focuses on the many influences on dren from strenuous labor, to require that they attend
behavior, including the effects of the person’s physical, school until a certain age, and to prevent them from get-
social, and cultural environment, and how these factors ting married or being sexually exploited. Whereas chil-
interact to influence the developments that occur over time. dren were once considered the property of parents, laws
Scientific inquiry into human development has now protect children from abuse by parents and other
existed for little more than a century. In ancient times adults. Juvenile courts see that children who break the
and in the Middle Ages, children often were viewed as law receive treatment in the criminal justice system.
innately evil and discipline was harsh. Legally, medieval Various thoughts about child development coalesced
children were treated as property and servants. They into a field of scientific study in the 19th and early 20th cen-
could be sent to the monastery, married without consulta- turies. G. Stanley Hall
tion, or convicted of crimes. Children were nurtured until (1844–1924) is credited
with founding child devel- developmental psychology
they were seven years old, which was considered the “age the discipline that studies the
of reason.” Then they were expected to work alongside opment as an academic physical, cognitive, social, and
adults in the home and in the field. discipline and bringing emotional development of humans.
The transition to modern thinking about children is scientific attention to
marked by the writings of philosophers such as John Locke
and Jean-Jacques Rousseau. Englishman John Locke
(1632–1704) believed that the child came into the world
as a tabula rasa—a “blank tablet” or clean slate—that was
written on by experience. Locke did not believe that inborn
predispositions toward good or evil played an important
role in the conduct of the child. Instead, he focused on the WHAT DO YOU THINK? FOLKLORE, COMMON SENSE, OR NONSENSE? SELECT
role of the environment or of experience. Locke believed T FOR “TRUTH” OR F FOR “FICTION,” AND CHECK THE ACCURACY OF YOUR ANSWERS AS
that social approval and disapproval are powerful shapers of YOU READ THROUGH THE CHAPTER.
behavior. But Jean-Jacques Rousseau (1712–1778), a Swiss- T F During the Middle Ages, children were often treated as miniature adults.
French philosopher, argued that children are inherently T F Nail biting and smoking cigarettes are signs of conflict experienced
good and that, if allowed to express their natural impulses, during early childhood.
they will develop into generous and moral individuals. T F Research with monkeys has helped psychologists understand the
During the Industrial Revolution—a period from formation of attachment in humans.
the late 18th century through the 19th century when T F To learn how a person develops over a lifetime, researchers have
machine-based production replaced much manual tracked some individuals for more than 50 years.
labor—family life came to be defined in terms of the
CHAPTER 1: History, Theories, and Methods 3

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focus on the period of adolescence. French psychologist
Alfred Binet (1857–1911), along with Theodore Simon Developmental psychologists and educators
(1872–1961), developed the first standardized intelligence attempt to sort out the influences of heredity
test near the beginning of the 20th century. Binet’s purpose (maturation) and the environment
(experience) in development. John
was to identify public school children who were at risk
Watson would have argued
of falling behind their peers in academic achievement.
that this girl’s preferences

Tetra Images/Alamy Stock Photo


By the start of the 20th century, child development and skills are shaped by
had emerged as a scientific field of study. Soon major experience. Arnold Gesell
theories of the developing child were proposed might have preferred to focus on
by theorists such as Arnold Gesell, Sigmund the expression of her inborn ability.
Freud, John B. Watson, and Jean Piaget.

1-1a WHY DO RESEARCHERS
STUDY CHILD
DEVELOPMENT? thief, regardless of their talents, penchants,
tendencies, abilities, vocations, and the
Curiosity and love of children are two key race of their ancestors.
motives for studying child development. —John B. Watson (1924, p. 82)
There are other motives as well:
▸▸ To gain insight into the nature of
human nature—whether children are
aggressive or loving, whether children are conscious
and self-aware, whether they have a natural curiosity T F During the Middle Ages, children were often treated
that demands to unravel the mysteries of the uni- as miniature adults.
verse, or whether they merely react mechanically to
environmental stimulation. It is true that during the Middle Ages,
children were often treated as miniature
▸▸ To gain insight into the origins of adult behavior—
adults. This does not mean that they
the origins of empathy, of antisocial behavior, of spe-
cial talents in writing, music, athletics, and math?
were given more privileges, however.
Instead, more was expected of them.
▸▸ To gain insight into the origins of gender roles and
gender differences.
▸▸ To gain insight into the origins, prevention, and Theories are formulations of apparent relationships
treatment of developmental problems such as fetal among observed events. They allow us to derive expla-
alcohol syndrome, PKU, SIDS, Down syndrome, nations and predictions. Many psychological theories
autism, hyperactivity, dyslexia, and child abuse. combine statements about behavior (such as reflexes),
▸▸ To optimize conditions for development in areas such mental processes (such as whether a reflex is intentional
as nutrition, immunizations, parent–child interaction, or not), and biological processes (such as maturation of
and education. the nervous system). A satisfactory theory allows us to
predict behavior. For example, a theory about a reflex
should allow us to predict the age at which it will drop out
1-2 THEORIES OF DEVELOPMENT or be replaced by intentional behavior. John B. Watson
(1878–1958), the founder of American behaviorism,
Give me a dozen healthy infants, well-formed, and viewed development in terms of learning theory. He
my own specified world to bring them up in, and I’ll generally agreed with Locke that children’s ideas, pref-
guarantee to train them erences, and skills are shaped by experience. There has
behaviorism Watson’s view to become any type of been a long-standing nature–nurture debate in the study
that science must study observable specialist I might sug- of children. In his theoretical approach to understanding
behavior only and investigate gest—doctor, lawyer, children, Watson came down on the side of nurture—the
relationships between stimuli
merchant, chief, and, importance of the physical and social environments—as
and responses.
yes, even beggar and found, for example, in parental training and approval.
4 PART ONE: Introduction

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Arnold Gesell expressed child’s experiences during early
the opposing idea that biological stages affect the child’s emo-

Courtesy of the Ferdinand Hamburger Archives of The Johns Hopkins University


maturation was the main prin- tional and social life at the time
ciple of development: “All things and later on.
considered, the inevitability and
SIGMUND FREUD’S THEORY
surety of maturation are the most
OF PSYCHOSEXUAL DEVELOP-
impressive characteristics of early
MENT Sigmund Freud’s (1856–
development. It is the hereditary
1939) theory of psychosexual
ballast which conserves and sta-
development focused on emo-
bilizes growth of each individual
tional and social development
infant” (Gesell, 1928, p. 378).
and on the origins of psychologi-
Watson was talking about the
cal traits such as dependence,
behavior patterns that children
obsessive neatness, and vanity.
develop, whereas Gesell was focus-
Freud theorized three parts
ing mainly on physical aspects of
of the personality: the id, ego,
growth and development.
and superego. The id is present
Theories such as behavioral According to John B. Watson (1878–1958),
at birth and is unconscious. It
theory and maturational theory the founder of American behaviorism, a
represents biological drives and
help developmentalists explain, theory about a reflex should allow us to
predict the age at which it will drop out or demands instant gratification,
predict, and influence the events
be replaced by intentional behavior. Here as suggested by a baby’s wailing.
they study. Let’s consider theories
Watson is demonstrating the grasp reflex The ego, or the conscious sense
that are popular among develop-
of a newborn infant. of self, begins to develop when
mentalists today. They fall within
children learn to obtain gratifica-
broad perspectives on development.
tion consciously, without scream-
ing or crying. The ego curbs the appetites of the id and
1-2a THE PSYCHOANALYTIC PERSPECTIVE makes plans that are in keeping with social conven-
A number of theories fall within the psychoanalytic tions so that a person can find gratification but avoid
perspective. Each owes its origin to Sigmund Freud social disapproval. The superego develops through-
and views children—and adults—as caught in conflict. out infancy and early childhood. It brings inward
Early in development, the conflict the wishes and morals of
is between the child and the world the child’s caregivers and
outside. The expression of basic
FREUD’S THEORY other members of the com-
drives, such as sex and aggression, OF PSYCHOSEXUAL munity. Throughout the
conflict with parental expectations, DEVELOPMENT remainder of the child’s life,
social rules, moral codes, even laws. Sigmund Freud’s (1856–1939) theory of the superego will monitor
But the external limits—parental psychosexual development focused on the intentions and behavior
demands and social rules—are emotional and social development and of the ego, hand down judg-
brought inside or internalized. Once on the origins of psychological traits such ments of right and wrong,
internalization occurs, the con- as dependence, obsessive neatness, and
flict takes place between opposing vanity. According
inner forces. The child’s observable to Freud, there maturation the unfolding
behavior, thoughts, and feelings are five stages of genetically determined traits,
structures, and functions.
reflect the outcomes of these hid- of psychosexual
den battles. development: psychosexual development
Let’s consider Freud’s theory the process by which libidinal
▸▸ oral
energy is expressed through different
of psychosexual development
▸▸ anal erogenous zones during different
and Erik Erikson’s theory of psy- stages of development.
chosocial development. Each is a ▸▸ phallic
stage theory that sees children ▸▸ latency stage theory a theory of
development characterized by
as developing through distinct peri- ▸▸ genital distinct periods of life.
ods of life. Each suggests that the
CHAPTER 1: History, Theories, and Methods 5

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and attempt to influence behavior through flooding the sexual activity are immature forms of sexual conduct
person with feelings of guilt and shame when the judg- that reflect fixations at early stages of development.
ment is in the negative. Evaluation Freud’s views about the anal stage have
According to Freud, there are five stages of psycho- influenced child-care workers to recommend that toilet
sexual development: oral, anal, phallic, latency, and geni- training not be started too early or handled punitively.
tal. If a child receives too little or too much gratification His emphasis on the emotional needs of children has
during a stage, the child can become fixated in that stage. influenced educators to be more sensitive to the possible
For example, during the first year of life, which Freud emotional reasons behind a child’s misbehavior. Freud’s
termed the oral stage, “oral” activities such as sucking work has also been criticized. For one thing, Freud
and biting bring pleasure and gratification. If the child developed his theory on the basis of contacts with adult
is weaned early or breast-fed too long, the child may patients (mostly women) (Hergenhahn & Henley, 2014),
become fixated on oral activities such as nail biting or rather than observing children directly. Freud may also
smoking, or even show a “biting wit.” have inadvertently guided patients into expressing ideas
that confirmed his views.
Some of Freud’s own disciples, including Erik
Erikson, believe that Freud placed too much emphasis
on basic instincts and unconscious motives. He argues
T F Nail biting and smoking cigarettes are signs of that people are motivated not only by drives such as sex
conflict experienced during early childhood.
and aggression but also by social relationships and con-
Actually, there is no evidence that nail scious desires to achieve, to have aesthetic experiences,
biting and smoking cigarettes are signs and to help others.
of early childhood conflict. The state- ERIK ERIKSON’S THEORY OF PSYCHOSOCIAL
ment must therefore be considered DEVELOPMENT Erik Erikson (1902–1994) modi-
“fiction.” fied Freud’s theory and extended it through the adult
years. Erikson’s theory, like Freud’s, focuses on the
development of the emotional life and psychological
In the second, or anal, stage, gratification is obtained traits, but Erikson focuses on social relationships rather
through control and elimination of waste products. than sexual or aggressive instincts. Therefore, Erikson
Excessively strict or permissive toilet training can lead speaks of psychosocial development rather than of
to the development of anal-retentive traits, such as per- psychosexual development. Furthermore, Erikson places
fectionism and neatness, or anal-expulsive traits, such as greater emphasis on the ego, or
sloppiness and carelessness. In the third stage, the phal- the sense of self. Erikson (1963)
lic stage, parent–child conflict may develop over mastur- extended Freud’s five stages to
bation, which many parents treat with punishment and eight to include the concerns of
threats. It is normal for children to develop strong sexual
attachments to the parent of the other sex during the
phallic stage and to begin to view the parent of the same
sex as a rival. ERIKSON’S THEORY
By age five or six, Freud believed, children enter OF PSYCHOSOCIAL
a latency stage during which sexual feelings remain DEVELOPMENT
unconscious, children turn to schoolwork, and they Erik Erikson (1902–1994)
typically prefer playmates of their own sex. The final modified Freud’s psycho-
stage of psychosexual development, the genital stage, sexual theory and extended
begins with the biological changes that usher in adoles- it through the adult years. Erikson’s theory,
cence. Adolescents generally desire sexual gratification like Freud’s, focuses on the development of
through intercourse with the emotional life and psychological traits,
psychosocial development a member of the other but Erikson focuses on social relationships
Erikson’s theory, which emphasizes sex. Freud believed that rather than sexual or aggressive instincts. He
the importance of social relationships oral or anal stimulation, expanded Freud’s five stages to eight, to include
and conscious choice throughout
eight stages of development.
masturbation, and male– the stages of adult development.
male or female–female
6 PART ONE: Introduction

