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GLOBAL ETHICS SERIES
S e r i e s E d i t o r : C h r i s t i e n va n d e n A n k e r
BILATERAL COOPERATION
AND HUMAN TRAFFICKING
ERADICATING MODERN SLAVERY BETWEEN
THE UNITED KINGDOM AND NIGERIA
MAY IKEORA
“This unique publication uncovers a whole new wealth of knowledge about human
trafficking between Nigeria and the UK. It combines strong cultural intelligence
with in-depth academic analysis which is often lacking in much of cross-country
anti-trafficking literature. The difference in perceptions by state actors in Nigeria
and the UK in relation to what constitutes ‘human trafficking’—be it in terms of
culture, human rights, immigration, economic or social factors—has been a huge
barrier in efforts to address this twenty-first-century catastrophe which in my view
is worsening by the day. The debate around ‘consent’ in relation to children,
women in prostitution and the special status of men as improbable victims of
human trafficking erode the ability of states and non-governmental organisations
(NGOs) to devise the right policies and intervention to support victims, especially
in source countries like Nigeria. Whereas little efforts are made in Nigeria in rela-
tion to prevention and protection, the author makes an important, often over-
looked point that state actors might view human trafficking as a social but more
importantly an economic tool to supplement the country’s statutory welfare role
rather than as a human rights or even human-centred issue propagated by Western
countries like the UK—only when it is convenient to do so. The lack of a powerful
anti-trafficking movement in Nigeria has been a huge barrier to counter the above
misconception about the role of the Nigerian state in addressing human traffick-
ing—with much of the lobbying done outside, either by diaspora-based organisa-
tions or other international NGOs. The author’s recommendation for a more
human-centred approach by both countries to tackle human trafficking is a posi-
tive one. This calls for more pro-active efforts by both state parties. I hope we will
get to the point where the welfare of people, including foreign victims, is seen
more in the national interest, rather than as an immigration inconvenience, or a
false economic response to poverty alleviation.”
—Debbie Ariyo OBE, CEO of AFRUCA UK
“Over the years, Edo State has maintained the reputation of being the hub for
human trafficking from Nigeria. This is why tackling human trafficking from Edo
State has become a major priority for the Edo State Government. May Ikeora has
done a good job with this book in articulating what makes human trafficking from
Nigeria peculiar but more importantly, the book explores better ways to cooperate
with destination countries. This book has come at a good time as we have just
inaugurated the Edo State Anti-Trafficking Task Force. It will be a useful tool for
anti-trafficking and a reminder for both Nigeria and the UK to revisit their bilateral
relations on this very important issue which needs to be tackled from both ends.
This is a must-read for relevant government officials and frontline workers.”
—His Excellency, Godwin Nogheghase Obaseki,
Governor of Edo State, Nigeria
“Dr Ikeora has written a work that touches at the heart of contemporary security
challenges that confront not only West Africa but also the world at large. It con-
tributes immensely to the literature and discourse on human trafficking in particu-
lar and migration in general. Although written from a human rights and hence
legal perspective, students of international politics, policymakers, multilateral bod-
ies and others will find this groundbreaking work very useful. I strongly recom-
mend it as compulsory reading for students of law and politics.”
—Thomas Jaye, Deputy Director for Research, Faculty of Academic
Affairs and Research (FAAR), Kofi Annan International Peacekeeping
Training Centre (KAIPTC), Ghana
“Over the last few years our world has woken up in shock at the extent at which
modern-day slavery and human trafficking have globally infiltrated our society and
destroyed so many lives. From domestic servitude and labour exploitation to organ
harvesting and sexual exploitation, children and adults have become increasingly
susceptible and vulnerable to this multibillion dollar industry. The state of affairs has
greatly increased the responsibilities of faith and community organisations to sup-
port government efforts to curb the influx of this trade from Nigeria into the UK.
In this timely and well-researched work the author explores the importance of
contextualising the nature and definition of trafficking, ensuring that anti-trafficking
movements are driven with the intention of ensuring the best outcomes for victims
and those at risk. While this is not in direct opposition to a law enforcement frame-
work, the author uses her well-placed understanding of the historical and socio-
cultural backdrop within which trafficking is practiced in Nigeria and the UK to
recommend sustainable solutions that put human beings at the heart of the anti-
trafficking movement. I urge practitioners, policymakers and the public to read,
take inspiration and act. We must all respond to end modern-day slavery today.”
