Professional Documents
Culture Documents
Happy reading!
Front Cover
Title Page
Copyright
Prologue
Chapter 1
Chapter 2
Chapter 3
Chapter 4
Chapter 5
Chapter 6
Chapter 7
Chapter 8
Chapter 9
Chapter 10
Chapter 11
Chapter 12
Chapter 13
Chapter 14
Chapter 15
Chapter 16
Chapter 17
Chapter 18
Chapter 19
Chapter 20
Chapter 21
Chapter 22
Chapter 23
Chapter 24
Chapter 25
Chapter 26
Chapter 27
Chapter 28
Chapter 29
Chapter 30
Chapter 31
Chapter 32
Chapter 33
Chapter 34
Chapter 35
Chapter 36
Chapter 37
Chapter 38
Chapter 39
Chapter 40
Chapter 41
Chapter 42
Chapter 43
Chapter 44
Chapter 45
Chapter 46
Chapter 47
Chapter 48
Chapter 49
Chapter 50
Chapter 51
Chapter 52
Chapter 53
Epilogue
Acknowledgments
Back Cover
In memory of
Megan Casey Wray and Courtney Elizabeth Lenaburg
“When was the last time you saw a man bow?” Allison Chastain
Fenwick led Zack Tremaine onto the courtyard of Le Petit Theatre.
Nestled in the French Quarter of New Orleans, the humid, flower-
filled courtyard provided a reprieve from the freezing theater. A
breeze tinged with jasmine and white lights wrapped around the
trees enhanced the romantic summer night.
“No idea.” Zack took two flutes from a server’s tray and handed her
one.
The champagne tickled her nose. As the courtyard filled with
intermission-freed guests, Zack found a clear spot near the raised
fountain. “Why?”
“When I was leaving the ladies’ room”—she sat on the fountain’s
edge and her gown pooled on the bricks below—“I bumped into
someone. I apologized, but he just wrapped his arm around his
waist and bowed. By time I blinked, he’d disappeared.”
“Maybe it’s a Charleston thing. It’s certainly not a New Orleans
thing.”
She sipped her champagne. “It’s not a Charleston thing. It’s a
weird thing. So it has to be from New Orleans, which you’d know
about since you’re a native Cajun.”
Zack threw her a fake-offended look. “Says the woman whose
Charlestonian last names are so old she has to use both of them?”
She laughed at their on-going joke about the differences between
their hometowns and punched his shoulder. The U.S. Army had
turned him into a wall of muscle, so her fist probably hurt far more
than his shoulder.
He smiled, took her hand, and kissed her palm.
“Maybe it’s a formal thing,” she offered to keep the peace. “He was
wearing a tux.” At this last word, she raised her eyebrow. While
she’d chosen a long blue satin gown in honor of Hamlet’s opening
night, Zack rarely wore anything other than jeans and T-shirts. She
was happy with his pressed gray trousers, white button-down shirt,
and striped tie, despite his almost-shaved black hair.
When he pulled at his collar and scanned the courtyard, she hid
her smile behind another sip of champagne. It wouldn’t surprise her
if he was armed.
Glass broke behind her, and she glanced toward the noise. People
were clearing away. As they drifted from the mess, she saw a
solitary man in the corner. He stood near a potted palm with his
hands in the pockets of his wrinkled, ill-fitting blue suit. The kind of
suit someone borrowed or rented, not owned.
The other odd thing? He was staring directly at Zack.
Zack tapped her bare shoulder. “Since we haven’t seen each other
since graduation, we have some toasts to make. First, to me.”
She laughed out loud. “To you?”
“Yes.” He held up his glass. “Congratulations to me on completing
the Special Forces Assessment and Selection Course. Soon,
hopefully, I’ll be a Green Beret.”
“Oh my gosh!” She stood and gave him a hug. After they’d
graduated from Tulane, Zack, who’d been an Army ROTC cadet, had
hoped to become a Special Forces officer. So she was very happy for
him. When she pulled away, she raised her glass. “May you win
every battle and always return to us safe and sound.”
“Us?” Zack’s brown eyes shuttered and the lines around his mouth
seemed deeper than before. “Of course—Stuart.”
“Stuart will be happy for you. He’s your best friend, besides me.”
She fluttered her eyelashes until Zack smiled again. “Stuart was
sorry he couldn’t make the play. He’ll meet us for dinner later.”
Zack raised his glass again. “Here’s to you crushing your cultural
anthropology PhD program.”
They clinked glasses, and Allison ignored Zack’s quiet laughter. She
knew what Zack and Stuart believed: the only job a cultural
anthropology PhD could get was as a barista.
“Despite what you think”—Allison tried to kick him with her high-
heeled sandal until he moved—“I’ll get a job that doesn’t require
asking people if they want whipped cream on top.”
Now Zack laughed so loudly people glanced their way.
“My turn.” Allison lifted her glass and, with her other hand, touched
the sapphire-and-diamond engagement brooch attached to her
neckline. “To your best friend and my future husband, Stuart. He
was just elected Tulane alumni president for our class year. I’m
certain he’ll become a bank president before he’s twenty-five.”
Zack nodded, although the shadows in his eyes reappeared. “I
have no doubt.”
They clinked glasses for the third time, and Allison felt a rare
tremble of happiness. She’d always been so alone, but tonight she
felt safe. She was engaged to Stuart, and Zack had come home to
visit. For the first time in years, she felt like nothing bad could ever
happen to her again.
The audience began to file back into the theater, leaving them
alone. Neither one of them wanted to return to the play.
“I’m sorry I missed your engagement party.” Zack gave his glass to
the last server standing. “I was training.”