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Evaluation Erikson’s views are appealing in that they
Richard Ransier/Cardinal/Corbis
Erik Erikson was concerned emphasize the importance of human consciousness and
with the development of our choice. They are also appealing in that they portray us
sense of identity—who we
as prosocial and helpful, whereas Freud portrayed us
are and what we stand for.
as selfish and needing to be compelled to comply with
He was especially concerned
social rules. There is also some empirical support for
with the crisis in identity
that affects adolescents the Eriksonian view that positive outcomes of early life
in our culture. How crises help put us on the path to positive development
would you describe this (Gfellner & Armstrong, 2012; Marcia, 2010).
adolescent’s apparent
sense of identity?
1-2b THE LEARNING PERSPECTIVE:
BEHAVIORAL AND SOCIAL
COGNITIVE THEORIES
adulthood. Rather
than label his stages During the 1930s, psychologists derived an ingenious
after parts of the method for helping five- and six-year-old children over-
body, Erikson labeled come bed-wetting from the behavioral perspective. Most
them after the life crisis that children at this age wake up and go to the bathroom
people might encounter dur- when their bladders are full. Bed wetters, though, sleep
ing that stage. through bladder tension and reflexively urinate in bed.
Erikson proposed that To address this problem, the psychologists placed a spe-
social relationships and physical maturation give each cial pad beneath the sleeping child. Wetness in the pad
stage its character. For example, the parent–child rela- closed an electrical circuit, causing a bell to ring and
tionship and the infant’s dependence and helplessness waking the sleeping child. After several repetitions, most
are responsible for the nature of the earliest stages of children learned to wake up before they wet the pad.
development. How? They learned through a technique called classical
Early experiences affect future developments. With conditioning, which we explain in this section.
parental support, most children resolve early life crises The so-called bell-and-pad method for bed-wetting
productively. Successful resolution of each crisis bolsters is a more complicated example of learning theory being
their sense of identity—of applied to human development. Most
who they are and what they applications of learning theory to devel-
stand for—and their expec- WATSON: THE FOUNDER OF opment are found in simpler, everyday
tation of future success. AMERICAN BEHAVIORISM events. In this section, we consider two
Erikson’s views, like John B. Watson (1878–1958) is considered theories of learning: behaviorism and
Freud’s, have influenced the founder of American behaviorism. social cognitive theory.
child rearing, early child- He was a major force in early 20 century
th
BEHAVIORISM John B. Watson
hood education, and child psychology, arguing that psychologists argued that a scientific approach to
therapy. For example, should study only observable behavior, development must focus on observable
Erikson’s views about an not thoughts, fantasies, and other mental behavior only and not on things like
adolescent identity crisis images. He viewed development thoughts, fantasies, and other
have entered the popular in terms of learning theory. He mental images.
culture and have affected generally agreed with Locke that
the way many parents and children’s ideas, preferences, and
teachers deal with teenag- skills are shaped by experience. life crisis an internal conflict that
ers. Some schools help stu- In the long-standing nature– attends each stage of psychosocial
dents master the crisis by nurture debate in the study development.
means of life-adjustment of children, his theoretical identity crisis according to
courses and study units approach to understanding Erikson, a period of inner conflict
during which one examines one’s
on self-understanding in children comes down on
values and makes decisions about
social studies and literature the side of nurture. one’s life roles.
classes.
CHAPTER 1: History, Theories, and Methods 7

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Behaviorists argue that much
FIG.1.1 SCHEMATIC REPRESENTATION OF CLASSICAL CONDITIONING
emotional learning is acquired
through classical conditioning.
Before conditioning After conditioning
In operant conditioning (a
Bladder
tension
Bladder different kind of conditioning),
tension
(does not elicit
(CS)
children learn to do something
waking up)
because of its effects. B. F. Skinner
introduced the key concept of
reinforcement . Reinforcers
Bell Waking up Waking up are stimuli that increase the fre-
(UCS) (UCR) (CR)
quency of the behavior they fol-
low. Most children learn to adjust
their behavior to conform to social
Before conditioning, the bell is an unlearned or unconditioned stimulus (UCS) that codes and rules to earn reinforcers
elicits waking up, which is an unlearned or unconditioned response (UCR). Bladder such as the attention and approval
tension does not elicit waking up, which is the problem. During the conditioning
of their parents and teachers.
procedure, bladder tension repeatedly precedes urination, which in turn causes the
bell to ring. After several repetitions, bladder tension has become associated with Other children, ironically, may
the bell, making bladder tension into a learned or conditioned stimulus (CS) that learn to misbehave because mis-
causes the child to awaken. Awakening in response to bladder tension is a learned behavior also draws attention.
or conditioned response (CR). Any stimulus that increases the
frequency of the responses pre-
ceding it serves as a reinforcer.
Classical conditioning is a simple form of learn- Skinner distinguished between positive and negative
ing in which an originally neutral stimulus comes to bring reinforcers. Positive reinforcers increase the fre-
forth, or elicit, the response usually brought forth by a quency of behaviors when they are applied. Food and
second stimulus as a result of being paired repeatedly approval usually serve as positive reinforcers. Negative
with the second stimulus. In the bell-and-pad method reinforcers increase the frequency of behaviors when
for bed-wetting, psychologists repeatedly pair tension they are removed. Fear acts as a negative reinforcer in
in the children’s bladders with a stimulus that awakens that its removal increases the frequency of the behaviors
them (the bell). The chil- preceding it. Figure 1.2 compares positive and negative
classical conditioning a dren learn to respond to reinforcers.
simple form of learning in which one the bladder tension as if Extinction results from repeated performance
stimulus comes to bring forth the
it were a bell; that is, they of operant behavior without reinforcement. After a
response usually brought forth by
a second stimulus by being paired wake up (see Figure 1.1). number of trials, the operant behavior is no longer
repeatedly with the second stimulus. shown. Children’s temper tantrums
operant conditioning a and crying at bedtime can often be
simple form of learning in which SKINNER AND BEHAVIORISM extinguished by parents’ remain-
an organism learns to engage in B.F. Skinner (1904–1990) picked up the ing out of the bedroom after the
behavior that is reinforced. children have been put to bed.
behaviorist mandate from John Watson.
reinforcement the process of Behaviorists argue that much emotional Punishments are aversive events
providing stimuli following responses that suppress or decrease the
that increase the frequency of the
learning is acquired through
conditioning. Skinner introduced frequency of the behavior
responses.
the key concept of positive they follow. (Figure 1.3 com-
positive reinforcer a reinforcer pares negative reinforcers
that, when applied, increases the fre- and negative reinforcement
quency of a response. in operant conditioning. He with punishments.) Many
was interested in popularizing learning theorists agree that
negative reinforcer a punishment is undesirable in
reinforcer that, when removed, his views on psychology and
increases the frequency of a response. wrote a novel, Walden Two, rearing children for reasons such
which supported his views as punishment does not in
extinction the cessation of a itself suggest an alternative
response that is performed in the and achieved a sort of cult
absence of reinforcement. following. acceptable form of behav-
ior; punishment tends
8 PART ONE: Introduction

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In using time out, children
FIG.1.2 POSITIVE VERSUS NEGATIVE REINFORCERS
are placed in drab, restric-
Procedure Behavior Consequence Change in behavior tive environments for a
specified time period such
as ten minutes when they
Positive reinforcer Frequency behave disruptively.
(teacher approval) of behavior
Use of positive Behavior
reinforcement (studying) is presented increases Operant conditioning is
when student studies
(student studies more)
used every day in the social-
ization of young children.
Parents and peers influ-
Negative reinforcer Frequency ence children to acquire
(teacher disapproval) of behavior behavior patterns they con-
Use of negative Behavior
reinforcement (studying) is removed increases
when student studies sider to be appropriate to
(student studies more)
their gender through the
elaborate use of rewards
Reinforcers, by definition, increase the frequency of behavior. In this example, teacher and punishments. Thus,
approval is a positive reinforcer because it increases the frequency of behavior when it boys may ignore other boys
is applied. Teacher disapproval functions as a negative reinforcer because removing it
increases behavior—in this case, studying. But teacher disapproval can backfire when
when they play with dolls
other students show strong approval of a student’s disobeying the teacher. and housekeeping toys but
play with boys when they
use transportation toys.
to suppress behavior only when its delivery is guaran- Many children are thus taught to engage in behavior
teed; and punishment can create feelings of anger and that may please others more than it pleases themselves.
hostility. SOCIAL COGNITIVE THEORY Behaviorists tend
Research suggests that when teachers praise and to limit their view of learning to conditioning. Social
attend to appropriate behavior and ignore misbehavior, cognitive theorists such as Albert Bandura (1986,
studying and classroom behavior improve while dis- 2011, 2012) have shown that much learning also occurs
ruptive and aggressive behaviors decrease (Coffee & by observing other people, reading, and viewing char-
Kratochwill, 2013; Jenkins et al., 2015). By ignoring mis- acters in the media. People may need practice to refine
behavior or by using time out from positive reinforce- their skills, but they can acquire the basic know-how
ment, we can avoid reinforcing children for misbehavior. through observation.
Observational learn-
ing occurs when children
FIG.1.3 NEGATIVE REINFORCERS VERSUS PUNISHMENTS observe how parents cook,
Procedure Behavior Consequence Change in behavior clean, or repair a broken
appliance. It takes place
when adults watch supervi-
Negative reinforcer Frequency sors sketch out sales strat-
of behavior
Use of negative Behavior (teacher disapproval)
increases
egies on a blackboard or
reinforcement (studying) is removed
when student studies hear them speak a foreign
(student studies more)
language. In social cog-
nitive theory, the people
Frequency
of behavior after whom we pattern our
Punishment decreases own behavior are termed
Use of Behavior (detention)
punishment (talking is presented models.
in class) when student talks
in class (student talks
less in class)
social cognitive theory a
Both negative reinforcers and punishments tend to be aversive stimuli. Reinforcers, cognitively oriented learning theory
however, increase the frequency of behavior. Punishments decrease the frequency of that emphasizes observational
learning.
behavior. Negative reinforcers increase the frequency of behavior when they are removed.