—Rev. Nims Obunge MBE, Her Majesty’s Deputy Lieutenant
for Greater London
Global Ethics
Series editor
Christien van den Anker
Department of Politics
University of the West of England
Bristol, UK
Global Ethics as a field builds on traditions of ethical reflection about
(global) society and discusses ethical approaches to global issues. These
include but are not limited to issues highlighted by the process of globali-
sation (in the widest sense) and increasing multiculturalism. They also
engage with migration, the environment, poverty and inequality, peace
and conflict, human rights, global citizenship, social movements, and
global governance. Despite fluid boundaries between fields, Global Ethics
can be clearly marked out by its multidisciplinary approach, its interest in
a strong link between theory, policy and practice and its inclusion of a
range of work from strictly normative to more empirical. Books in this
series provide a specific normative approach, a taxonomy, or an ethical
position on a specific issue in Global Ethics through empirical work. They
explicitly engage with Global Ethics as a field and position themselves in
regard to existing debates even when outlining more local approaches or
issues. The Global Ethics series has been designed to reach beyond a lib-
eral cosmopolitan agenda and engage with contextualism as well as struc-
tural analyses of injustice in current global politics and its disciplining
discourses.
Bilateral Cooperation
and Human
Trafficking
Eradicating Modern Slavery between the
United Kingdom and Nigeria
May Ikeora
London, UK
Global Ethics
ISBN 978-3-319-62824-0 ISBN 978-3-319-62825-7 (eBook)
https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-62825-7
ix
x Contents
Appendix 263
Bibliography 271
Index 287
Acronyms and Abbreviations
AU African Union
AVRIM Assisted Voluntary Return of Irregular Migrants
CAT Convention against Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman or
Degrading Treatment
CATW Coalition Against Trafficking in Women
CEOP Child Exploitation and Online Protection
CEPOL Contributing to European Police Cooperation through Learning
COSUDOW Committee for the Support of the Dignity of Women
CRA Child Rights Act
CRC Convention on the Rights of the Child
CSOs Civil Society Organisations
CTAC Child Trafficking Advice Centre
DfID Department for International Development
ECHR European Convention of Human Rights
ECOWAS Economic Community of West African States
EEA European Economic Area
EFCC Economic and Financial Crimes Commission
EU European Union
FCO Foreign and Commonwealth Office
FOI Freedom of Information
GAATW Global Alliance Against Traffic in Women
GLA Gangmasters Licensing Authority
GPI Girl Power Initiative
HST Hegemonic Stability Theory
IATT International Agency Task Team on Anti-Corruption
ICCPR International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights
xi
xii ACRONYMS AND ABBREVIATIONS
Three major elements emerge from this definition. First, the ‘act’, which
stipulates what was done; second, the ‘means’, which simply illustrates
how it was done. The means is omitted in a situation where a child is
involved4; and third, the ‘purpose’, which specifies why it was done.
Whilst it is crucial to know these key elements, identifying human traffick-
ing is not that simplistic. In reality, it is often difficult to build a case out
of these elements as situations that amount to trafficking are subtle and
may not have clear links, which makes proving human trafficking difficult
4 M. IKEORA
On a Global Scale
Determining the actual estimate of human trafficking has always been dif-
ficult and that has not changed until date. However, the fact still remains
that the trafficking of human beings is the fastest growing means by which
people are enslaved, the fastest growing international crime and one of the
largest sources of income for organised crime. Human trafficking is the
second largest source of illegal income after drugs trafficking.14 According
to UNICEF, 1.2 million children are trafficked every year. A 2007 report
by the US Department of State Trafficking in Persons estimated that
600,000 to 800,000 men, women and children are trafficked across bor-
ders each year, of which 80% are women and girls.