“I understand.” She cleared her throat and handed her glass away
as well. She’d drunk almost all of it and her head felt fuzzy. “I sent
you photos.”
“I got them.” Zack crossed his arms and his gaze settled on the
brooch pinned to her dress. “Allison, are you sure marrying Stuart is
the right thing to do?”
“Why would you ask that?”
“I know you. And I love you.” The courtyard lights reflected the
truth in Zack’s eyes.
They stood so close his breath caressed her forehead, and his
insanely sexy bay rum cologne sent tingles down her arms.
“Stuart loves me. And I love him. I’m certain of it.”
“Certainty is an impossibility.” Zack pushed a stray curl behind her
ear.
She shivered at the touch of his fingers against her face. “I don’t
understand.”
“You’re not in love with him the way a woman is supposed to love
a husband.”
Her breath snagged, making it hard to breathe without
hyperventilating. He’d always discerned all of her insecurities and
vulnerabilities. Here, alone in the courtyard, she was defenseless.
“Zack—”
“I’m begging you to rethink this marriage. Stuart may be able to
give you the security you think you need, but it’ll never be enough—
not for either of you.”
“What are you saying? Stuart will break my heart?”
“No,” Zack whispered. “You’ll break all of our hearts.”
She blinked as he lowered his head. When his lips touched hers,
her first thought was that they were so much softer—and gentler—
than they appeared. He held her head at the perfect angle so he
could deepen the kiss. In all the years they’d known each other, he’d
never touched her so intimately, and now that they were locked in
this embrace she wondered why.
Horrified at her reaction, Allison pulled back and pressed her
fingers against her mouth. That’s when she noticed two things: the
ill-suited man moving closer and another tuxedoed man following
behind. This tuxedoed man with dark skin and green eyes was the
bowing man she’d seen earlier in the evening.
Something glinted in the bowing man’s hand. A small sword?
“Zack?”
Zack twisted just as the ill-suited man pulled something out of his
jacket.
Zack grabbed her by the waist, and they hit the ground. Her hands
took the brunt of her fall, scraping on the bricks. The pain made her
dizzy but not enough to ignore the action she saw from beneath
Zack’s larger body. The bowing man moved behind the ill-suited man
and slid his thin sword into the man’s neck. The ill-suited man
silently slumped to the ground.
Suddenly, with Zack on one knee and holding his handgun, the
bowing man pressed his sword point against Zack’s heart.
“Hold your peace,” the bowing man demanded in a distinct
Australian accent. “Do not fear. Tonight’s violence has been met and
meted.”
Zack put his gun on the ground and rose slowly, both hands held
up in surrender.
The bowing man retracted his sword, which became a thin, ten-
inch-long wand of steel. He slipped it into his jacket pocket. “My
name is Laertes. I venture here tonight to bring a message and a
warning.”
Allison took Zack’s hand and he helped her up, making sure she
stayed behind him. He didn’t speak, so she didn’t either—not that
she could cobble together any words. All she could do was stare at
the dead man and keep the nausea at bay. With no visible blood, he
seemed to be asleep.
Laertes took a cell phone from the dead man’s pocket and tossed it
to Zack.
The dead man’s messages were open, and Zack clicked on an
image. A short, silent video appeared along with the sent and read
receipt.
Allison’s body shook. The ill-suited man had texted the video of
their kiss to Stuart.
Zack handed the phone back to Laertes.
Laertes glanced to one side, and she noticed another tuxedoed
man deeper in the shadows. She grabbed Zack’s arm. There were
two of them?
“My lord has decreed that now is not the time for your
understanding.” Laertes put the phone into a different pocket than
the sword. “’Tis time for a change.”
“What are you talking about?” Zack asked.
Laertes hit his own chest with his fist. “My lord believes you are
not meant for your life’s work. You have other passions he’d
encourage you to pursue.”
“Was that the message?” She took Zack’s hand. “Or the warning?”
“The warning is for you, my lady,” Laertes said to her. “Choose your
lover wisely.”
She took a step back and swallowed the bitter taste in her mouth.
The veins in Zack’s neck bulged.
Before they could respond, Laertes wrapped an arm around his
waist and bowed. “My lord must be cruel only to be kind. Thus bad
begins and worse remains behind.”
Chapter 1
She left her alcove and stopped near the stairs, where the masked
men had disappeared. No one came or went. There was no sound.
Yet those men had gone somewhere.
Although she didn’t want to call more attention to herself, she used
her phone’s flashlight. A rat only a foot away scurried off. She moved
and her light glinted on a polished brass knob attached to a door
beneath the protruding staircase. The knob was engraved with JL
embedded in a lily.
How odd.
She put her phone into her evening bag and opened the door. A
dim light appeared, leading her into a narrow hallway. The walls
were decorated on both sides with mirrors and candles in sconces.
The hallway veered right, and she climbed a narrow flight of stairs,
the sound of electronic music getting louder. Once on the landing lit
by candles, she stopped. A man in a tuxedo and a black mask
covering his eyes stood in front of another door, arms crossed.
Despite his dress clothes, his dark pupils shining through the mask’s
slits backed up his stance.
She took a coin out of her skirt pocket and handed it to him.
“Allison Chastain Fenwick Pinckney.”
“Chastain? Interesting.” The man tossed the Roman silver denarius
into the air and caught it. “Esse aut non esse.”
“To be or not to be?” Seriously? “Id est quaestio.”
He shoved the two-thousand-dollar coin she couldn’t afford into his
pants pocket and opened the door. She paused from the heavy
reverb caused by too many speakers in too small a room and blinked
from the pulsing lasers.
“Non ruta non dolor, sweetheart.”