CHAPTER 1: History, Theories, and Methods 9

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advanced by Swiss biologist Jean Piaget (1896–
BANDURA AND SOCIAL 1980) and further developed by many theorists.
COGNITIVE THEORY Another is information-processing theory.
Albert Bandura (b. 1925), a leading COGNITIVE-DEVELOPMENTAL THEORY
social cognitive theorist, emphasized During his adolescence, Jean Piaget studied
the role of social learning—that is, philosophy, logic, and mathematics, but years
learning by observing others—as later he took his Ph.D. in biology. In 1920, he
a key element in learning theory. obtained a job at the Binet Institute in Paris,
He labeled the people after whom where research on intelligence tests was being
we, as children and adults, pattern our
conducted. Through his studies, Piaget realized that
behavior “models.” While behaviorists tend to
when children answered questions incorrectly, their
limit their view of learning to conditioning, social
wrong answers still often reflected consistent—although
cognitive theorists focus on modeling behavior.
illogical—mental processes. Piaget regarded children as
natural physicists who actively intend to learn about and
take intellectual charge of their worlds. In the Piagetian
EVALUATION OF LEARNING THEORIES Learning view, children who squish their food and laugh enthusi-
theories allow us to explain, predict, and influence many
astically are often acting as budding scientists. They are
aspects of behavior. The use of the bell-and-pad method
studying both the texture and consistency of their food,
for bed-wetting would probably not have been derived
as well as their parents’ response.
from any other theoretical approach. Many of the teach-
Piaget used concepts such as schemes, adapta-
ing approaches used in educational TV shows are based
tion, assimilation, accommodation, and equilibration
on learning theory.
to describe and explain cognitive development. Piaget
defines the scheme as a pattern of action or men-
1-2c THE COGNITIVE PERSPECTIVE tal structure that is involved in acquiring or organizing
Cognitive theorists focus on people’s mental processes. knowledge. For example, newborn babies might be said to
They investigate the ways in which children perceive have a sucking scheme (others call this a reflex), respond-
and mentally represent the ing to things put in their
world, how they develop mouths as “things I can
PIAGET’S COGNITIVE- suck” versus “things I
thinking, logic, and problem-
solving ability. One cognitive
DEVELOPMENTAL THEORY can’t suck.”
perspective is cognitive- Cognitive theorists investigate the ways in which Adaptation refers
developmental theory, children perceive and mentally represent the world, to the interaction between
how they develop thinking, logic, and problem- the organism and the
solving ability. One cognitive perspective is cognitive- environment. According
cognitive-developmental developmental theory, advanced by Swiss biologist to Piaget, all organisms
theory the stage theory that Jean Piaget (1896–1980). Piaget’s early training as a adapt to their environ-
holds that the child’s abilities to biologist led him to view children as mentally assimilat- ment. Adaptation consists
mentally represent the world and
solve problems unfold as a result of
ing and accommodating aspects of their environment. of assimilation and accom-
the interaction of experience and the Piaget used concepts such as schemes, modation, which occur
maturation of neurological structures. adaptation, assimilation, accommoda- throughout life. Cognitive
scheme an action pattern or tion, and equilibration to describe and assimilation refers
mental structure that is involved in explain cognitive development. In to the process by
the acquisition and organization of 1963, Piaget hypothesized that which someone
knowledge. children’s cognitive processes responds to new
adaptation the interaction develop in an orderly sequence, objects or events
between the organism and or series, of stages. He identified according to exist-
the environment, consisting of
assimilation and accommodation.
four major stages of cognitive ing schemes or
development: sensorimotor, ways of organizing
assimilation the incorporation preoperational, concrete opera- knowledge. Two-
of new events or knowledge into
existing schemes.
tional, and formal operational. year-olds who
refer to horses as
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“doggies” are assimilating horses into their dog scheme. Thus, many cognitive psychologists focus on infor-
Sometimes a novel object or event cannot be made to fit mation processing in people—the processes by which
into an existing scheme. In that case, the scheme may be people encode (input) information, store it (in long-term
changed or a new scheme may be created to incorporate memory), retrieve it (place it in short-term memory),
the new event. This process is called accommodation. and manipulate it to solve problems. Our strategies for
Consider the sucking reflex. Infants accommodate by solving problems are sometimes referred to as our men-
rejecting objects that are too large, that taste bad, or that tal programs or software. In this computer metaphor,
are of the wrong texture or temperature. our brains are the hardware that runs our mental pro-
Piaget theorized that when children can assimilate grams. Our brains—containing billions of brain cells
new events into existing schemes, they are in a state of called neurons—become our most “personal” comput-
cognitive harmony, or equilibrium. When something that ers. When psychologists who study information process-
does not fit happens, their state of equilibrium is dis- ing contemplate cognitive development, they are likely
turbed and they may try to accommodate. The process to talk in terms of the size of the person’s short-term
of restoring equilibrium is termed equilibration. Piaget memory and the number of programs she or he can run
believed that the attempt to restore equilibrium lies at simultaneously.
the heart of the natural curiosity of the child. The most obvious applications of information pro-
PIAGET’S STAGES OF COGNITIVE DEVELOPMENT cessing occur in teaching. For example, information-
Piaget (1963) hypothesized that children’s cognitive processing models alert teachers to the sequence of
processes develop in an orderly sequence, or series, of steps by which children acquire information, commit it
stages. Piaget identified four major stages of cognitive to memory, and retrieve it to solve problems. By under-
development: sensorimotor, preoperational, concrete standing this sequence, teachers can provide experiences
operational, and formal operational. These stages are that give students practice with each stage.
discussed in subsequent chapters. We now see that the brain is a sort of biological com-
Because Piaget’s theory focuses on cognitive devel- puter. Let us next see what other aspects of biology can
opment, its applications are primarily in educational set- be connected with development.
tings. Teachers following Piaget’s views actively engage
the child in solving problems. They gear instruction to 1-2d THE BIOLOGICAL PERSPECTIVE
the child’s developmental level and offer activities that
The biological perspective directly relates to physical
challenge the child to advance to the next level. For
development: to gains in height and weight; develop-
example, five-year-old children learn primarily through
ment of the brain; and developments connected with
play and direct sensory contact with the environment.
hormones, reproduction, and heredity. Here we consider
Early formal instruction using paper and workbooks may
two biologically oriented theories of development, evolu-
be less effective with this age group.
tionary psychology and ethology.
Evaluation Many researchers, using a variety of meth-
EVOLUTIONARY PSYCHOLOGY AND ETHOLOGY:
ods, find that Piaget may have underestimated the ages
“DOING WHAT COMES NATURALLY” Evolutionary
when children are capable of doing certain things. It also
psychology and ethology were heavily influenced by the
appears that many cognitive skills may develop gradu-
19th-century work of Charles Darwin and by the work
ally and not in distinct stages. Nevertheless, Piaget has
of 20th-century ethologists Konrad Lorenz and Niko
provided a strong theoretical foundation for researchers
Tinbergen. Ethology is concerned with instinctive, or
concerned with sequences in cognitive development.
inborn, behavior patterns. According to the theory of evo-
INFORMATION-PROCESSING THEORY Another lution, there is a struggle
face of the cognitive perspective is information process- for survival as various spe- accommodation the
ing (Brigham et al., 2011; Calvete & Orue, 2012). Many cies and individuals com- modification of existing schemes
psychologists and educators speak of people as having pete for a limited quantity to permit the incorporation of new
events or knowledge.
working or short-term memory and a more permanent of resources. The com-
long-term memory (storage). If information has been bined genetic instructions equilibration the creation of
an equilibrium, or balance, between
placed in long-term memory, it must be retrieved before from parents lead to varia- assimilation and accommodation.
we can work on it. Retrieving information from our own tions among individuals.
ethology the study of behaviors
long-term memories requires certain cues, without which There are also sharper that are specific to a species.
the information may be lost. differences from parents,
CHAPTER 1: History, Theories, and Methods 11

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caused by sudden changes in genetic material called female and male sex organs. Most theorists also believe
mutations. Those individuals whose traits are better that in many species, including humans, sex hormones
adapted to their environments are more likely to survive can “masculinize” or “feminize” the embryonic brain
(that is, to be naturally selected). Survival permits them by creating tendencies to behave in stereotypical
to reach sexual maturity, select mates, and reproduce, masculine or feminine ways. Testosterone, the male
thereby transmitting their features or traits to the next sex hormone, seems to be connected with feelings of
generation. What began as a minor variation or a muta- self-confidence, high activity levels, and—the negative
tion becomes embedded in more and more individuals side—aggressiveness (Hines, 2011; Nguyen et al., 2016;
over the generations—if it fosters survival. Rice & Sher, 2013).
The field of evolutionary psychology studies Research into the ethological perspective suggests
the ways in which adaptation and natural selection are that instinct may play a role in human behavior. Two
connected with mental processes and behavior. One questions that ethological research seeks to answer
of the concepts of evolutionary psychology is that not are: What areas of human behavior and development,
only physical traits but also patterns of behavior, includ- if any, involve instincts? How powerful are instincts in
ing social behavior, evolve and are transmitted geneti- people?
cally from generation to generation. In other words,
behavior patterns that help an organism to survive and 1-2e THE ECOLOGICAL PERSPECTIVE
reproduce are likely to be transmitted to the next gen-
Ecology is the branch of biology that deals with the
eration. Such behaviors are believed to include aggres-
relationships between living organisms and their envi-
sion, strategies of mate selection, even altruism—that
ronment. The ecological systems theory of devel-
is, self-sacrifice of the individual to help perpetuate the
opment addresses aspects of psychological, social, and
family group. The behavior patterns are termed instinc-
emotional development as well as aspects of biologi-
tive or species-specific because they evolved within cer-
cal development. Ecological systems theorists explain
tain species.
development in terms of the interaction between people
The nervous systems and the settings in which they live (Bronfenbrenner &
evolutionary psychology of most, and perhaps all, Morris, 2006).
the branch of psychology that deals animals are “prewired” According to Urie Bronfenbrenner (1917–2005),
with the ways in which humans’ to respond to some situ-
historical adaptations to the for example, we need to focus on the two-way interac-
environment influence behavior and ations in specific ways. tions between the child and the parents, not just matura-
mental processes, with special focus For example, birds raised tional forces (nature) or child-rearing practices (nurture).
on aggressive behavior and mating in isolation from other Bronfenbrenner suggested that we can view the setting or
strategies. birds build nests during contexts of human development as consisting of multiple
fixed action pattern (FAP) the mating season even systems, each embedded within the next larger context
a stereotyped pattern of behavior
if they have never seen (Bronfenbrenner & Morris, 2006). From narrowest to
that is evoked by a “releasing
stimulus”; an instinct. a nest or seen another widest, these systems are the microsystem, the mesosys-
bird building one. Nest- tem, the exosystem, the macrosystem, and the chrono-
ecology the branch of biology
that deals with the relationships building could not have system (Figure 1.4).
between living organisms and their been learned. Birds The microsystem involves the interactions of the
environment. raised in isolation also child and other people in the immediate setting, such
ecological systems theory sing the songs typical as the home, the school, or the peer group. Initially, the
the view that explains child devel- of their species. These microsystem is small, involving care-giving interactions
opment in terms of the reciprocal
behaviors are built in, with the parents or others, usually at home. As children
influences between children and
environmental settings. or instinctive. They are get older, they do more, with more people, in more
microsystem the immediate also referred to as inborn places.
settings with which the child fixed action patterns The mesosystem involves the interactions of the
interacts, such as the home, the (FAPs). various settings within the microsystem. For instance, the
school, and peers. During prenatal home and the school interact during parent–teacher con-
mesosystem the interlocking development, genes ferences. The school and the larger community interact
settings that influence the child, such and sex hormones are when children are taken on field trips. The ecological sys-
as the interaction of the school and
the larger community.
responsible for the tems approach addresses the joint effect of two or more
physical development of settings on the child.
12 PART ONE: Introduction

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household, and the family with father as sole
FIG.1.4 THE CONTEXTS OF HUMAN DEVELOPMENT
breadwinner describe three different macro-
systems. Each has its lifestyle, set of values,
Chronosystem and expectations (Bronfenbrenner & Morris,
Environmental changes that occur over the life course
2006; Lustig, 2011).
Macrosystem
Attitudes and ideologies of the culture The chronosystem considers the
Exosystem changes that occur over time. For example, the
Extended family and neighbors
effects of divorce peak about a year after
Mesosystem
Parents’
Microsystem
School the event, and then children begin to recover.
economic board
situation
Family
The breakup has more of an effect on boys
School than on girls. The ecological approach broad-
ens the strategies for intervention in problems
Health
services
CHILD Peers such as prevention of teenage pregnancy, child
abuse, and juvenile offending, including sub-
Mass
Neighborhood
playground Government stance use disorders (Kaminski & Stormshak,
Religious agencies
media organization Day-care 2007; Latkin et al., 2013).
facility

Social services
1-2f 
THE SOCIOCULTURAL
and health care
PERSPECTIVE
The sociocultural perspective teaches
that people are social beings who are
affected by the cultures in which they live.
Developmentalists use the term sociocul-
Psychologists and educators explain social and environmental tural in a couple of different ways. One refers
influences on development in various ways. Urie Bronfenbrenner quite specifically to the sociocultural theory
spoke of the importance of ecological systems, which affect of Russian psychologist Lev Semenovich
development in various ways. The child’s family, peers, and day-care
Vygotsky (1896–1934). The other addresses
facility, for example, are part of the child’s microsystem and exert
enormous influence. But the elements in the microsystem interact with the effect of human diversity on people,
other systems to influence the child. The parents’ economic situation, including such factors as ethnicity and gender.
for example, which is considered part of the child’s exosystem, makes
certain things possible for the child and rules out others. VYGOTSKY’S SOCIOCULTURAL THEORY
Whereas genetics is concerned with the
biological transmission of traits from genera-
The exosystem involves the institutions in which tion to generation, Vygotsky’s (1978) theory is concerned
the child does not directly participate but which exert an with the transmission of information and cognitive skills
indirect influence on the child. For example, the school from generation to generation. The transmission of
board is part of the child’s exosystem because board skills involves teaching and learning, but Vygotsky does
members put together programs for the child’s educa- not view learning in terms of conditioning. Rather, he
tion, determine what textbooks will be acceptable, and focuses on how the child’s social interaction with adults,
so forth. In similar fashion, the parents’ workplaces and largely in the home, organizes a child’s learning experiences
economic situations determine the hours during which in such a way that the
they will be available to the child, and so on (Hong & child can obtain cognitive exosystem community institu-
Eamon, 2012; Tisdale & Pitt-Catsuphes, 2012). When skills—such as computa- tions and settings that indirectly
some parents are unavailable, children may be more tion or reading skills— influence the child, such as the school
board and the parents’ workplaces.
likely to misbehave at home or in school. and use them to acquire
The macrosystem involves the interaction of chil- information. Like Piaget, macrosystem the basic institu-
tions and ideologies that influence
dren with the beliefs, values, expectations, and lifestyles of Vygotsky sees the child’s
the child.
their cultural settings. Cross-cultural studies examine chil- functioning as adaptive,
dren’s interactions with their macrosystem. Macrosystems and the child adapts to his chronosystem the environmen-
tal changes that occur over time and
exist within a particular culture. In the United States, or her social and cultural have an effect on the child.
the dual-earner family, the low-income single-parent interactions.
CHAPTER 1: History, Theories, and Methods 13