Another report by the ILO in 2012 estimated that at least 20.9 million
people are victims of forced labour worldwide. Given the evolving nature
of human trafficking and the effect of globalisation in ensuring ease in
functioning across borders, the numbers of those who are victims are
equally growing. Till date, an accurate estimate of the global scale of
human trafficking is non-existent. One cannot deny the difficulty involved
in ascertaining quantitative data in this subject area, where the nature of
the crime is in itself hidden. Despite the limitation of statistics in this
regard, the human experience is paramount across all the various forms
through which human trafficking manifests.
6 M. IKEORA
Domestic Servitude
Although sometimes explored separately, domestic servitude often falls
under forced labour where victims are forced to work in private house-
holds. Work often includes being forced to perform household tasks such
as housekeeping and childcare for little or no pay. Sometimes, the victims
have restricted access to movement outside the home where they work.
Children usually fall within this category of exploitation and the pattern
often differs across cultures.26 In many circumstances, they experience
physical violence at the hands of their employers and in extreme cases,
sexual abuse. The Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe
(OSCE) refers to domestic servitude as “an invisible form of exploitation
which is extremely difficult to detect due to the hidden nature of the work
provided”.27 As a result, domestic servitude cases often go undetected,
thereby lacking substantial data.
8 M. IKEORA
The Institute for the Study of International Migration (ISIM) found that,
among other gaps in the research on human trafficking, there has been a
limited understanding of the characteristics of victims and their trafficking
trajectories; poor understanding of the operations of traffickers and their
networks; and lack of evaluative research on the effectiveness of govern-
mental anti-trafficking policies and the efficacy of rescue programs.37 This
ISIM report contends that filling these research gaps is pertinent to articu-
lating a more inclusive anti-trafficking approach. Similarly, scholars such as
Bales insist that research in this area should shift from a narrative gauge to
generating better ways to end today’s slavery.38 Quirk also stresses the
timeliness of the latter, supporting the notion that pursuing effective anti-
trafficking measures should be the way forward. Quirk adds that this is the
‘right time’ for scholars to exhaust in-depth research exploring effective
ways to tackle the trafficking of human beings.39
Combating trafficking has also become an increasingly important prior-
ity for many state governments and relevant stakeholders around the
world. As a result, global measures have been put in place to address the
problem. These measures have commenced with the establishment of an
10 M. IKEORA
and Western states, which are usually the major source and destination
states, respectively. It is still uncertain as to how states with different iden-
tities—and therefore, different interests—will cooperate in the issue area
where they have a diverse outlook on the issue even though they abide by
the same international anti-trafficking law. This essentially also questions
how states can cooperate beyond the existing legal parameters in order to
address existing realities across their borders, as previously indicated. In
order to promote and enhance interstate cooperation within this issue
area, the Organise Crime Convention made provisions for the monitoring
of states through the establishment of the Conference of Parties (CoP).45
Even with existing monitoring mechanisms (through the European Union
[EU], United States [USA] and the United Nations) to assess the extent
to which states have implemented the 3Ps of anti-trafficking, there has
been little or no attention in terms of assessing how states cooperate bilat-
erally. Anti-trafficking does not only require state responsibilities within its
territory, but also require shared efforts in addressing the problem across
their borders.46 According to the IOM, there have been few independent
evaluations of counter-trafficking measures and the assessments of the real
effectiveness and impact of existing interventions.47
It is against the backdrop of this existing lacuna in the literature explor-
ing anti-trafficking that this book focuses on assessing the extent to which
Nigeria and the UK have cooperated in suppressing human trafficking. As
opposed to many monitoring mechanisms that give a general assessment
of individual states, this study focuses on contextualising the case study
alongside the process of trafficking vis-à-vis its mode of operation. Nigeria
and the UK are source, transit and destination countries. However, within
this study, Nigeria is explored within the context of a source country and
the UK, as a destination country. Their efforts in addressing human traf-
ficking across their territory are explored as a continuum to international
cooperation beyond internalising the legal norms of anti-trafficking. This
study, while supportive of a human rights framework in addressing human
trafficking, also proposes a human-centred approach that addresses the
sociocultural gaps in fulfilling the rights of those affected or at risk of traf-
ficking. Trafficking from Nigeria presents a real case for the current socio-
cultural peculiarities that hinder efforts to address trafficking and human
rights therein. More so, the link between Nigeria and the UK in the opera-
tion of trafficking is one that has not received warranted attention despite
the prevalence of trafficking between both countries.