Neither rue nor regret? She slipped in, and the closing door hit her
back, causing her to stumble in her high heels.
A strong hand grasped her elbow, arresting what might have been
a nasty fall. She was grateful for the low light that hid the hot flush
flooding her cheeks.
Once she was stable on her feet, the masked man dropped her
arm, hit his chest with his fist, and bowed his head. “My lady,” he
said in a distinct Scottish accent.
She looked around for something—anything—that would help her
make sense out of the night. Yet all she saw were grinding bodies on
the dance floor. The scent of alcohol and sex masked the cloying
smell of incense. Her eyes burned from the smoke drifting in the air.
A sex club?
“Tha…thank you.” She stumbled over her words. “I can’t believe
I’m so clumsy.”
The man with dark skin, dark brown eyes behind his mask, and a
buzzed head, wore a tux that clung to his wide chest and thick
thighs. “I am called Marcellus. ’Twas my privilege to serve you.”
Before she could answer, Marcellus disappeared into the crowd.
Allison smoothed down her skirt, hiked her gown’s corset, and
clutched her handbag. It was time to learn why Stuart had been
murdered.
***
Allison pushed through the dance floor and rushed into another
room where half-dressed people sat at a bar. More bodies wrapped
around each other on settees lining the perimeter, and she held her
breath until making it into a hallway with a double staircase.
She paused to inhale fresher air. Once she felt less shaky, she
hurried up two flights of stairs. On the third floor, she pressed her
hand against the carved wooden door that marked the end of the
sexy nightclub and the beginning of the real club—the real club
where she might find some real answers about Stuart’s death.
After more deep breaths, she entered. The parlor was lit by
candles, and despite the windows being boarded up on the outside,
velvet curtains covered the glass. Men and women in evening
clothes sat on sofas drinking green cocktails out of crystal glasses.
Two men with masks guarded the entrance into the next room.
“Allison?” A woman with long black hair pulled into a high ponytail
and wearing a red one-shouldered silk gown appeared. The woman,
older than Allison, walked with such grace her dress moved and
shimmered like it’d been melted and poured on her perfect body.
Allison clutched her handbag against her stomach and gritted her
teeth. What was Isabel Rutledge doing here?
Diamond earrings sparkled in Isabel’s ears and a gold chain around
her neck disappeared in her neckline. After kissing Allison on both
cheeks, Isabel said in her refined Savannah drawl, “I wasn’t
expecting you.”
Allison didn’t want to be rude, but she had more important things
to do than talk to Isabel. Especially since Isabel was the kind of
person who, because of her beauty and confidence, made every
other woman in the room feel less than.
Allison checked out the room again, but no one looked like he was
the leader of a 350-year-old antiquarian club. “I’m here to see
Hezekiah Usher.”
Isabel took Allison’s elbow and led her toward the armed guards.
“Are you sure you want to do this? Hezekiah has strange…
yearnings.”
Great. Something else to worry about. “What are you doing here?”
Isabel’s smile exposed sparkling white, perfectly aligned teeth. “My
family is a longtime member of the Usher Society.”
Of course it was. As a Rutledge, Isabel was a member of one of
the oldest families in the South. Almost as old as the Pinckney and
Fenwick families.
Almost as old as the Chastain family.
Isabel motioned to the guards. “Mrs. Allison Chastain Fenwick
Pinckney has an appointment.”
Allison hated that long name. Yet in this secret world, on the
knife’s edge of polite society, your names—your people—carried
more weight than your reputation and wealth.
The door opened and Allison entered the beautifully appointed
room. Despite the mansion’s outward decay, this office gleamed with
oiled mahogany, polished brass, and low-lit bankers’ lamps. Her
heels sank into the thick rug as she moved closer to the plumpish
bald man sitting behind a desk large enough to land a 747. Again,
velvet curtains separated the boarded-up outside from the inside.
The man stood and held out his hand. “Mrs. Pinckney? I’m
Hezekiah Usher.”
They shook hands over the desk covered with stacks of papers and
books and maps. Once he released her hand from his sweaty grasp,
she sat in the leather chair across from him.
“Isabel.” Hezekiah motioned to the other woman. “Would you leave
us?”
Isabel retreated, but Allison, who could read bitch as well as the
next woman, recognized the anger in Isabel’s eyes.
Hezekiah wore a gray suit made of shiny cotton that matched the
sweat beading on his head. “Mrs. Pinckney, I want to extend my
condolences on the death of your husband.”
The desk lamps blinked, then dimmed.
When the lights returned to full power, she said, “Thank you.”
“I have to admit I was surprised to receive a call from you on my
private cell phone.”
“Not as surprised as I was when your business card—with your
private cell phone number—was found in Stuart’s coat pocket. The
one he was wearing when he was killed.”
Hezekiah leaned his elbows on his desk, tented his fingers, and
stared at the map. From her vantage point, it appeared to be a map
of the French Quarter in New Orleans. “How…interesting.”
“Mr. Usher.” Allison sat forward and tried to keep the desperation
out of her voice. “Stuart had written the words Witch’s Examination
on the back of that business card. When I contacted my colleague at
the University of Virginia, she mentioned you recently acquired an
early eighteenth-century—1703, to be exact—witch’s examination.”
Hezekiah’s eyes darkened. “Before I answer any questions, I have
to ask: How do you know about the Usher Society?”
Another random document with
no related content on Scribd:
and whence his instructions might quickly go forth to all. His inspired
counsels, and his wonder-working prayers, might be sought for all
who needed them, and his apostolic ordinances might be heard and
obeyed, almost at once, by the most distant churches. But the
circumstance, which more especially might lead the wanderer from
the ruined city and homes of his fathers, to Ephesus, was the great
gathering of Jews at this spot, who of course thus presented to the
Jewish apostle an ample field for exertions, for which his natural and
acquired endowments best fitted him.