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simple calculations. Eventually, the
VYGOTSKY’S SOCIOCULTURAL THEORY scaffolding is removed and the cogni-
Lev Semenovich Vygotsky (1896–1934) was mainly concerned with tive structures stand alone.
the transmission of information from one generation to another. He
explained the social influences on children’s development of 1-2g HUMAN DIVERSITY
knowledge and skills in terms of their zone of proximal The sociocultural perspective asserts
development and scaffolding. that we cannot understand individu-
The zone of proximal development (ZPD) refers to a als without awareness of the rich-
range of tasks that a child can carry out with the help of ness of their diversity (Markus,
someone who is more skilled, as in an apprenticeship. 2016; Russo et al., 2012). For
A scaffold is a temporary skeletal structure that example, people differ in their
enables workers to fabricate a building or other more ethnicity (cultural heritage,
permanent structure. In Vygotsky’s theory, teachers race, language, and common
and parents provide children with problem-solving history), their gender, and
methods that serve as cognitive scaffolding while the their socioeconomic status.
child gains the ability to function independently. Population shifts are under
way in the United States as a
result of reproductive patterns and
Key concepts in Vygotsky’s theory include the zone immigration. The numbers of African Americans and
of proximal development and scaffolding. The zone of Latin Americans (who may be White, Black, or Native
proximal development (ZPD) refers to a range of American in racial origin) are growing more rapidly than
tasks that a child can carry out with the help of some- those of European Americans (United States Census
one who is more skilled, as in an apprenticeship. When Bureau. (2015). QuickFacts, United States. http://
learning with other people, children internalize—or www.census.gov/quickfacts/table/PST045215/00). The
bring inward—the conversations and explanations that cultural heritages, languages, and histories of ethnic
help them gain the necessary skills (Vygotsky, 1962; minority groups are thus likely to have an increasing
Poehner, 2012; Thompson et al., 2016). effect on the cultural life of the United States, yet it
A scaffold is a temporary skeletal struc- turns out that the dominant culture in the United States
ture that enables workers to fabricate has often disparaged the traditions and languages of
a building or other more permanent people from ethnic minority groups. For example, it has
structure. In Vygotsky’s theory, teach- been considered harmful to rear children bilingually,
ers and parents provide children although research suggests that bilingualism broad-
with problem-solving methods that ens children’s knowledge of the various peoples of the
serve as cognitive scaffolding world.
while the child gains the ability Studying diversity is also important so that stu-
to function independently. dents have appropriate educational experiences. To
For example, children may teach students and guide their learning, educators
Brand X Pictures /Jupiter Images; Len Rubenstein/Photolibrary/Getty Images

be offered scaffolding that need to understand children’s family values and


enables them to use their cultural expectations.
fingers or their toes to do Issues that affect peo-
ple from various ethnic
groups include bilin-
zone of proximal develop- gualism, ethnic differ-
ment (ZPD) Vygotsky’s term for
the situation in which a child carries ences in intelligence
out tasks with the help of someone test scores, the preva-
who is more skilled. lence of suicide among
scaffolding Vygotsky’s term for members of different
temporary cognitive structures or
According to Vygotsky’s theory, teachers and parents provide backgrounds, and pat-
methods of solving problems that terns of child rearing
help the child as he or she learns to
children with problem-solving methods that serve as cognitive
function independently. scaffolding. among parents of vari-
ous groups.
14 PART ONE: Introduction

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Gender is another
aspect of human diver- Contemporary
sity. Gender is the psy- psychologists
chological state of being and educators
recognize
male or being female, as
that we cannot
influenced by cultural con-
understand the
cepts of gender-appropriate
development of
behavior. Expectations of individuals without

Derek Latta/Getty Images


females and males are often reference to their diversity—for
polarized by cultural expectations. example, their cultural heritage,
Males may differ from females in some race, language, common history, gender,
respects, but history has created and socioeconomic status.
more burdens for women than
men as a result. Historically,
females have been discouraged from careers
in the sciences, politics, and business. Recent research, cultural and family backgrounds, and opportunities to
however, shows that females are as capable as males of learn about the world, including cognitive stimulation
performing in so-called STEM fields (science, technol- during early childhood and formal education.
ogy, engineering, and math) (e.g., Brown & Lent, 2016). Some theorists (e.g., cognitive-developmental and
Women today are making inroads into academic and biological theorists) lean heavily toward natural expla-
vocational spheres—such as medicine, law, engineer- nations of development, whereas others (e.g., learning
ing, and the military—that were traditionally male pre- theorists) lean more heavily toward environmental expla-
serves. Today, most college students in the United States nations. Today, though, nearly all researchers agree that
are female, but there remain many parts of the world in nature and nurture play important roles in nearly every
which women are prevented from obtaining an education area of development. Consider the development of lan-
(Yousafazi & Lamb, 2013). guage. Language is based in structures found in certain
Table 1.1 summarizes the theoretical perspectives on areas of the brain. Thus, biology (nature) plays a vital
development. role. Children also come to speak the languages spoken
by their caretakers. Parent–child similarities in accent
and vocabulary provide additional evidence for the role
1-3 CONTROVERSIES IN DEVELOPMENT of learning (nurture) in language development.

The discussion of theories of development reveals that 1-3b 


THE CONTINUITY–DISCONTINUITY
developmentalists can see things in very different ways. CONTROVERSY
Let us consider how they react to three of the most
Some developmentalists view human development as a
important debates in the field.
continuous process in which the effects of learning mount
gradually, with no major sudden qualitative changes. In
1-3a 
THE NATURE–NURTURE CONTROVERSY
contrast, other theorists believe that a number of rapid
Researchers are continually trying to sort out the qualitative changes usher in new stages of development.
extent to which human behavior is the result of nature Maturational theorists point out that the environment,
(heredity) and of nurture (environmental influences). even when enriched, profits us little until we are ready, or
What aspects of behavior originate in our genes and mature enough, to develop in a certain way. For example,
are biologically programmed to unfold as time goes newborn babies will not imitate their parents’ speech, even
on, as long as minimal nutrition and social experience when parents speak clearly and deliberately. Nor does aided
are provided? What aspects of behavior can be traced practice in walking during
largely to such environmental influences as nutrition the first few months after
and learning? birth significantly accel- nature the processes within an
organism that guide it to develop
Scientists seek the natural causes of development in erate the emergence of according to its genetic code.
children’s genetic heritage, the functioning of the ner- independent walking. The
nurture environmental factors
vous system, and in maturation. Scientists seek the envi- babies are not ready to do that influence development.
ronmental causes of development in children’s nutrition, these things.
CHAPTER 1: History, Theories, and Methods 15

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TABLE 1.1 CHILD DEVELOPMENT PERSPECTIVES AND THEORIES
Is Nature or Nurture More
Perspective Theory Core Concepts Important?
The Psychoanalytic Theory of psychosexual Social codes channel primitive impulses, Interaction of nature and nurture:
Perspective development (Sigmund Freud) resulting in unconscious conflict. Maturation sets the stage for reacting to
social influences.

Theory of psychosocial People undergo life crises that are Interaction of nature and nurture:
development (Erik Erikson) largely based on social relationships, Maturation sets the stage for reacting to
opportunities, and expectations. social influences and opportunities.

The Learning Behaviorism (John B. Watson, Behavior is learned by association, as Nurture: Children are seen almost as blank
Perspective: Ivan Pavlov, B. F. Skinner) in classical and operant conditioning. tablets.
Behavioral and Social
Cognitive Theories

Social cognitive theory Conditioning occurs, but people also Emphasizes nurture but allows for the
(Albert Bandura and others) learn by observing others and choose expression of natural tendencies.
whether to display learned responses.

The Cognitive Cognitive-developmental Children adapt to the environment via Emphasizes nature but allows for
Perspective theory (Jean Piaget) assimilation to existing mental structures influences of experience.
by accommodating to these structures.

Information-processing Human cognitive functioning is compared Interaction of nature and nurture.


theory to that of computers—how they input,
manipulate, store, and output information.

The Biological Ethology and evolution Organisms are biologically “prewired” Emphasizes nature but experience is also
Perspective (Charles Darwin, Konrad Lorenz, to develop certain adaptive responses critical; e.g., imprinting occurs during a
Niko Tinbergen) during sensitive periods. sensitive period but experience determines
the object of imprinting.

The Ecological Ecological systems theory Children’s development occurs within Interaction of nature and nurture:
Perspective (Urie Bronfenbrenner) interlocking systems, and development is Children’s personalities and skills
enhanced by intervening in these systems. contribute to their development.

The Sociocultural Sociocultural theory Children internalize sociocultural dialogues Interaction of nature and nurture: Nurture
Perspective (Lev Vygotsky) in developing problem-solving skills. is discussed in social and cultural terms.

Sociocultural perspective Development is influenced by factors such Nurture.


and human diversity as cultural heritage, race, language, common
history, gender, and socioeconomic status.

Stage theorists such as Sigmund Freud and Jean 1-3c THE ACTIVE–PASSIVE CONTROVERSY
Piaget saw development as discontinuous. They saw bio-
logical changes as providing the potential for psychological Historical views of children as willful and unruly suggest
changes. Freud focused on the ways in which biological that people have generally seen children as active, even
developments might provide the basis for personality devel- if mischievous (at best) or evil (at worst). John Locke
opment. Piaget believed maturation of the nervous sys- introduced a view of children as passive beings (blank
tem allowed cognitive development. tablets); experience “wrote” features of personality and
Certain aspects of physical development do occur in moral virtue on them.
stages. For example, from the age of two years to the At one extreme, educators who view children as pas-
onset of puberty, children gradually grow larger. Then sive may assume that they must be motivated to learn by
the adolescent growth spurt occurs as rushes of hormones their instructors. Such educators are likely to provide a
cause rapid biological changes in structure and function rigorous traditional curriculum with a powerful system of
(as in the development of the sex organs) and in size. rewards and punishments to promote absorption of the
Psychologists disagree on whether developments in cog- subject matter. At the other extreme, educators who view
nition occur in stages. children as active may assume that they have a natural
16 PART ONE: Introduction

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on the behavior of children, use interviews or question-
Here we have a clear naires with adults, or study statistics compiled by the
example of the importance government or the United Nations.
of maturation in They also directly observe children
development. Adolescents
in the laboratory, the playground,
undergo a growth spurt
or the classroom. Let us discuss
that disrupts a pattern
two ways of gathering information:
of gradual gains in
height and weight that the naturalistic-observation
persisted throughout method and the case-study
most of childhood. Girls, method.
interestingly, spurt earlier
NATURALISTIC OBSER-
than boys. The girl and boy
VATION Naturalistic-
shown here are actually the
same age, even though the
observation studies are
girl towers over the boy. conducted in the field, that
But her height advantage is is, in the natural, or real-life,
Mark Richard/PhotoEdit

temporary; when he spurts, he settings in which they hap-


will quickly catch up to her and pen. In field studies, inves-
surpass her in height. tigators observe the natural
behavior of children in set-
tings such as homes, play-
grounds, and classrooms and try
love of learning. Such educators are likely to argue for not to interfere with it. Researchers may try to “blend
open education and encourage children to explore and into the woodwork” by sitting quietly in the back of a
pursue their unique likes and talents. classroom or by observing the class through a one-way
These debates are theoretical. Scientists value mirror.
theory for its ability to tie together observations and Naturalistic-observation studies have been done
suggest new areas of investigation, but scientists also with children of different cultures. For example,
follow an empirical approach. That is, they engage in researchers have observed the motor behavior of Native
research methods, such as those described in the next American Hopi children who are strapped to cradle
section, to find evidence for or against various theoreti- boards during their first year. You can read more about
cal positions. this in Chapter 5.
THE CASE STUDY The case study is a carefully
drawn account of the behavior of an individual. Parents
1-4 HOW DO WE STUDY who keep diaries of their children’s activities are
DEVELOPMENT? involved in informal case studies. Case studies them-
selves often use a number of different kinds of informa-
tion. In addition to direct
What is the relationship between intelligence and
observation, case studies
achievement? What are the effects of maternal use of
may include question- empirical based on observation
aspirin and alcohol on the fetus? What are the effects
naires, standardized and experimentation.
of parental divorce on children? What are the effects of
tests , and interviews. naturalistic-observation
early retirement? We may have expressed opinions on
Information gleaned a scientific method in which
such questions at one time or another, but scientists insist organisms are observed in their
from public records may
that such questions be answered by research. Strong natural environments.
be included. Scientists
arguments or reference to authority figures are not evi-
who use the case-study case study a carefully drawn
dence. Scientific evidence is obtained only by gathering biography of the life of an
method try to record all
sound information and conducting research. individual.
relevant factors in a per-
son’s behavior, and they standardized test a test in
1-4a GATHERING INFORMATION which an individual’s score is com-
are cautious in drawing pared to the scores of a group of
Researchers use various methods to gather information. conclusions about what similar individuals.
For example, they may ask teachers or parents to report leads to what.
CHAPTER 1: History, Theories, and Methods 17