12 M. IKEORA
control of their traffickers and forces them to protect the identity of their
traffickers. This control mechanism as seen with Nigerian cases stems from
traditional ‘life threatening’ oath-taking rituals performed on victims from
Nigeria usually during the recruitment process. Hence, these victims are
unable to give evidence to support their identification process through the
NRM. The inability of trafficked persons from Nigeria to give the required
evidence that would help to formally confirm their status as victims as well
as the inability of UK practitioners to understand these traditional/cul-
tural control mechanisms has led to the denial of rights assigned to traf-
ficked persons.
The element of traditional oath-taking ritual associated with trafficking
from Nigeria and the lack of understanding of the element by UK stake-
holders has made anti-trafficking more challenging. Such a challenge has
constrained the human rights of these victims as they are only entitled to
protection in the UK after a positive conclusive ground decision by the
NRM is achieved.54 Without the proper identification of victims, there is a
possibility for criminalisation where some of these victims have committed
crimes out of duress. The latter has often led to the detention and depor-
tation of trafficked victims. Furthermore, the lack of identification also
potentially hinders investigations and the prosecution of traffickers.
Altogether, this challenges the quest to counter trafficking, as the denial of
human rights becomes a hindrance towards developing clearer measures
for implementing the 3Ps in this context.
In addition, the aforementioned problem is made complex by the poli-
tics attached to anti-trafficking. This is apparent in the approach applied
by states to deal with the issue. From the UK side, the migration approach
currently utilised by its government to address trafficking from non-EU
countries appears to pursue its national interest behind the façade of pro-
tecting rights. Consequently, such an approach has not just done little to
address human trafficking effectively, but has also increased the v ulnerability
of victims and hindered the prosecution of traffickers. As predicated within
international human rights law, the UK has a responsibility to exercise due
diligence in ensuring that persons within its territory are well protected.55
However, scholars such as Hathaway assert that the anti-trafficking legal
regime has allowed for “significant collateral human rights damage” by
gratifying states’ interest in pursuing their border control agenda under
the cover of promoting human rights.56
Nevertheless, such state responsibility does not lie solely on destination
countries but also on source countries. While it is important to protect the
14 M. IKEORA
rights of those already exploited, there is a real danger where source coun-
tries do not cooperate to address the root causes of trafficking. According
to Chuang, “eliminating the ‘vicious cycle’ of trafficking requires an
approach that frames the problem within a broader socioeconomic con-
text while targeting the root causes of the issue”.57 The inability of the
Nigerian government to respect, protect and fulfil the rights of its citizens
has been detrimental not just for the victims but for the countries that will
bear the burden of addressing the exploitation it breeds. It is against this
backdrop that this study offers a deeper understanding of the evolving
concept of trafficking and critically assesses how Nigeria and the UK have
devised measures to tackle the reality of the problem by asking these key
questions.
Research Question: To what extent have Nigeria and the UK cooper-
ated to combat the prevalence of human trafficking across their borders?
Sub-questions
1. How does the different conceptualisation of trafficking impinge
upon the policies put in place to address trafficking?
2. To what extent has the anti-trafficking regime made provisions for
tackling human trafficking and enabling cooperation amongst states?
3. What is the MO of trafficking between Nigeria and the UK?
4. Based on the current MO of human trafficking between Nigeria and
the UK, how have both countries effectively addressed the problem
that trafficking presents across their borders?
Fieldwork/Interviews
Fieldwork took place in two locations (the UK and Nigeria) and com-
menced in July 2011 and continued till July 2012, with some follow-up
interviews in 2017 to update previous findings. Specifically, fieldwork in
Nigeria took place in three states for strategic reasons—Edo state, for its
prominence as a source of trafficked persons; Lagos, prominent for its
international migratory route; Abuja, where major organisations and gov-
ernment agencies relevant to this study reside. The research had to employ
a sampling process so that data collection was more targeted to key infor-
mants for this research. This study targeted law enforcement/criminal jus-
tice authorities, social workers, NGOs, survivors/victims of human
trafficking, amongst other frontline workers in both the UK and Nigeria.