The idea of John’s visit to Ephesus, where Timothy was already settled over the church
as bishop, has made a great deal of trouble to those who stupidly confound the office of an
apostle with that of a bishop, and are always degrading an apostle into a mere church-
officer. Such blunderers of course, are put to a vast deal of pains to make out how Timothy
could manage to keep possession of his bishopric, with the Apostle John in the same town
with him; for they seem to think that a bishop, like the flag-officer on a naval station, can
hold the command of the post not a moment after a senior officer appears in sight; but that
then down comes the broad blue pennon to be sure, and never is hoisted again till the
greater officer is off beyond the horizon. But no such idle arrangements of mere etiquette
were ever suffered to mar the noble and useful simplicity of the primitive church
government, in the least. The presence of an apostle in the same town with a bishop, could
no more interfere with the regular function of the latter, than the presence of a diocesan
bishop in any city of his diocese, excludes the rector of the church there, from his pastoral
charge. The sacred duties of Timothy were those of the pastoral care of a single
church,――a sort of charge that no apostle ever assumed out of Jerusalem; but John’s
apostolic duties led him to exercise a general supervision over a great number of churches.
All those in Little Asia would claim his care alike, and the most distant would look to him for
counsel; while that in Ephesus, having been so well established by Paul, and being blessed
by the pastoral care of Timothy, who had been instructed and commissioned for that very
place and duty, by him, would really stand in very little need of any direct attention from
John. Yet among his Jewish brethren he would still find much occasion for his missionary
labor, even in that city; and this was the sort of duty which was most appropriate to his
apostolic character; for the apostles were missionaries and not bishops.
Others pretend to say, however, that Timothy was dead when John arrived, and that
John succeeded him in the bishopric,――a mere invention to get rid of the difficulty, and
proved to be such by the assertion that the apostle was a bishop, and rendered suspicious
also by the circumstance of Timothy being so young a man.
The fable of the Virgin Mary’s journey, in company with John, to Ephesus, has been very
gravely supported by Baronius, (Annals, 44, § 29,) who makes it happen in the second year
of the reign of Claudius, and quotes as his authority a groundless statement, drawn from a
mis-translation of a synodical epistle from the council of Ephesus to the clergy at
Constantinople, containing a spurious passage which alludes to this story, condemning the
Nestorians as heretics, for rejecting the tale. There are, and have long been, however, a
vast number of truly discreet and learned Romanists, who have scorned to receive such
contemptible and useless inventions. Among these, the learned Antony Pagus, in his
Historico-Chronological Review of Baronius, has utterly refuted the whole story, showing the
spurious character of the passage quoted in its support. (Pagus, Critica Baronius Annals,
42. § 3.) Lampe quotes moreover, the Abbot Facditius, the Trevoltian collectors and
Combefisius, as also refuting the fable. Among the Protestant critics, Rivetus and Basnage
have discussed the same point.
Thrown into a vessel of oil.――This greasy story has a tolerably respectable antiquity,
going farther back with its authorities than any other fable in the Christian mythology, except
Justin Martyr’s story about Simon Magus. The earliest authority for this is Tertullian, (A. D.
200,) who says that “at Rome, the Apostle John, having been immersed in hot oil, suffered
no harm at all from it.” (De Praescriptionibus adversus Haereticos, c. 36.) “In oleum igneum
immersus nihil passus est.” But for nearly two hundred years after, no one of the Fathers
refers to this fable. Jerome (A. D. 397.) is the next of any certain date, and speaks of it in
two passages. In the first (Against Jovinianus I. 14,) he quotes Tertullian as authority, but
bunglingly says, that “he was thrown into the kettle by order of Nero,”――a most palpable
error, not sanctioned by Tertullian. In the second passage, (Commentary on Matthew xx.
23,) he furthermore refers in general terms to “ecclesiastical histories, in which it was said
that John, on account of his testimony concerning Christ, was thrown into a kettle of boiling
oil, and came out thence like an athleta, to win the crown of Christ.” From these two
sources, the other narrators of the story have drawn it. Of the modern critics and historians,
besides the great herd of Papists, several Protestants are quoted by Lampe, as strenuously
defending it; and several of the greatest, who do not absolutely receive it as true, yet do not
presume to decide against it; as the Magdeburg Centuriators, (Century 1, lib. 2. c. 10,) who
however declare it very doubtful indeed, “rem incertissimam;”――Ittig, Le Clerc and
Mosheim taking the same ground. But Meisner, Cellarius, Dodwell, Spanheim, Heumann
and others, overthrow it utterly, as a baseless fable. They argue against it first, from the bad
character of its only ancient witness. Tertullian is well known as most miserably credulous,
and fond of catching up these idle tales; and even the devoutly credulous Baronius
condemns him in the most unmeasured terms for his greedy and undiscriminating love of
falsehood. Secondly, they object the profound silence of all the Fathers of the second, third
and fourth centuries, excepting him and Jerome; whereas, if such a remarkable incident
were of any authority whatever, those numerous occasions on which they refer to the
banishment of John to Patmos, which Tertullian connects so closely with this story, would
suggest and require a notice of the causes and attendant circumstances of that banishment,
as stated by him. How could those eloquent writers, who seem to dwell with so much delight
on the noble trials and triumphs of the apostles, pass over this wonderful peril and
miraculous deliverance? Why did Irenaeus, so studious in extolling the glory of John, forget
to specify an incident implying at once such a courageous spirit of martyrdom in this
apostle, and such a peculiar favor of God, in thus wonderfully preserving him? Hippolytus
and Sulpitius Severus too, are silent; and more than all, Eusebius, so diligent in scraping
together all that can heap up the martyr-glories of the apostles, and more particularly of
John himself, is here utterly without a word on this interesting event. Origen, too, dwelling
on the modes in which the two sons of Zebedee drank the cup of Jesus, as he prophesied,
makes no use of this valuable illustration.