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1-4b 
CORRELATION: PUTTING THINGS problems than children in intact families (Daryanani
et al., 2016; Vélez et al., 2011). These studies, however, do
TOGETHER
not show that divorce causes these adjustment problems.
Researchers use the correlational method to determine It could be that the factors that led to divorce—such
whether one behavior or trait being studied is related to, as parental conflict—also led to adjustment problems
or correlated with, another. Consider intelligence and among the children (Hetherington, 2006). To investigate
achievement. These variables are assigned numbers such cause and effect, researchers turn to the experimental
as intelligence test scores and grade point averages. Then method.
the numbers or scores are mathematically related and
expressed as a correlation coefficient—a number that 1-4c THE EXPERIMENT: TRYING THINGS OUT
varies between 11.00 and 21.00.
In general, the higher people score on intelligence The experiment is the preferred method for investigat-
tests, the better their academic performance (or income) ing questions of cause and effect. In the experiment, a
is likely to be. The scores attained on intelligence tests group of research participants receives a treatment and
are positively correlated (about 10.60 to 10.70) another group does not. The subjects are then observed
with overall academic achievement (and income). to determine whether the treatment changes their
There is a negative correlation between adolescents’ behavior. Experiments are usually undertaken to test a
grades and delinquent acts. The higher an adolescent’s hypothesis. For example, a researcher might hypoth-
grades, the less likely he or she is to engage in criminal esize that TV violence will cause aggressive behavior in
behavior. Figure 1.5 illustrates the concepts of positive children.
and negative correlations.
INDEPENDENT AND DEPENDENT VARIABLES In
LIMITATIONS OF CORRELATIONAL INFORMATION an experiment to determine whether TV violence
Correlational information can reveal relationships causes aggressive behavior, subjects in the experimen-
between variables, but it does not show cause and effect. tal group would be shown a TV program containing vio-
It may seem logical to assume that exposure to violent lence, and its effects on behavior would be measured.
media makes people more aggres-
sive, but it may also be that more
aggressive people choose violent FIG.1.5 EXAMPLES OF POSITIVE AND NEGATIVE CORRELATIONS
media. This research bias is termed
a selection factor. Positive correlation Negative correlation
Similarly, studies report that As one variable increases, As one variable increases,
children (especially boys) in divorced the other variable increases. the other variable decreases.
families tend to show more behavioral
A B

correlation coefficient a number


ranging from 11.00 to 21.00 that expresses
the direction (positive or negative) and
strength of the relationship between two
variables.
positive correlation a relationship Time spent Grades in Frequency of Grades in
between two variables in which one variable studying school delinquent acts school
increases as the other increases.
negative correlation a relationship
between two variables in which one variable When two variables are correlated positively, one increases as the other
increases as the other decreases. increases. Part A shows that there is a positive correlation between the amount
experiment a method of scientific of time studying and one’s grades in school. In contrast, when two variables are
investigation that seeks to discover cause- correlated negatively, one decreases as the other one increases. As in Part B, a
and-effect relationships by introducing teenager’s school grades are likely to decrease as he engages in more delinquent
independent variables and observing their acts. But correlation does not show cause and effect. Do the teenager’s grades
effects on dependent variables. fall off because of his engaging in more delinquent behavior? Do falling grades
lead to more delinquency? Or could another factor explain both falling grades
hypothesis a proposition to be tested. and increased delinquency?

18 PART ONE: Introduction

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TV violence would be considered an independent No researcher would separate human infants from their
variable, a variable whose presence is manipulated parents to study the effects of isolation on development,
by the experimenters so that its effects can be deter- yet experimenters have deprived monkeys of early
mined. The measured result—in this case, the child’s social experience. Such research has helped psycholo-
behavior—is called a dependent variable. Its pres- gists investigate the formation of parent–child bonds of
ence or level presumably depends on the independent attachment.
variable.
EXPERIMENTAL AND CONTROL GROUPS Experiments 1-4d 
LONGITUDINAL RESEARCH: STUDYING
use experimental and control groups. Subjects in the DEVELOPMENT OVER TIME
experimental group receive the treatment, whereas
subjects in the control group do not. All other condi- The processes of development occur over time, and
tions are held constant for both groups. Thus, we can researchers have devised different strategies for com-
have confidence that experimental outcomes reflect the paring children of one age with children or adults of other
treatments and not chance factors. ages. In longitudinal research, the same people are
observed repeatedly over time, and changes in develop-
RANDOM ASSIGNMENT Subjects should be assigned ment, such as gains in height or changes in mental abilities,
to experimental or control groups on a chance or ran- are recorded. In cross-sectional research, children of
dom basis. We could not conclude much from an different ages are observed and compared. It is assumed
experiment on the effects of TV violence if the chil- that when a large number of children are chosen at ran-
dren were allowed to choose whether they would be dom, the differences found in the older age groups are
in a group that watched TV violence or in a group a reflection of how the younger children will develop,
that did not. A selection factor rather than the treat- given time.
ment might then be responsible for the results of the
experiment. LONGITUDINAL STUDIES The Terman Studies of
Ethical and practical considerations also prevent Genius, begun in the 1920s, tracked children with high
researchers from doing experiments on the effects of IQ scores for more than 50 years. Male subjects, but not
many life circumstances, such as divorce or different female subjects, went on
patterns of child rearing. We cannot randomly assign to high achievements in
the professional world. independent variable a
some families to divorce or conflict and assign other condition in a scientific study that is
families to “bliss.” Nor can we randomly assign parents Why? Contemporary stud- manipulated so that its effects can
to rearing their children in an authoritarian or permissive ies of women show that be observed.
manner. In some areas of investigation, we must settle for women with high intelli-
dependent variable a
correlational evidence. gence generally match the measure of an assumed effect of
When experiments cannot ethically be performed achievements of men and an independent variable.
on humans, researchers sometimes carry them out with suggest that women of the experimental group a group
animals and try to generalize the findings to humans. earlier era were held back made up of subjects who receive a
by traditional gender-role treatment in an experiment.
expectations. control group a group made
Most longitudinal up of subjects in an experiment who
studies span months or a do not receive the treatment but
for whom all other conditions are
few years, not decades.
comparable to those of subjects in
T F Research with monkeys has helped psychologists For example, briefer lon- the experimental group.
understand the formation of attachment in humans. gitudinal studies have
longitudinal research the
found that the children of
It is true that research with monkeys study of developmental processes
divorced parents undergo by taking repeated measures of
has helped psychologists understand the most severe adjust- the same group of participants at
the formation of attachment in humans. ment problems within a various stages of development.
Researchers have exposed monkeys and few months of the divorce, cross-sectional research
other nonhuman animals to conditions peaking at about a year. the study of developmental
that it would be unethical to use with processes by taking measures of
By two or three years
participants of different age groups
humans. afterward, many children at the same time.
regain their equilibrium,
CHAPTER 1: History, Theories, and Methods 19

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as indicated by improved academic performance and not likely to have shared similar cultural backgrounds.
social behavior (Hetherington, 2006; Moon, 2011). People who are 80 years old today, for example, grew up
Longitudinal studies have drawbacks. For example, without TV. Today’s children are growing up taking iPods
it can be difficult to enlist volunteers to participate in and the Internet for granted.
a study that will last a lifetime. Many subjects fall out Children of past generations also grew up with dif-
of touch as the years pass; others die. The researchers ferent expectations about gender roles and appropriate
must be patient or arrange to enlist future generations social behavior. Women in the Terman study generally
of researchers. chose motherhood over careers because of the times.
Today’s girls are growing up with female role models who
are astronauts and government officials.
In longitudinal studies, we know that we have the
same individuals as they have developed over 5, 25, even
T F To learn how a person develops over a lifetime, 50 years or more. In cross-sectional research, we can only
researchers have tracked some individuals for more hope that they will be comparable.
than 50 years.
CROSS-SEQUENTIAL RESEARCH Cross-sequential
It is true that researchers have tracked research combines the longitudinal and cross-sectional
some individuals for more than 50 years methods so that many of their individual drawbacks are
to learn how a person develops over overcome. In the cross-sequential study, the full span
a lifetime. The Terman study did just of the ideal longitudinal study is broken up into con-
that. What are the advantages and venient segments (see Figure 1.6). Assume that we
wish to follow the attitudes of children toward gen-
disadvantages of longitudinal research
der roles from the age of 4 through the age of 12.
as compared with cross-sectional
The typical longitudinal study would take eight years.
research? We can, however, divide this eight-year span in half
by attaining two samples of children (a cross-section)
instead of one: four-year-olds and eight-year-olds. We
CROSS-SECTIONAL STUDIES Because of the draw- would then interview, test, and observe each group
backs of longitudinal studies, most research that com- at the beginning of the study (2018) and four years
pares children of different ages is cross-sectional. In later (2022).
other words, most investigators gather data on
what the “typical” six-month-old is doing by
finding children who are six months old today. FIG.1.6 EXAMPLES OF CROSS-SEQUENTIAL RESEARCH
When they expand their research to the behav-
Cross-sectional
ior of typical 12-month-olds, they seek another
Time lag
group of children, and so on.
A major challenge to cross-sectional
research is the cohort effect. A cohort is a
group of people born at about the same time. 2014 Age 4 Age 8 Longitudinal
Year of birth

As a result, they experience cultural and other


events unique to their age group. In other
words, children and adults of different ages are
2010 Age 8 Age 12 Longitudinal

2018 2022
cohort effect similarities in behavior among a group
Year of study
of peers that stem from the fact that group members were
born at the same time in history.
Cross-sequential research combines three methods: cross-sectional,
cross-sequential research an approach that longitudinal, and time lag. The child’s age at the time of testing
combines the longitudinal and cross-sectional methods
appears in the boxes. Vertical columns represent cross-sectional
by following individuals of different ages for abbreviated
comparisons. Horizontal rows represent longitudinal comparisons.
periods of time.
Diagonals represent time-lag comparisons.

20 PART ONE: Introduction

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An obvious advantage to this collapsed method is ▸▸ Participants may withdraw from the study at any
that the study is completed in four years rather than time, for any reason.
eight years. Still, the testing and retesting of samples pro- ▸▸ Participants should be offered information about the
vides some of the continuity of the longitudinal study. By results of the study.
observing both samples at the age of eight (a time-lag
▸▸ The identities of the participants are to remain
comparison), we can also determine whether they are, in
confidential.
fact, comparable or whether the four-year difference in
their birth date is associated with a cohort effect. ▸▸ Researchers should present their research plans to a
committee of their colleagues and gain the commit-
tee’s approval before proceeding.
1-4e ETHICAL CONSIDERATIONS
These guidelines present researchers with a number of
Researchers adhere to ethical standards that are intended hurdles to overcome before proceeding with and while
to promote the dignity of the individual, foster human conducting research, but because they protect the wel-
welfare, and maintain scientific integrity. These standards fare of participants, the guidelines are valuable.
also ensure that they do not use methods or treatments In this chapter we have defined developmen-
that harm subjects: tal psychology, discussed its history as a discipline,
▸▸ Researchers are not to use methods that may do explored theories of developmental psychology, and
physical or psychological harm. seen how developmental psychologists and educators
conduct research into human development. In the
▸▸ Participants (and parents, if participants are minors)
next chapter, we return
must be informed of the purposes of the research
to the true beginnings time-lag the study of
and about the research methods. developmental processes by taking
of human development:
measures of participants of the same
▸▸ Participants must provide voluntary consent to heredity and prenatal age group at different times.
participate in the study. development.