16 M. IKEORA
These target groups were crucial to gathering the needed data for this
study through semi-structured interviews.
However, not all these targets were accessible or easy to reach. As one
can imagine, one of the most challenging factors when researching in the
field of human trafficking is that most of the population relevant to the
study constitutes so-called hidden population.61 In order to reach these
respondents, a snowball sampling or chain referral sampling seemed
appropriate. This non-probabilistic sampling technique was used within
this study to identify potential subjects, especially where subjects were
hard to locate.62 In order to reduce selection bias inherent in this method,
multiple entry points for snowball initiation were utilised to reduce reli-
ance on some key respondents.63
Forty-six respondents were interviewed for this study using semi-
structured interview technique. Almost all interviews were tape-recorded
and transcribed accordingly. After every interview, the interviewee signs a
consent form. Despite the number of potential key respondents identified
for interview, this study was not able to reach most of the respondents due
to last-minute cancellations, no response, while some just declined a meet-
ing due to the time consumption of speaking to research students. In
some instances, responses from key respondents have been significantly
delayed. The process of carrying out interviews in Nigeria was a typical
case. Even though meetings with respondents in Nigeria were well
arranged prior to arriving in Nigeria, there were significant glitches in
keeping to the fieldwork plan. Fieldwork in Nigeria was not short of inci-
dences of redundant protocols in accessing some government institutions
that were not only time-consuming, but also capital-intensive.
As predicted, identifying survivors/victims for interview was difficult
due to various reasons, mainly around ethics. Most of the victims in the
care of some NGOs were still in their recovery period, during which time
they were bombarded with all manners of enquirers including law enforce-
ment authorities. NGOs that support them [i.e. the victim] were sceptical
towards adding more researchers to the equation. The researcher was able
to identify some Nigerian adult survivors in the UK who were no longer
in the formal care system. In order to ensure a more representative data
collection from victims, case laws files and second-hand victims’ testimo-
nies from reports were substituted. In Nigeria, the researcher was able to
speak to some survivors of human trafficking repatriated back to Nigeria,
but could not identify any survivors returned from the UK. Notwithstanding,
interviewing these survivors in Nigeria provided an insight into the repa-
triation process in Nigeria relevant for data analysis.
Another random document with
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fishing as a business. Other idle conjectures about his occupation
and rank might be multiplied from most anciently and venerably
foolish authorities; but let the dust of ages sleep on the prosy
guesses of the Gregories, of Chrysostom, Augustin, and their
reverential copyists in modern times. There is too much need of
room in this book, for the detail and discussion of truth, to allow
paper to be wasted on baseless conjectures, or impudent
falsehoods.
his apostleship.
There is a dim relic of a story, of quite ancient date, that after the
dispersion of the apostles, he went to Arabia, and preached there till
his death. This is highly probable, because it is well known that many
of the Jews, more particularly after the destruction of Jerusalem,
settled along the eastern coasts of the Red sea, where they were
continued for centuries. Nothing can be more reasonable then, than
to suppose that after the wasting fury of invasion had desolated the
city and the land of their fathers, many of the Christian Jews too,
went forth to seek a new home in the peaceful regions of Arabia
Felix; and that with them also went forth this true Israelite without
guile, to devote the rest of his life to apostolic labors, in that distant
country, where those of his wandering brethren, who had believed in
Christ, would so much need the support and counsel of one of the
divinely commissioned ministers of the gospel. Those Israelites too,
who still continued unbelievers, would present objects of importance,
in the view of the apostle. All the visible glories of the ancient
covenant had departed; and in that distant land, with so little of the
chilling influence of the dogmatical teachers of the law around them,
they would be the more readily led to the just appreciation of a
spiritual faith, and a simple creed.