On the origin of this fable, Lampe mentions a very ingenious conjecture, that some such
act of cruelty may have been meditated or threatened, but afterwards given up; and that
thence the story became accidentally so perverted as to make what was merely designed,
appear to have been partly put in execution.
This miraculous event procured the highly-favored John, by this extreme unction, all the
advantages with none of the disadvantages of martyrdom; for in consequence of this peril
he has received among the Fathers the name of a “living martyr.” (ζοων μαρτυρ) Gregory of
Nazianzus, Chrysostom, Athanasius, Theophylact and others, quoted by Suicer, [sub voc.
μαρτυρ,] apply this term to him. “He had the mind though not the fate of a martyr.” “Non
defuit animus martyrio,” &c. [Jerome and Cyprian.] Through ignorance of the meaning of the
word μαρτυρ, in this peculiar application to John, the learned Haenlein seems to me to have
fallen into an error on the opinion of these Fathers about his mode of death. In speaking of
the general testimony as to the quiet death of this apostle, Haenlein says: “But Chrysostom,
only in one ambiguous passage, (Homily 63 in Matthew) and his follower Theophylact,
number the Apostle John among the martyrs.” [Haenlein’s Einleitung in Neuen Testamentes
vol. III. chap. vi. § 1, p. 168.] The fact is, that not only these two, but several other Fathers,
use the term in application to John, and they all do it without any implication of an actual,
fatal martyrdom; as may be seen by a reference to Suicer, sub voc.
So little reverence have the critical, even among the Romanists, for any of these old
stories about John’s adventures, that the sagacious Abbot Facditius (quoted by Lampe)
quite turns these matters into a jest. Coupling this story with the one about John’s chaste
celibacy, (as supported by the monachists,) he says, in reference to the latter, that if John
made out to preserve his chastity uncontaminated among such a people as the Jews were,
in that most corrupt age, he should consider it a greater miracle than if John had come safe
out of the kettle of boiling oil; but on the reverend Abbot’s sentiment, perhaps many will
remark with Lampe,――“quod pronuntiatum tamen nimis audax est.”――“It is rather too
bold to pronounce such an opinion.” Nevertheless, such a termination of life would be so
much in accordance with the standard mode of dispatching an apostle, that they would
never have taken him out of the oil-kettle, except for the necessity of sending him to
Patmos, and dragging him on through multitudes of odd adventures yet to come. So we
might then have had the satisfaction of winding up his story, in the literal and happy
application of the words of a certain venerable poetical formula for the conclusion of a
nursery tale, which here makes not only rhyme but reason,――
his banishment.
patmos.
The place chosen for his banishment was a dreary desert island in
the Aegean sea, called Patmos. It is situated among that cluster of
islands, called the Sporades, about twenty miles from the Asian
coast, and thirty or forty southwest of Ephesus. It is at this day
known by the observation of travelers, to be a most remarkably
desolate place, showing hardly anything but bare rocks, on which a
few poor inhabitants make but a wretched subsistence. In this
insulated desert the aged apostle was doomed to pass the lonely
months, far away from the enjoyments of Christian communion and
social intercourse, so dear to him, as the last earthly consolation of
his life. Yet to him, his residence at Ephesus was but a place of exile.
Far away were the scenes of his youth and the graves of his fathers.
“The shore whereon he loved to dwell,”――the lake on whose
waters he had so often sported or labored in the freshness of early
years, were still the same as ever, and others now labored there, as
he had done ere he was called to a higher work. But the homes of
his childhood knew him no more forever, and rejoiced now in the
light of the countenances of strangers, or lay in blackening
desolation beneath the brand of a wasting invasion. The waters and
the mountains were there still,――they are there now; but that which
to him constituted all their reality was gone then, as utterly as now.
The ardent friends, the dear brother, the faithful father, the fondly
ambitious and loving mother,――who made up his little world of life,
and joy, and hope,――where were they? All were gone; even his
own former self was gone too, and the joys, the hopes, the thoughts,
the views of those early days, were buried as deeply as the friends
of his youth, and far more irrevocably than they. Cut off thus utterly
from all that once excited the earthly and merely human emotions
within him, the whole world was alike a desert or a home, according
as he found in it communion with God, and work for his remaining
energies, in the cause of Christ. Wherever he went, he bore about
with him his resources of enjoyment,――his home was within
himself; the friends of his youth and manhood were still before him in
the ever fresh images of their glorious examples; the brother of his
heart was near him always, and nearest now, when the persecutions
of imperial tyranny seemed to draw him towards a sympathetic
participation in the pains and the glories of that bloody death. The
Lord of his life, the author of his hopes, the guide of his youth, the
cherisher of his spirit, was over and around him ever, with the
consolations of his promised presence,――“with him always, even to
the end of the world.”
the apocalypse.
The points proper for inquiry in connection with a history of the life
of John, may be best arranged in the form of questions with their
answers severally following.