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CHAPTER 1: History, Theories, and Methods 21

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Another random document with
no related content on Scribd:
on it fer twenty-four year! Well, whut wuz yuh thinkin’ uv payin’ fer
the place?” she asked of the stranger sharply.
A nervous sign from Queeder, whose acquisitiveness was so
intense that it was almost audible, indicated that he was not to say.
“Well, now what do you think it would be worth?”
“Dunno ez I kin say exackly,” replied the wife slyly and greedily,
imagining that Queeder, because of his age and various mental
deficiencies was perhaps leaving these negotiations to her. “Thar’s
ben furms aroun’ hyur ez big’s this sold fer nigh onto two thousan’
dollars.” She was quoting the topmost figure of which she had ever
heard.
“Well, that’s pretty steep, isn’t it?” asked Crawford solemnly but
refusing to look at Queeder. “Ordinarily land around here is not worth
much more than twenty dollars an acre and you have only seventy,
as I understand.”
“Yes, but this hyur land ain’t so pore ez some, nuther,” rejoined
Mrs. Queeder, forgetting her original comment on it and making the
best argument she could for it. “Thar’s a spring on this hyur one, just
b’low the house hyur.”
“Yes,” said Crawford, “I saw it as I came in. It has some value. So
you think two thousand is what it’s worth, do you?” He looked at
Queeder wisely, as much as to say, “This is a good joke, Queeder.”
Mrs. Queeder, fairly satisfied that hers was to be the dominant
mind in this argument, now turned to her husband for counsel. “What
do yuh think, Bursay?” she asked.
Queeder, shaken by his duplicity, his fear of discovery, his greed
and troublesome dreams, gazed at her nervously. “I sartinly think
hit’s wuth that much anyhow.”
Crawford now began to explain that he only wanted an option on it
at present, an agreement to sell within a given time, and if this were
given, a paper signed, he would pay a few dollars to bind the bargain
—and at this he looked wisely at Queeder and half closed one eye,
by which the latter understood that he was to receive the sum
originally agreed upon.
“If you say so we’ll close this right now,” he said ingratiatingly,
taking from his pockets a form of agreement and opening it. “I’ll just
fill this in and you two can sign it.” He went to the worn poplar table
and spread out his paper, the while Queeder and his wife eyed the
proceeding with intense interest. Neither could read or write but the
farmer, not knowing how he was to get his eight hundred, could only
trust to the ingenuity of the prospector to solve the problem. Besides,
both were hypnotized by the idea of selling this worthless old land so
quickly and for so much, coming into possession of actual money,
and moved and thought like people in a dream. Mrs. Queeder’s
eyelids had narrowed to thin, greedy lines.
“How much did yuh cal’late yuh’d give tuh bind this hyur?” she
inquired tensely and with a feverish gleam in her eye.
“Oh,” said the stranger, who was once more looking at Queeder
with an explanatory light in his eye, “about a hundred dollars, I
should say. Wouldn’t that be enough?”
A hundred dollars! Even that sum in this lean world was a fortune.
To Mrs. Queeder, who knew nothing of the value of the mineral on
the farm, it was unbelievable, an unexplainable windfall, an augury of
better things. And besides, the two thousand to come later! But now
came the question of a witness and how the paper was to be signed.
The prospector, having filled in (in pencil) a sample acknowledgment
of the amount paid—$100—and then having said, “Now you sign
here, Mr. Queeder,” the latter replied, “But I kain’t write an’ nuther kin
my wife.”
“Thar wuzn’t much chance fer schoolin’ around’ hyur when I wuz
young,” simpered his better half.
“Well then, we’ll just have to let you make your marks, and get
some one to witness them. Can your son or daughter write?”
Here was a new situation and one most unpleasant to both, for
Dode, once called, would wish to rule, being so headstrong and
contrary. He could write his name anyhow, read a little bit also—but
did they want him to know yet? Husband and wife looked at each
dubiously and with suspicion. What now? The difficulty was solved
by the rumble of a wagon on the nearby road.
“Maybe that is some one who could witness for you?” suggested
Crawford.
Queeder looked out. “Yes, I b’lieve he kin write,” he commented.
“Hi, thar, Lester!” he called. “Come in hyur a minute! We wantcha fer
somepin.”
The rumbling ceased and in due time one Lester Botts, a farmer,
not so much better in appearance than Queeder, arrived at the door.
The prospector explained what was wanted and the agreement was
eventually completed, only Botts, not knowing of the mineral which
Queeder’s acres represented, was anxious to tell the prospector of
better land than this, from an agricultural view, which could be had
for less money, but he did not know how to go about it. Before she
would sign, Mrs. Queeder made it perfectly clear where she stood in
the matter.
“I git my sheer uv this hyur money now, don’t I,” she demanded,
“paid tuh me right hyur?”
Crawford, uncertain as to Queeder’s wishes in this, looked at him;
and he, knowing his wife’s temper and being moved by greed,
exclaimed, “Yuh don’t git nuthin’ ’ceptin’ I die. Yuh ain’t entitled tuh
no sheer unless’n we’re separatin’, which we hain’t.”
“Then I don’t sign nuthin’,” said Mrs. Queeder truculently.
“Of course I don’t want to interfere,” commented the prospector,
soothingly, “but I should think you’d rather give her her share of this
—thirty-three dollars,” he eyed Queeder persuasively—“and then
possibly a third of the two thousand—that’s only six hundred and
sixty—rather than stop the sale now, wouldn’t you? You’ll have to
agree to do something like that. It’s a good bargain. There ought to
be plenty for everybody.”
The farmer hearkened to the subtlety of this. After all, six hundred
and sixty out of eight thousand was not so much. Rather than risk
delay and discovery he pretended to soften, and finally consented.
The marks were made and their validity attested by Botts, the one
hundred in cash being counted out in two piles, according to Mrs.
Queeder’s wish, and the agreement pocketed. Then the prospector
accompanied by Mr. Botts, was off—only Queeder, following and
delaying him, was finally handed over in secret the difference
between the hundred and the sum originally agreed upon. When he
saw all the money the old farmer’s eyes wiggled as if magnetically
operated. Trembling with the agony of greed he waited, and then his
hard and knotted fingers closed upon the bills like the claws of a
gripping hawk.
“Thank yuh,” he said aloud. “Thank yuh,” and he jerked doorward
in distress. “See me alone fust when yuh come ag’in. We gotta be
mighty keerful er she’ll find out, an’ ef she does she’ll not sign
nuthin’, an’ raise ol’ Harry, too.”
“Oh, that’s all right,” replied the prospector archly. He was thinking
how easy it would be, in view of all the dishonesty and chicanery
already practised, to insist that the two thousand written in in pencil
was the actual sale price and efface old Queeder by threatening to
expose his duplicity. However, there were sixty days yet in which to
consider this. “In sixty days, maybe less, I’ll show up.” And he
slipped gracefully away, leaving the old earth-scraper to brood alone.
But all was not ended with the payment of this sum, as any one
might have foretold. For Dode and Jane, hearing after a little while
from their mother of the profitable sale of the land, were intensely
moved. Money—any money, however small in amount—conjured up
visions of pleasure and ease, and who was to get it, after all the toil
here on the part of all? Where was their share in all this? They had
worked, too. They demanded it in repeated ways, but to no avail.
Their mother and father were obdurate, insisting that they wait until
the sale was completed before any further consideration was given
the matter.
While they were thus arguing, however, quarreling over even so
small a sum as $100, as they thought, a new complication was
added by Dode learning, as he soon did, that this was all mineral
land, that farms were being sold in Adair—the next township—and
even here; that it was rumored that Queeder had already sold his
land for $5,000, and that if he had he had been beaten, for the land
was worth much more—$200 an acre even, or $14,000. At once he
suspected his father and mother of some treachery in connection
with the sale—that there had been no option given, but a genuine
sale made, and that Queeder or his mother, or both, were concealing
a vast sum from himself and Jane. An atmosphere of intense
suspicion and evil will was at once introduced.
“They’ve sold the furm fer $5,000 ’stid uv $2,000; that’s whut
they’ve gone an’ done,” insisted Dode one day to Jane in the
presence of his father and mother. “Ev’rybody aroun’ hyur knows
now what this hyur land’s wuth, an’ that’s whut they got, yuh kin bet.”
“Yuh lie!” shrieked Queeder shrilly, who was at once struck by the
fact that if what Dode said was true he had walked into a financial as
well as a moral trap from which he could not well extricate himself. “I
hain’t sold nuthin’,” he went on angrily. “Lester Botts wuz hyur an’
seed whut we done. He signed onto it.”
“Ef the land’s wuth more’n $2,000, that feller ’twuz hyur didn’
agree tuh pay no more’n that fer it in hyur,” put in Mrs. Queeder
explanatorily, although, so little did she trust her husband, she was
now beginning to wonder if there might not have been some secret
agreement between him and this stranger. “Ef he had any different
talk with yer Paw,” and here she eyed old Queeder suspiciously,
beginning to recall the prospector’s smooth airs and ways, “he didn’
say nuthin’ ’bout it tuh me. I do rec’leck yer Paw’n him talkin’ over by
the fence yander near an hour afore they come in hyur. I wondered
then whut it wuz about.” She was beginning to worry as to how she
was to get more seeing that the price agreed upon was now,
apparently, inconsequential.
And as for Dode, he now eyed his father cynically and
suspiciously. “I cal’late he got somepin more fer it than he’s tellin’ us
about,” he insisted. “They ain’t sellin’ land down to Arno right now fer
no $200 an acre an’ him not knowin’ it—an’ land not ez good ez this,
nuther. Ye’re hidin’ the money whut yuh got fer it, that’s whut!”
Mrs. Queeder, while greatly disturbed as to the possibility of
duplicity on her husband’s part in connection with all this, still
considered it policy to call Heaven to witness that in her case at least
no duplicity was involved. If more had been offered or paid she knew
nothing of it. For his part Queeder boiled with fear, rage, general
opposition to all of them and their share in this.
“Yuh consarned varmint!” he squealed, addressing Dode and
leaping to his feet and running for a stick of stovewood, “I’ll show yuh
whuther we air er not! Yuh ’low I steal, do yuh?”
Dode intercepted him, however, and being the stronger, pushed
him off. It was always so easy so to do—much to Queeder’s rage.
He despised his son for his triumphant strength alone, to say nothing
of his dour cynicism in regard to himself. The argument was ended
by the father being put out of the house and the mother pleading
volubly that in so far as she knew it was all as she said, that in
signing the secret agreement with her husband she had meant no
harm to her children, but only to protect them and herself.
But now, brooding over the possibility of Queeder’s deception, she
began to lay plans for his discomfiture in any way that she might—
she and Dode and Jane. Queeder himself raged secretly between
fear and hatred of Dode and what might follow because of his
present knowledge. How was he to prevent Dode from being present
at the final transaction, and if so how would the secret difference be
handed him? Besides, if he took the sum mentioned, how did he
know that he was not now being overreached? Every day nearly
brought new rumors of new sales at better prices than he had been
able to fix. In addition, each day Mrs. Queeder cackled like an
irritable hen over the possible duplicity of her husband, although that
creature in his secretive greed and queerness was not to be
encompassed. He fought shy of the house the greater part of each
day, jerked like a rat at every sound or passing stranger and denied
himself words to speak or explain, or passed the lie if they pressed
him too warmly. The seven hundred extra he had received was
wrapped in paper and hidden in a crevice back of a post in the barn,
a tin can serving as an outer protection for his newly acquired
wealth. More than once during the day he returned to that spot,
listened and peeked before he ventured to see whether it was still
safe.
Indeed, there was something deadly in the household order from
now on, little short of madness in fact, for now mother and children
schemed for his downfall while all night long old Queeder wakened,
jerking in the blackness and listening for any sounds which might be
about the barn. On more than one occasion he changed the hiding
place, even going so far as to keep the money on his person for a
time. Once he found an old rusty butcher knife and, putting that in his
shirt bosom, he slept with it and dreamed of trouble.
Into the heart of this walked another prospector one morning
rejoicing, like the first one, at his find. Like all good business men he
was concerned to see the owner only and demanded that Queeder
be called.
“Oh, Paw!” called Jane from the rickety doorway. “Thar’s some
one hyur wants tuh see yuh!”
Old Queeder looked warily up from his hot field, where he had
been waiting these many days, and beheld the stranger. He dropped
his weed fighting and came forward. Dode drifted in from
somewhere.
“Pretty dry weather we’re having, isn’t it?” remarked the stranger
pleasantly meeting him halfway in his approach.
“Yes,” he replied vacantly, for he was very, very much worn these
days, mentally and physically. “It’s tol’able dry! Tol-able dry!” He
wiped his leathery brow with his hand.