All the testimony which antiquity affords on this point, is simply this:――Eusebius
(Church History, V. 10,) says, in giving the life of Pantaenus of Alexandria, (who lived about
A. D. 180,) that this enterprising Christian philosopher penetrated, in his researches and
travels, as far as to the inhabitants of India. It has been shown by Tillemont, Asseman and
Michaelis, that this term, in this connection, means Arabia Felix, one part of whose
inhabitants were called Indians, by the Hebrews, the Syrians and the early ecclesiastical
historians. Eusebius relates that Pantaenus there found the gospel of Matthew, in Hebrew,
and that the tradition among these people was, that Bartholomew, one of the twelve
apostles, had formerly preached there, and left this gospel among them. This tradition being
only a hundred years old when Pantaenus heard it, ranks among those of rather
respectable character.
On the question of Matthew’s identity with Levi, Michaelis is full. (Introduction, III. iv. 1.)
Fabricius (Bibliotheca Graeca, IV. vii. 2,) discusses the question quite at length, and his
annotators give abundance of references to authors, in detail, in addition, to those
mentioned by himself, in the text.
his call.
his gospel.
In mentioning the Hebrew as the original language of the gospel of Matthew, it should be
noticed, that the dialect spoken by the Jews of the time of Christ and his apostles, was by
no means the language in which the Old Testament was written, and which is commonly
meant by this name at present. The true ancient Hebrew had long before become a dead
language, as truly so as it is now, and as much unknown to the mass of the people, as the
Latin is in Italy, or the Anglo-Saxon in England. Yet the language was still called “the
Hebrew,” as appears from several passages in the New Testament, where the Hebrew is
spoken of as the vernacular language of the Jews of Palestine. It seems proper therefore, to
designate the later Hebrew by the same name which is applied to it by those who spoke it,
and this is still among modern writers the term used for it; but of late, some, especially Hug
and his commentator, Wait, have introduced the name “Aramaic,” as a distinctive title of this
dialect, deriving this term from Aram, the original name of Syria, and the regions around, in
all which was spoken in the time of Christ, this or a similar dialect. This term however, is
quite unnecessary; and I therefore prefer to use here the common name, as above limited,
because it is the one used in the New Testament, and is the one in familiar use, not only
with common readers, but, as far as I know, with the majority of Biblical critics.
Though the evidence that Matthew wrote his gospel in Hebrew, is apparently of the most
uniform, weighty and decisive character, there have been many among the learned, within
the three last centuries, who have denied it, and have brought the best of their learning and
ability to prove that the Greek gospel of Matthew, which is now in the New Testament, is the
original production of his pen; and so skilfully has this modern view been maintained, that
this has already been made one of the most doubtful questions in the history of the canon.
In Germany more particularly, (but not entirely,) this notion has, during the last century, been
strongly supported by many who do not like the idea, that we are in possession only of a
translation of this most important record of sacred history, and that the original is now lost
forever. Those who have more particularly distinguished themselves on this side of the
controversy, are Maius, Schroeder, Masch and Hug, but the great majority of critics still
support the old view.
The earliest evidence for the Hebrew original of Matthew’s gospel, is Papias of
Hierapolis, (as early as A. D. 140,) not long after the times of the apostles, and acquainted
with many who knew them personally. Eusebius (Church History, III. 39,) quotes the words
of Papias, (of which the original is now lost,) which are exactly translated
here:――“Matthew therefore wrote the divine words in the Hebrew language; and every one
translated them as he could.” By which it appears that in the time of Papias there was no
universally acknowledged translation of Matthew’s gospel; but that every one was still left to
his own private discretion, in giving the meaning in Greek from the original Hebrew. The
value of Papias’s testimony on any point connected with the history of the apostles, may be
best learned from his own simple and honest account of his opportunities and efforts to
inquire into their history; (as recorded by Eusebius in a former part of the same chapter.) “If
any person who had ever been acquainted with the elders, came into my company, I
inquired of them the words of the elders;――what Andrew and Peter said?――what
Thomas, and James, and John, and Matthew, and the other disciples of the Lord used to
say?”――All this shows an inquiring, zealous mind, faithful in particulars, and ready in
improving opportunities for acquiring historical knowledge. Yet because in another part of
the works of Eusebius, he is characterized as rather enthusiastic, and very weak in
judgment, more particularly in respect to doctrines, some moderns have attempted to set
aside his testimony, as worth nothing on this simple historical point, the decision of which,
from the direct personal witness of those who had seen Matthew and read his original
gospel, needed no more judgment than for a man to remember his own name. The
argument offered to discredit Papias, is this:――“He believed in a bodily reign of the
Messiah on the earth, during the whole period of the millennium, and for this and some
similar errors, is pronounced by Eusebius, ‘a man of very weak judgment,’――(πανυ σμικρος
τον νουν.) Therefore, he could not have known in what language Matthew wrote.” The
objection certainly is worth something against a man who made such errors as Papias, in
questions where any nice discrimination is necessary, but in a simple effort of a ready
memory, he is as good a witness as though he had the discrimination of a modern skeptical
critic. (In Michaelis’s Introduction to the New Testament, vol. III. c. iv. § 4, is a full discussion
of Papias’s character and testimony, and the objections to them.)