Many will doubtless feel disposed to question the propriety of thus bringing out, in a
popular book, inquiries which have hitherto, by a sort of common consent, been confined to
learned works, and wholly excluded from such as are intended to convey religious
knowledge to ordinary readers. The principle has been sometimes distinctly specified and
maintained, that some established truths in exegetical theology, must needs be always kept
among the arcana of religious knowledge, for the eyes and ears of the learned few, to whom
“it is given to know these mysteries;” “but that to them that are without,” they are ever to
remain unknown. This principle is often acted on by the theologians of Germany and
England, so that a distinct line seems to be drawn between an exoteric and an esoteric
doctrine,――a public and a private belief,――the latter being the literal truth, while the
former is such a view of things, as suits the common religious prejudices of the mass of
hearers and readers. But such is not the free spirit of true Protestantism; nor is any deceitful
doctrine of “accommodation” accordant with the open, single-minded honesty of apostolic
teachings. Taking from the persons who are the subjects of this history, something of their
simple freedom of word and action, for the reader’s benefit, several questions will be boldly
asked, and as boldly answered, on the authorship, the scope, and character of the
Apocalypse. And first, on the present personal question in hand, a spirit of tolerant regard
for opinions discordant with those of some readers, perhaps may be best learned, by
observing into what uncertainties the minds of the greatest and most devout of theologians,
and of the mighty founders of the Protestant faith, have been led on this very point.
The great Michaelis (Introduction to the New Testament, vol. IV. c. xxxiii. § 1.) apologizes
for his own doubts on the Apocalypse, justifying himself by the similar uncertainty of the
immortal Luther; and the remarks of Michaelis upon the character of the persons to whom
Luther thus boldly published his doubts, will be abundantly sufficient to justify the discussion
of such darkly deep matters, to the readers of the Lives of the Apostles.
Not only Martin Luther as here quoted by Michaelis, but the other great reformers of that
age, John Calvin and Ulric Zwingle, boldly expressed their doubts on this book, which more
modern speculators have made so miraculously accordant with anti-papal notions. Their
learned cotemporary, Erasmus, also, and the critical Joseph Scaliger, with other great
names of past ages, have contributed their doubts, to add a new mark of suspicion to the
Apocalypse.
“As it is not improbable that this cautious method of proceeding will give offense to some
of my readers, I must plead in my behalf the example of Luther, who thought and acted
precisely in the same manner. His sentiments on this subject are delivered, not in an
occasional dissertation on the Apocalypse, but in the preface to his German translation of it,
a translation designed not merely for the learned, but for the illiterate, and even for children.
In the preface prefixed to that edition, which was printed in 1522, he expressed himself in
very strong terms. In this preface he says: ‘In this book of the Revelation of St. John, I leave
it to every person to judge for himself: I will bind no man to my opinion; I say only what I
feel. Not one thing only fails in this book; so that I hold it neither for apostolical, nor
prophetical. First and chiefly, the apostles do not prophesy in visions, but in clear and plain
words, as St. Peter, St. Paul, and Christ in the gospel do. It is moreover the apostle’s duty to
speak of Christ and his actions in a simple way, not in figures and visions. Also no prophet
of the Old Testament, much less of the New, has so treated throughout his whole book of
nothing but visions: so that I put it almost in the same rank with the fourth book of Esdras,
and cannot any way find that it was dictated by the Holy Ghost. Lastly, let every one think of
it what his own spirit suggests. My spirit can make nothing out of this book; and I have
reason enough not to esteem it highly, since Christ is not taught in it, which an apostle is
above all things bound to do, as he says, (Acts i.) Ye are my witnesses. Therefore I abide by
the books which teach Christ clearly and purely.’
“But in that which he printed in 1534, he used milder and less decisive expressions. In
the preface to this later edition, he divides prophecies into three classes, the third of which
contains visions, without explanations of them; and of these he says: ‘As long as a
prophecy remains unexplained and has no determinate interpretation, it is a hidden silent
prophecy, and is destitute of the advantages which it ought to afford to Christians. This has
hitherto happened to the Apocalypse: for though many have made the attempt, no one to
the present day, has brought any thing certain out of it, but several have made incoherent
stuff out of their own brain. On account of these uncertain interpretations, and hidden
senses, we have hitherto left it to itself, especially since some of the ancient Fathers
believed that it was not written by the apostle, as is related in Lib. III. Church History. In this
uncertainty we, for our part, still let it remain: but do not prevent others from taking it to be
the work of St. John the apostle, if they choose. And because I should be glad to see a
certain interpretation of it, I will afford to other and higher spirits occasion to reflect.’
“Still however, he declared he was not convinced that the Apocalypse was canonical,
and recommended the interpretation of it to those who were more enlightened than himself.
If Luther then, the author of our reformation, thought and acted in this manner, and the
divines of the last two centuries still continued, without the charge of heresy, to print
Luther’s preface to the Apocalypse, in the editions of the German Bible of which they had
the superintendence, surely no one of the present age ought to censure a writer for the
avowal of similar doubts. Should it be objected that what was excusable in Luther would be
inexcusable in a modern divine, since more light has been thrown on the subject than there
had been in the sixteenth century, I would ask in what this light consists. If it consists in
newly discovered testimonies of the ancients, they are rather unfavorable to the cause; for
the canon of the Syrian church, which was not known in Europe when Luther wrote, decides
against it. On the other hand, if this light consists in a more clear and determinate
explanation of the prophecies contained in the Apocalypse, which later commentators have
been able to make out, by the aid of history, I would venture to appeal to a synod of the
latest and most zealous interpreters of it, such as Vitringa, Lange, Oporin, Heumann, and
Bengel, names which are free from all suspicion; and I have not the least doubt, that at
every interpretation which I pronounced unsatisfactory, I should have at least three voices
out of the five in my favor. At all events they would never be unanimous against me, in the
places where I declared that I was unable to perceive the new light, which is supposed to
have been thrown on the subject since the time of Luther.
“I admit that Luther uses too harsh expressions, where he speaks of the epistle of St.