“You don’t know of any one about here, do you, who has any land
for sale?”
“Ye’re another one uv them min’l prowspecters, I projeck, eh?”
inquired Queeder, now quite openly. There was no need to attempt
to conceal that fact any longer.
The newcomer was taken aback, for he had not expected so much
awareness in this region so soon. “I am,” he said frankly.
“I thought so,” said Queeder.
“Have you ever thought of selling the land here?” he inquired.
“Well, I dunno,” began the farmer shrewdly. “Thar’ve been fellers
like yuh aroun’ hyar afore now lookin’ at the place. Whut do yuh cal-
late it might be wuth tuh yuh?” He eyed him sharply the while they
strolled still further away from the spot where Dode, Jane and the
mother formed an audience in the doorway.
The prospector ambled about the place examining the surface
lumps, so very plentiful everywhere.
“This looks like fairly good land to me,” he said quietly after a time.
“You haven’t an idea how much you’d want an acre for it, have you?”
“Well, I hyur they’re gettin’ ez much ez three hundred down to
Arno,” replied Queeder, exaggerating fiercely. Now that a second
purchaser had appeared he was eager to learn how much more, if
any, than the original offer would be made.
“Yes—well, that’s a little steep, don’t you think, considering the
distance the metal would have to be hauled to the railroad? It’ll cost
considerable to get it over there.”
“Not enough, I ’low, tuh make it wuth much less’n three hundred,
would it?” observed Queeder, sagely.
“Well, I don’t know about that. Would you take two hundred an
acre for as much as forty acres of it?”
Old Queeder pricked his ears at the sound of bargain. As near as
he could figure, two hundred an acre for forty acres would bring him
as much as he was now to get for the entire seventy, and he would
still have thirty to dispose of. The definiteness of the proposition
thrilled him, boded something large for his future—eight thousand for
forty, and all he could wring from the first comer had been eight
thousand for seventy!
“Huh!” he said, hanging on the argument with ease and leisure. “I
got an offer uv a option on the hull uv it fer twelve thousan’ now.”
“What!” said the stranger, surveying him critically. “Have you
signed any papers in the matter?”
Queeder looked at him for the moment as if he suspected
treachery, and then seeing the gathered family surveying them from
the distant doorway he made the newcomer a cabalistic sign.
“Come over hyur,” he said, leading off to a distant fence. At the
safe distance they halted. “I tell yuh just how ’tis,” he observed very
secretively. “Thar wuz a feller come along hyur three er four weeks
ago an’ at that time I didn’t know ez how this hyur now wuz min’l,
see? An’ he ast me, ’thout sayin’ nuthin’ ez tuh whut he knowed,
whut I’d take for it, acre fer acre. Well, thar wuz anuther feller, a
neighbor o’ mine, had been along hyur an’ he wuz sayin’ ez how a
piece o’ land just below, about forty acres, wuz sold fer five thousan’
dollars. Seein’ ez how my land wuz the same kind o’ land, only
better, I ’lowed ez how thar bein’ seventy acres hyur tuh his forty I
oughta git nearly twicet ez much, an’ I said so. He didn’t ’low ez I
ought at fust, but later on he kind o’ come roun’ an’ we agreed ez
how I bein’ the one that fust had the place—I wuz farmin’ hyur ’fore
ever I married my wife—that ef any sale wuz made I orter git the
biggest sheer. So we kind o’ fixed it up b’tween us, quiet-like an’ not
lettin’ anybody else know, that when it come tuh makin’ out the
papers an’ sich at the end uv the sixty days he was to gimme a
shade the best o’ the money afore we signed any papers. Course I
wouldn’t do nuthin’ like that ef the place hadn’t b’longed tuh me in
the fust place, an’ ef me an’ my wife an’ chil’n got along ez well’s we
did at fust, but she’s allers a-fightin’ an’ squallin’. Ef he come back
hyur, ez he ’lowed he would, I wuz t’ have eight thousan’ fer myself,
an’ me an’ my wife wuzta divide the rest b’tween us ez best we
could, her to have her third, ez the law is.”
The stranger listened with mingled astonishment, amusement and
satisfaction at the thought that the contract, if not exactly illegal,
could at least to Queeder be made to appear so. For an appeal to
the wife must break it, and besides because of the old man’s cupidity
he might easily be made to annul the original agreement. For plainly
even now this farmer did not know the full value of all that he had so
foolishly bartered away. About him were fields literally solid with zinc
under the surface. Commercially $60,000 would be a mere bagatelle
to give for it, when the East was considered. One million dollars
would be a ridiculously low capitalization for a mine based on this
property. A hundred thousand might well be his share for his part in
the transaction. Good heavens, the other fellow had bought a fortune
for a song! It was only fair to try to get it away from him.
“I’ll tell you how this is, Mr. Queeder,” he said after a time. “It looks
to me as though this fellow, whoever he is, has given you a little the
worst end of this bargain. Your land is worth much more than that,
that’s plain enough. But you can get out of that easily enough on the
ground that you really didn’t know what you were selling at the time
you made this bargain. That’s the law, I believe. You don’t have to
stick by an agreement if it’s made when you don’t understand what
you’re doing. As a matter of fact, I think I could get you out of it if you
wanted me to. All you would have to do would be to refuse to sign
any other papers when the time comes and return the money that’s
been paid you. Then when the time came I would be glad to take
over your whole farm at three hundred dollars an acre and pay cash
down. That would make you a rich man. I’d give you three thousand
cash in hand the day you signed an agreement to sell. The trouble is
you were just taken in. You and your wife really didn’t know what you
were doing.”
“That’s right,” squeaked Queeder, “we wuz. We didn’t ’low ez they
wuz any min’l on this when we signed that air contrack.”
Three hundred dollars an acre, as he dumbly figured it out, meant
$21,000—twenty-one instead of a wretched eight thousand! For the
moment he stood there quite lost as to what to do, say, think, a
wavering, element-worn figure. His bent and shriveled body, raked
and gutted by misfortune, fairly quivered with the knowledge that
riches were really his for the asking, yet also that now, owing to his
early error and ignorance in regard to all this, he might not be able to
arrange for their reception. His seared and tangled brain, half twisted
by solitude, balanced unevenly with the weight of this marvelous
possibility. It crossed the wires of his mind and made him see
strabismically.
The prospector, uncertain as to what his silence indicated, added:
“I might even do a little better than that, Mr. Queeder—say, twenty-
five thousand. You could have a house in the city for that. Your wife
could wear silk dresses; you yourself need never do another stroke
of work; your son and daughter could go to college if they wanted to.
All you have to do is to refuse to sign that deed when he comes back
—hand him the money or get his address and let me send it to him.”
“He swindled me, so he did!” Queeder almost shouted now, great
beads of sweat standing out upon his brow. “He tried tuh rob me! He
shan’t have an acre, by God—not an acre!”
“That’s right,” said the newcomer, and before he left he again
insinuated into the farmer’s mind the tremendous and unfair
disproportion between twelve (as he understood Queeder was
receiving) and twenty-five thousand. He pictured the difference in
terms of city or town opportunities, the ease of his future life.
Unfortunately, the farmer possessed no avenue by which to
escape from his recent duplicity. Having deceived his wife and
children over so comparatively small a sum as eight thousand, this
immensely greater sum offered many more difficulties—bickering,
quarreling, open fighting, perhaps, so fierce were Dode and his wife
in their moods, before it could be attained. And was he equal to it? At
the same time, although he had never had anything, he was now
feeling as though he had lost a great deal, as if some one were
endeavoring to take something immense away from him, something
which he had always had!
During the days that followed he brooded over this, avoiding his
family as much as possible, while they, wondering when the first
prospector would return and what conversation or arrangement
Queeder had had with the second, watched him closely. At last he
was all but unbalanced mentally, and by degrees his mind came to
possess but one idea, and that was that his wife, his children, the
world, all were trying to rob him, and that his one escape lay in flight
with his treasure if only he could once gain possession of it. But
how? How? One thing was sure. They should not have it. He would
fight first; he would die. And alone in his silent field, with ragged body
and mind, he brooded over riches and felt as if he already had them
to defend.
In the meanwhile the first prospector had been meditating as to
the ease, under the circumstances, with which Queeder’s land could
be taken from him at the very nominal price of two thousand,
considering the secrecy which, according to Queeder’s own wish,
must attach to the transfer of all moneys over that sum. Once the
deed was signed—the same reading for two thousand—in the
presence of the wife and a lawyer who should accompany him, how
easy to walk off and pay no more, standing calmly on the letter of the
contract!
It was nearing that last day now and the terrible suspense was
telling. Queeder was in no mental state to endure anything. His
hollow eyes showed the wondering out of which nothing had come.
His nervous strolling here and there had lost all semblance of
reason. Then on the last of the sixty allotted days there rode forward
the now bane of his existence, the original prospector, accompanied
by Attorney Giles, of Arno, a veritable scamp and rascal of a lawyer.
At first on seeing them Queeder felt a strong impulse to run away,
but on second consideration he feared so to do. The land was his. If
he did not stay Dode and Mrs. Queeder might enter on some
arrangement without his consent—something which would leave him
landless, money-less—or they might find out something about the
extra money he had taken and contracted for, the better price he was
now privately to receive. It was essential that he stay, and yet he had
no least idea as to how he would solve it all.
Jane, who was in the doorway as they entered the yard, was the
one to welcome them, although Dode, watchful and working in a
nearby patch, saluted them next. Then Mrs. Queeder examined
them cynically and with much opposition. These, then, were the
twain who were expecting to misuse her financially!
“Where’s your father, Dode?” asked Attorney Giles familiarly, for
he knew them well.
“Over thar in the second ’tater patch,” answered Dode sourly. A
moment later he added with rough calculation, “Ef ye’re comin’ about
the land, though, I ’low ez ’twon’t do yuh no good. Maw an’ Paw
have decided not tuh sell. The place is wuth a heap more’n whut you
all’re offerin’. They’re sellin’ land roun’ Arno with not near ez much
min’l onto hit ez this hez for three hundred now, an’ yuh all only
wanta give two thousan’ fer the hull place, I hyur. Maw’n Paw’d be
fools ef they’d agree tuh that.”
“Oh, come now,” exclaimed Giles placatively and yet irritably—a
very wasp who was always attempting to smooth over the ruffled
tempers of people on just such trying occasions as this. “Mr.
Crawford here has an option on this property signed by your mother
and father and witnessed by a Mr.”—he considered the slip—“a Mr.
Botts—oh, yes, Lester Botts. You cannot legally escape that. All Mr.
Crawford has to do is to offer you the money—leave it here, in fact—
and the property is his. That is the law. An option is an option, and
this one has a witness. I don’t see how you can hope to escape it,
really.”
“They wuzn’t nuthin’ said about no min’l when I signed that air,”
insisted Mrs. Queeder, “an’ I don’t ’low ez no paper whut I didn’t
know the meanin’ uv is goin’ tuh be good anywhar. Leastways, I
won’t put my name onto nuthin’ else.”
“Well, well!” said Mr. Giles fussily, “We’d better get Mr. Queeder in
here and see what he says to this. I’m sure he’ll not take any such
unreasonable and illegal view.”
In the meantime old Queeder, called for lustily by Jane, came
edging around the house corner like some hunted animal—dark,
fearful, suspicious—and at sight of him the prospector and lawyer,
who had seated themselves, arose.
“Well, here we are, Mr. Queeder,” said the prospector, but
stopped, astonished at the weird manner in which Queeder passed
an aimless hand over his brow and gazed almost dully before him.
He had more the appearance of a hungry bird than a human being.
He was yellow, emaciated, all but wild.
“Look at Paw!” whispered Jane to Dode, used as she was to all
the old man’s idiosyncrasies.
“Yes, Mr. Queeder,” began the lawyer, undisturbed by the whisper
of Jane and anxious to smooth over a very troublesome situation,
“here we are. We have come to settle this sale with you according to
the terms of the option. I suppose you’re ready?”
“Whut?” asked old Queeder aimlessly, then, recovering himself
slightly, began, “I hain’t goin’ tuh sign nuthin’! Nuthin’ ’tall! That’s
whut I hain’t! Nuthin’!” He opened and closed his fingers and twisted
and craned his neck as though physically there were something very
much awry with him.
“What’s that?” queried the lawyer incisively, attempting by his tone
to overawe him or bring him to his senses, “not sign? What do you
mean by saying you won’t sign? You gave an option here for the
sum of $100 cash in hand, signed by you and your wife and
witnessed by Lester Botts, and now you say you won’t sign! I don’t
want to be harsh, but there’s a definite contract entered into here
and money passed, and such things can’t be handled in any such
light way, Mr. Queeder. This is a contract, a very serious matter
before the law, Mr. Queeder, a very serious matter. The law provides