The second witness is Irenaeus, (A. D. 160,) who, however, coupling his testimony with
a demonstrated falsehood, destroys the value which might be otherwise put upon a
statement so ancient as his. His words are quoted by Eusebius, (Church History, V. 8.)
“Matthew published among the Hebrews his gospel, written in their own language, (τῃ ιδιᾳ
αυτων διαλεκτῳ,) while Peter and Paul were preaching Christ at Rome, and laying the
foundations of the church.” This latter circumstance is no great help to the story, after what
has been proved on this point in the notes on Peter’s life; but the critics do not pretend to
attack it on this ground. They urge against it, that as Irenaeus had a great regard for Papias,
and took some facts on his word, he probably took this also from him, with no other
authority,――a guess, which only wants proof, to make it a very tolerable argument. Let
Irenaeus go for what he is worth; there are enough without him.
The third witness is Pantaenus of Alexandria, already quoted in the note on Nathanael’s
life, (p. 363,) as having found this Hebrew gospel still in use, in that language, among the
Jews of Arabia-Felix, towards the end of the second century.
The fourth witness is Origen, (A. D. 230,) whose words on this point are preserved only
in a quotation made by Eusebius, (Church History, VI. 25,) who thus gives them from
Origen’s commentary on Matthew. “As I have learned by tradition concerning the four
gospels, which alone are received without dispute by the church of God under heaven: the
first was written by Matthew, once a tax-gatherer, afterwards an apostle of Jesus Christ,
who published it for the benefit of the Jewish converts, having composed it in the Hebrew
language, &c.” The term, “tradition,” (παραδοσις,) here evidently means something more than
floating, unauthorized information, coming merely by vague hearsay; for to this source only
he refers all his knowledge of the fact, that “the gospel was written by Matthew;” so that, in
fact, we have as good authority in this place, for believing that Matthew wrote in Hebrew, as
we have that he wrote at all. The other circumstances specified, also show clearly, that he
did not derive all his information on this point from Papias, as some have urged; because
this account gives facts which that earlier Father did not mention,――as that it was written
first, and that it was intended for the benefit of the Jewish converts.
The testimony of Jerome [A. D. 395,] is however, so full and explicit, and so valuable
from his character as a Hebrew scholar, that it may well be esteemed of higher importance
to the question, than that of some earlier writers. His words are,――“Matthew composed his
gospel in Hebrew letters and words, but it is not very well known who afterwards translated
it. Moreover, the very Hebrew original itself is preserved even to this day, in the library at
Caesarea, which the martyr Pamphilus, most industriously collected. I also had the
opportunity of copying [describendi] this book by means of the Nazareans in Beroea, a city
of Syria, who use this book.” [Jerome De scriptoribus ecclesiasticis. Vita Matthew.] Another
passage from the same author is valuable testimony to the same purpose,――“Matthew
wrote his gospel in the Hebrew language, principally for the sake of those Jews who
believed in Jesus.”
Now these testimonies, though coming from an authority so late, are of the highest value
when his means of learning the truth are considered. By his own statement it appears that
he had actually seen and examined the original Hebrew gospel of Matthew, or what was
considered to be such, as preserved in the valuable collections of ♦Pamphilus, at a place
within the region for which it was first written. It has been urged that Jerome confounded the
“gospel according to the Hebrews,” an apocryphal book, with the true original of Matthew.