James, though in a preface not designed for Christians of every denomination: but his
opinion of the Apocalypse is delivered in terms of the utmost diffidence, which are well
worthy of imitation. And this is so much the more laudable, as the Apocalypse is a book,
which Luther’s opposition to the church of Rome must have rendered highly acceptable to
him, unless he had thought impartially, and had refused to sacrifice his own doubts to
polemical considerations.”
To pretend to decide with certainty on a point, which Martin Luther boldly denied, and
which John David Michaelis modestly doubted, implies neither superior knowledge of the
truth, nor a more holy reverence for it; but rather marks a mere presumptuous self-
confidence, and an ignorant bigotry, arising from the prejudices of education. Yet from the
deep researches of the latter of these writers, and of other exegetical theologians since,
much may be drawn to support the view taken in the text of this Life of John, which is
accordant with the common notion of its authorship. The quotation just given, however, is
valuable as inculcating the propriety of hesitation and moderation in pronouncing upon
results.
The testimony of the Fathers, on the authenticity of the Apocalypse as a work of John,
the apostle, may be very briefly alluded to here. The full details of this important evidence
may be found by the scholar in J. D. Michaelis’s Introduction to the New Testament (Vol. IV.
c. xxxiii. § 2.) Hug’s Introduction to the New Testament (Vol. II. § 176.) Lardner’s Credibility
of Gospel History (Supplement, chapter 22.) Fabricii Bibliotheca Graeca. (Harles’s 4to.
edition with Keil’s, Kuinoel’s, Gurlitt’s, and Heyne’s notes, vol. IV. pp. 786‒795,
corresponding to vol. III. pp. 146‒149, of the first edition.) Lampe, Prolegomena to a
Johannine Theology.
Justin Martyr (A. D. 140,) is the first who mentions this book. He says, “A man among
us, named John, one of the apostles of Christ, has, in a revelation which was made to him,
prophesied,” &c. Melito (A. D. 177.) is quoted by Eusebius and by Jerome, as having written
a treatise on the Revelation. He was bishop of Sardis, one of the seven churches, and his
testimony would be therefore highly valuable, if it were certain whether he wrote for or
against the authenticity of the work. Probably he was for it, since he calls it “the Apocalypse
of John,” in the title of his treatise, and the silence of Eusebius about the opinion of Melito
may fairly be construed as showing that he did not write against it. Irenaeus, (A. D. 178,)
who in his younger days was acquainted with Polycarp, the disciple and personal friend of
John, often quotes this book as “the Revelation of John, the disciple of the Lord.” And in
another place, he says, “It was seen not long ago, almost in our own age, at the end of the
reign of Domitian.” This is the most direct and valuable kind of testimony which the writings
of the Fathers can furnish on any point in apostolic history; for Irenaeus here speaks from
personal knowledge, and, as will be hereafter shown, throws great light on the darkest
passage in the Apocalypse, by what he had heard from those persons who had seen John
himself, face to face, and who heard these things from his own lips. Theophilus of Antioch,
(A. D. 181,)――Clemens of Alexandria, (A. D. 194,――Tertullian of Carthage, (A. D.
200,)――Apollonius of Ephesus, (A. D. 211,)――Hippolytus of Italy, (A. D. 220,)――Origen
of Alexandria and Caesarea, (A. D. 230,)――all received and quoted it as a work of John
the apostle, and some testify very fully as to the character of the evidence of its authenticity,
received from their predecessors and from the contemporaries of John.
But from about the middle of the third century, it fell under great suspicion of being the
production of some person different from the apostle John. Having been quoted by
Cerinthus and his disciples, (a set of Gnostical heretics, in the first century,) in support of
their views, it was, by some of their opponents, pronounced to be a fabrication of Cerinthus
himself. At this later period, however, it suffered a much more general condemnation; but
though denied by some to be an apostolic work, it was still almost universally granted to be
inspired. Dionysius of Alexandria, (A. D. 250,) in a book against the Millenarians, who
rested their notions upon the millenial passages of this revelation, has endeavored to make
the Apocalypse useless to them in support of their heresy. This he has done by referring to
the authority of some of his predecessors, who rejected it on account of its maintaining
Cerinthian doctrines. This objection however, has been ably refuted by modern writers,
especially by Michaelis and Hug, both of whom, distinctly show that there are many
passages in the Revelation, so perfectly opposite to the doctrines of Cerinthus, that he
could never have written the book, although he may have been willing to quote from it such
passages as accorded with his notions about a sensual millenium,――as he could in this
way meet those, who did take the book for an inspired writing.
Dionysius himself, however, does not pretend to adopt this view of the authorship of it,
but rather thinks that it was the work of John the presbyter, who lived in Ephesus in the age
of John the apostle, and had probably been confounded with him by the early Fathers. This
John is certainly spoken of by Papias, (A. D. 120,) who knew personally both him and the
apostle; but Papias has left nothing on the Apocalypse, as the work of either of them. (The
substance of the whole argument of Dionysius is very elaborately given and reviewed, by
both Michaelis and Hug.) After this bold attack, the apostolic character of the work seems to
have received much injury among most of the eastern Fathers, and was generally rejected
by both the Syrian and Greek churches, having no place in their New Testament canon.
Eusebius, (A. D. 315,) who gives the first list of the writings of the New Testament, that is
known, divides all books which had ever been offered as apostolical, into three
classes,――the universally acknowledged, (ὁμολογουμενα homologoumena,)――the
disputed, (αντιλεγομενα antilegomena,)――and the spurious, (νοθα notha.) In the first class,
he puts all now received into the New Testament, except the epistle to the Hebrews, the
epistles of James and Jude, the second of Peter, the second and third of John, and the
Revelation. These exceptions he puts into the second, or disputed class, along with sundry
writings now universally considered apocryphal. Eusebius says also, “It is likely that the
Revelation was seen by John the presbyter, if not by John the apostle.”――Cyril of
Jerusalem, (A. D. 348,) in his catalogue of the Scriptures, does not allow this a place.