a very definite remedy in a case of this kind. Whether you want to
sign or not, with this option we have here and what it calls for we can
pay over the money before witnesses and enter suit for possession
and win it.”
“Not when a feller’s never knowed whut he wuz doin’ when he
signed,” insisted Dode, who by now, because of his self-interest and
the appearance of his father having been misled, was coming round
to a more sympathetic or at least friendly attitude.
“I’ll not sign nuthin’,” insisted Queeder grimly. “I hain’t a-goin’ tuh
be swindled out o’ my prupetty. I never knowed they wuz min’l onto
hit, like they is—leastways not whut it wuz wuth—an’ I won’t sign, an’
yuh ain’t a-goin’ tuh make me. Ye’re a-tryin’ tuh get it away from me
fur nuthin’, that’s whut ye’re a-tryin’ tuh do. I won’t sign nuthin’!”
“I had no idee they wuz min’l onto hit when I signed,” whimpered
Mrs. Queeder.
“Oh, come, come!” put in Crawford sternly, deciding to deal with
this eccentric character and believing that he could overawe him by
referring to the secret agreement between them, “don’t forget, Mr.
Queeder, that I had a special agreement with you concerning all
this.” He was not quite sure now as to what he would have to pay—
the two or the eight. “Are you going to keep your bargain with me or
not? You want to decide quick now. Which is it?”
“Git out!” shouted Queeder, becoming wildly excited and waving
his hands and jumping backward. “Yuh swindled me, that’s whutcha
done! Yut thort yuh’d git this place fer nothin’. Well, yuh won’t—yuh
kain’t. I won’t sign nuthin’. I won’t sign nuthin’.” His eyes were red
and wild from too much brooding.
Now it was that Crawford, who had been hoping to get it all for two
thousand, decided to stick to his private agreement to pay eight, only
instead of waiting to adjust it with Queeder in private he decided now
to use it openly in an attempt to suborn the family to his point of view
by showing them how much he really was to have and how unjust
Queeder had planned to be to himself and them. In all certainty the
family understood it as only two. If he would now let them know how
matters stood, perhaps that would make a difference in his favor.
“You call eight thousand for this place swindling, and after you’ve
taken eight hundred dollars of my money and kept it for sixty days?”
“Whut’s that?” asked Dode, edging nearer, then turning and
glaring at his father and eyeing his mother amazedly. This surpassed
in amount and importance anything he had imagined had been
secured by them, and of course he assumed that both were lying.
“Eight thousan’! I thort yuh said it wuz two!” He looked at his mother
for confirmation.
The latter was a picture of genuine surprise. “That’s the fust I
hearn uv any eight thousan’,” she replied dumbly, her own veracity in
regard to the transaction being in question.
The picture that Queeder made under the circumstances was
remarkable. Quite upset by this half-unexpected and yet feared
revelation, he was now quite beside himself with rage, fear, the
insolvability of the amazing tangle into which he had worked himself.
The idea that after he had made an agreement with this man, which
was really unfair to himself, he should turn on him in this way was all
but mentally upsetting. Besides, the fact that his wife and son now
knew how greedy and selfish he had been weakened him to the
point of terror.
“Well, that’s what I offered him, just the same,” went on Crawford
aggressively and noting the extreme effect, “and that’s what he
agreed to take, and that’s what I’m here to pay. I paid him $800 in
cash to bind the bargain, and he has the money now somewhere.
His saying now that I tried to swindle him is too funny! He asked me
not to say anything about it because the land was all his and he
wanted to adjust things with you three in his own way.”
“Git outen hyur!” shouted Queeder savagely, going all but mad,
“before I kill yuh! I hain’t signed nuthin’! We never said nuthin’ about
no $8,000. It wuz $2,000—that’s what it wuz! Ye’re trin’ tuh swindle
me, the hull varmint passel o’ yuh! I won’t sign nuthin’!” and he
stooped and attempted to seize a stool that stood near the wall.
At this all retreated except Dode, who, having mastered his father
in more than one preceding contest, now descended on him and with
one push of his arm knocked him down, so weak was he, while the
lawyer and prospector, seeing him prone, attempted to interfere in
his behalf. What Dode was really thinking was that now was his
chance. His father had lied to him. He was naturally afraid of him.
Why not force him by sheer brute strength to accept this agreement
and take the money? Once it was paid here before him, if he could
make his father sign, he could take his share without let or
hindrance. Of what dreams might not this be the fulfilment? “He
agreed on’t, an’ now he’s gotta do it,” he thought; “that’s all.”
“No fighting, now,” called Giles. “We don’t want any fighting—just
to settle this thing pleasantly, that’s all.”
After all, Queeder’s second signature or mark would be required,
peaceably if possible, and besides they wished no physical violence.
They were men of business, not of war.
“Yuh say he agreed tuh take $8,000, did he?” queried Dode, the
actuality of so huge a sum ready to be paid in cash seeming to him
almost unbelievable.
“Yes, that’s right,” replied the prospector.
“Then, by heck, he’s gotta make good on whut he said!” said Dode
with a roll of his round head, his arms akimbo, heavily anxious to see
the money paid over. “Here you,” he now turned to his father and
began—for his prostrate father, having fallen and injured his head,
was still lying semi-propped on his elbows, surveying the group with
almost non-comprehending eyes, too confused and lunatic to quite
realize what was going on or to offer any real resistance. “Whut’s a-
gittin’ into yuh, anyhow, Ol’ Spindle Shanks? Git up hyur!” Dode went
over and lifted his father to his feet and pushed him toward a chair at
the table. “Yuh might ez well sign fer this, now ’at yuh’ve begun it.
Whar’s the paper?” he asked of the lawyer. “Yuh just show him whar
he orter sign, an’ I guess he’ll do it. But let’s see this hyur money that
ye’re a-goin’ tuh pay over fust,” he added, “afore he signs. I wanta
see ef it’s orl right.”
The prospector extracted the actual cash from a wallet, having
previously calculated that a check would never be accepted, and the
lawyer presented the deed to be signed. At the same time Dode took
the money and began to count it.
“All he has to do,” observed Giles to the others as he did so, “is to
sign this second paper, he and his wife. If you can read,” he said to
Dode when the latter had concluded, and seeing how satisfactorily
things were going, “you can see for yourself what it is.” Dode now
turned and picked it up and looked at it as though it were as simple
and clear as daylight. “As you can see,” went on the lawyer, “we
agreed to buy this land of him for eight thousand dollars. We have
already paid him eight hundred. That leaves seven thousand two
hundred still to pay, which you have there,” and he touched the
money in Dode’s hands. The latter was so moved by the reality of
the cash that he could scarcely speak for joy. Think of it—seven
thousand two hundred dollars—and all for this wretched bony land!
“Well, did yuh ever!” exclaimed Mrs. Queeder and Jane in chorus.
“Who’d ’a’ thort! Eight thousan’!”
Old Queeder, still stunned and befogged mentally, was yet
recovering himself sufficiently to rise from the chair and look
strangely about, now that Dode was attempting to make him sign,
but his loving son uncompromisingly pushed him back again.
“Never mind, Ol’ Spindle Shanks,” he repeated roughly. “Just yuh
stay whar yuh air an’ sign as he asts yuh tuh. Yuh agreed tuh this,
an’ yuh might ez well stick tuh it. Ye’re gittin’ so yuh don’t know what
yuh want no more,” he jested, now that he realized that for some
strange reason he had his father completely under his sway. The
latter was quite helplessly dumb. “Yuh agreed tuh this, he says. Did
ja? Air yuh clean gone?”
“Lawsy!” put in the excited Mrs. Queeder. “Eight thousan’! An’ him
a-walkin’ roun’ hyur all the time sayin’ hit wuz only two an’ never
sayin’ nuthin’ else tuh nobody! Who’d ’a’ thort hit! An’ him a-goin’ tuh
git hit all ef he could an’ say nuthin’!”
“Yes,” added Jane, gazing at her father greedily and vindictively,
“tryin’ tuh git it all fer hisself! An’ us a-workin’ hyur year in an’ year
out on this hyur ol’ place tuh keep him comfortable!” She was no less
hard in her glances than her brother. Her father seemed little less
than a thief, attempting to rob them of the hard-earned fruit of their
toil.
As the lawyer took the paper from Dode and spread it upon the old
board table and handed Queeder a pen the latter took it aimlessly,
quite as a child might have, and made his mark where indicated, Mr.
Giles observing very cautiously, “This is of your own free will and
deed, is it, Mr. Queeder?” The old man made no reply. For the time
being anyhow, possibly due to the blow on his head as he fell, he
had lost the main current of his idea, which was not to sign. After
signing he looked vaguely around, as though uncertain as to what
else might be requested of him, while Mrs. Queeder made her mark,
answering “yes” to the same shrewd question. Then Dode, as the
senior intelligence of this institution and the one who by right of force
now dominated, having witnessed the marks of his father and
mother, as did Jane, two signatures being necessary, he took the
money and before the straining eyes of his relatives proceeded to
recount it. Meanwhile old Queeder, still asleep to the significance of
the money, sat quite still, but clawed at it as though it were
something which he ought to want, but was not quite sure of it.
“You find it all right, I suppose?” asked the lawyer, who was turning
to go. Dode acknowledged that it was quite correct.
Then the two visitors, possessed of the desired deed, departed.
The family, barring the father, who sat there still in a daze, began to
discuss how the remarkable sum was to be divided.
“Now, I just wanta tell yuh one thing, Dode,” urged the mother, all
avarice and anxiety for herself, “a third o’ that, whutever ’tis, b’longs
tuh me, accordin’ tuh law!”
“An’ I sartinly oughta git a part o’ that thar, workin’ the way I have,”
insisted Jane, standing closely over Dode.
“Well, just keep yer hands off till I git through, cantcha?” asked
Dode, beginning for the third time to count it. The mere feel of it was
so entrancing! What doors would it not open? He could get married
now, go to the city, do a hundred things he had always wanted to do.
The fact that his father was entitled to anything or that, having lost
his wits, he was now completely helpless, a pathetic figure and very
likely from now on doomed to wander about alone or to do his will,
moved him not in the least. By right of strength and malehood he
was now practically master here, or so he felt himself to be. As he
fingered the money he glowed and talked, thinking wondrous things,
then suddenly remembering the concealed eight hundred, or his
father’s part of it, he added, “Yes, an’ whar’s that other eight
hundred, I’d like tuh know? He’s a-carryin’ it aroun’ with him er hidin’
it hyurabout mebbe!” Then eyeing the crumpled victim suspiciously,
he began to feel in the old man’s clothes, but, not finding anything,
desisted, saying they might get it later. The money in his hands was
finally divided: a third to Mrs. Queeder, a fourth to Jane, the balance
to himself as the faithful heir and helper of his father, the while he
speculated as to the whereabouts of the remaining eight hundred.
Just then Queeder, who up to this time had been completely bereft
of his senses, now recovered sufficiently to guess nearly all of what
had so recently transpired. With a bound he was on his feet, and,
looking wildly about him, exclaiming as he did so in a thin, reedy
voice, “They’ve stole my prupetty! They’ve stole my prupetty! I’ve
been robbed, I have! I’ve been robbed! Eh! Eh! Eh! This hyur land
ain’t wuth only eight thousan’—hit’s wuth twenty-five thousan’, an’
that’s whut I could ’a’ had for it, an’ they’ve gone an’ made me sign it
all away! Eh! Eh! Eh!” He jigged and moaned, dancing helplessly
about until, seeing Dode with his share of the money still held safely
in his hand, his maniacal chagrin took a new form, and, seizing it and
running to the open door, he began to throw a portion of the precious
bills to the winds, crying as he did so, “They’ve stole my prupetty!
They’ve stole my prupetty! I don’t want the consarned money—I
don’t want it! I want my prupetty! Eh! Eh! Eh!”
In this astonishing situation Dode saw but one factor—the money.
Knowing nothing of the second prospector’s offer, he could not
realize what it was that so infuriated the old man and had finally
completely upset his mind. As the latter jigged and screamed and
threw the money about he fell upon him with the energy of a wildcat
and, having toppled him over and wrested the remainder of the cash
from him, he held him safely down, the while he called to his sister
and mother, “Pick up the money, cantcha? Pick up the money an’ git
a rope, cantcha? Git a rope! Cantcha see he’s done gone plum
daffy? He’s outen his head, I tell yuh. He’s crazy, he is, shore! Git a
rope!” and eyeing the money now being assembled by his helpful
relatives, he pressed the struggling maniac’s body to the floor. When
the latter was safely tied and the money returned, the affectionate
son arose and, having once more recounted his share in order to
see that it was all there, he was content to look about him somewhat
more kindly on an all too treacherous world. Then, seeing the old
man where he was trussed like a fowl for market, he added,
somewhat sympathetically, it may be:
“Well, who’d ’a’ thort! Pore ol’ Pap! I do b’lieve he’s outen his mind
for shore this time! He’s clean gone—plum daffy.”
“Yes, that’s whut he is, I do b’lieve,” added Mrs. Queeder with a
modicum of wifely interest, yet more concerned at that with her part
of the money than anything else.

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