Epiphanius of Salamis, in Cyprus, (A. D. 368,) though himself receiving it as of apostolic
origin, acknowledged that others in his time rejected it. The council of Laodicea, (A. D. 363,)
sitting in the seat of one of the seven churches, did not give the Revelation a place among
the sacred writings of the New Testament, though their list includes all others now received.
Gregory, of Nazianzus, in Cappadocia, (A. D. 370,) gives a catalogue of the canonical
scriptures, but excludes the Revelation. Amphilochius, of Iconium, in Lycaonia, (A. D. 370,)
in mentioning the canonical scriptures, says, “The Revelation of John is approved by some;
but many say it is spurious.” The scriptural canon of the Syrian churches rejects it, even as
given by Ebed Jesu, in 1285; nor was it in the ancient Syriac version completed during the
first century; but the reason for this may be, that the Revelation was not then
promulgated.――Jerome of Rome, (A. D. 396,) receives it, as do all the Latin Fathers; but
he says, “the Greek churches reject it.”――Chrysostom (A. D. 398,) never quotes it, and is
not supposed to have received it. Augustin, of Africa, (A. D. 395,) receives it, but says that it
was not received by all in his time. Theodoret, (A. D. 423,) of Syria, and all the ecclesiastics
of that country, reject it also.
The result of all this evidence is, as will be observed by glancing over the dates of the
Fathers quoted, that, until the year 250, no writer can be found who scrupled to receive the
Apocalypse as the genuine work of John the apostle,――that the further back the Fathers
are, the more explicit and satisfactory is their testimony in its favor,――and that the fullest of
all, is that of Irenaeus, who had his information from Polycarp, the most intimate and
beloved disciple of John himself. Now, where the evidence is not of the ordinary cumulative
character, growing weighty, like a snowball, the farther it travels from its original starting-
place, but as here, is strongest at the source,――it may justly be pronounced highly
valuable, and an eminent exception to the usual character of such historical proofs, which,
as has been plentifully shown already in this book, are too apt to come “but-end first,” as the
investigator travels from the last to the first. It will be observed also, by a glance at the
places where these Fathers flourished, that all those who rejected the Apocalypse belonged
to the eastern section of the churches, including both the Greeks and the Syrians, while
the western churches, both the Europeans and Latino-Africans, adopted the Apocalypse
as an apostolic writing. This is not so fortunate a concurrence as that of the dates, since the
easterns certainly had better means of investigating such a point than the westerns. A
reason may be suggested for this, in the circumstance, that the Cerinthians and other
heretics, who were the occasion of the first rejection of the Apocalypse, annoyed only the
eastern churches, and thus originated the mischief only among them. Lampe, Michaelis and
others, indeed, quote Caius of Rome, as a solitary exception to this geographical
distribution of the difficulty, but Paulus and Hug have shown that the passage in Caius, to
which they refer, has been misapprehended, as the scholar may see by a reference to
Hug’s Introduction to the New Testament, vol. II. pp. 647‒650, [Wait’s translation,] pp. 593‒
596, [original.] There is something in Jerome too, which implies that some of the Latins, in
his time, were beginning to follow the Greek fashion of rejecting this book, but he scouts this
new notion, and says he shall stick to the old standard canon.
The internal evidence is also so minutely protracted in its character, that only a bare
allusion to it can be here permitted, and reference to higher and deeper sources of
information, on such an exegetical point, may be made for the benefit of the scholar.
Lampe, Wolf, Michaelis, Mill, Eichhorn and others, quoted by Fabricius, [Bibliotheca
Graeca, vol. IV. p. 795, note 46.] Hug and his English translator, Dr. Wait, are also full on
this point.
This evidence consists for the most part in a comparison of passages in this book with
similar ones in the other writings of John, more especially his gospel. Wetstein, in particular,
has brought together many such parallelisms, some of which are so striking in the peculiar
expressions of John, and yet so merely accidental in their character, as to afford most
satisfactory evidence to the nicest critics, of the identity of authorship. A table of these
coincidences is given from Wetstein, by Wait, Hug’s translator, (p. 636, note.) Yet on this
very point,――the style,――the most serious objection to the Apocalypse, as a work of the
author of John’s gospel, has always been founded;――the rude, wild, thundering sublimity
of the vision of Patmos, presenting such a striking contrast with the soft, love-teaching, and
beseeching style of the gospel and the epistles of John. But such objectors have forgotten
or overlooked the immense difference between the circumstances under which these works
were suggested and composed. Their period, their scene, their subject, their object, were all
widely removed from each other, and a thoughtful examination will show, that writings of
such widely various scope and tendency could not well have less striking differences, than
those observable between this and the other writings of John. In such a change of
circumstances, the structure of sentences, the choice of words, and the figures of speech,
could hardly be expected to show the slightest similarity between works, thus different in
design, though by the same author. But in the minuter peculiarities of language, certain
favorite expressions of the author,――particular associations of words, such as a forger
could never hit upon in that uninventive age,――certain personal views and sentiments on
trifling points, occasionally modifying the verbal forms of ideas――these and a multitude of
other characteristics, making up that collection of abstractions which is called an author’s
style,――all quite beyond the reach of an imitator, but presenting the most valuable and
honest tests to the laborious critic,――constitute a series of proofs in this case, which none
can fully appreciate but the investigators and students themselves.