But this is disproved, from the circumstance that Jerome himself translated this apocryphal
gospel from the Hebrew into Latin, while he says that the translator of Matthew was
unknown.
In addition to these authorities from the Fathers, may be quoted the statements
appended to the ancient Syriac and Arabic versions, which distinctly declare that Matthew
wrote in Hebrew. This was also the opinion of all the learned Syrians.
The great argument with which all this evidence is met, (besides discrediting the
witnesses,) is that Matthew ought to have written in Greek, and therefore did. (Matthaeus
Graece scribere debuit. Schubert. Diss. § 24.) This sounds very strangely; that, without any
direct ancient testimony to support the assertion, but a great number of distinct assertions
against it from the very earliest Fathers, moderns should now pronounce themselves better
judges of what Matthew ought to do, than those who were so near to his time, and were so
well acquainted with his design, and all the circumstances under which it was executed. Yet,
strangely as it sounds, an argument of even this presumptuous aspect, demands the most
respectful consideration, more especially from those who have had frequent occasion, on
other points, to notice the very contemptible character of the “testimony of the Fathers.” It
should be noticed however, that, in this case, the argument does not rest on a mere floating
tradition, like many other mooted points in early Christian history, but in most of the
witnesses, is referred to direct personal knowledge of the facts, and, in some cases, to
actual inspection of the original.
It is proper to notice the reasons for thinking that Matthew ought to have written in
Greek, which have influenced such minds as those of Erasmus, Beza, Ittig, Leusden,
Spanheim, LeClerc, Semler, Hug and others, and which have had a decisive weight with
such wonderfully deep Hebrew scholars, as Wagenseil, Lightfoot, John Henry Michaelis,
and Reland. The amount of the argument is, mainly, that the Greek was then so widely and
commonly spoken even in Palestine, as to be the most desirable language for the
evangelist to use in preserving for the benefit of his own countrymen, the record of the life of
Christ. The particulars of the highly elaborate and learned arguments, on which this
assertion has been rested, have filled volumes, nor can even an abstract be allowed here;
but a simple reference to common facts will do something to show to common readers, the
prominent objections to the notion of a Greek original. It is perfectly agreed that the Hebrew
was the ordinary language spoken by Christ, in his teachings, and in all his usual
intercourse with the people around him. That this language was that in which the Jews also
commonly wrote and read at that time, as far as they were able to do either, in any
language, is equally plain. In spite of all that Grecian and Roman conquests could do, the
Jews were still a distinct and peculiar people; nor is there any reason whatever to suppose
that they were any less so in language, than they were in dress, manners, and general
character. He, therefore, who desired to write anything for the benefit of the Jews, as a
nation, would insure it altogether the best attention from them, if it came in a form most
accordant with their national feelings. They would naturally be the first persons whose
salvation would be an object to the apostolic writers, as to the apostolic preachers, and the
feelings of the writer himself, being in some degree influenced by love of his own
countrymen, he would aim first at the direct spiritual benefit of those who were his kindred
according to the flesh. Among all the historical writings of the New Testament, that there
should be not one originally composed in the language of the people among whom the
Savior arose, with whom he lived, talked and labored, and for whom he died, would be very
strange. The fact that a gospel in the Hebrew language was considered absolutely
indispensable for the benefit of the Jewish inhabitants of Palestine, is rendered perfectly
incontestable by the circumstance that those apocryphal gospels which were in common
use among the heretical denominations of that region, were all in Hebrew; and the common
argument, that the Hebrew gospel spoken of by the Fathers was translated into Hebrew
from Matthew’s Greek, is itself an evidence that it was absolutely indispensable that the
Jews should be addressed in writing, in that language alone. The objection, that the Hebrew
original of Matthew was lost so soon, is easily answered by the fact, that the Jews were, in
the course of the few first centuries, driven out of the land of their Fathers so completely, as
to destroy the occasion for any such gospel in their language; for wherever they went, they
soon made the dialect of the country in which they lived, their only medium of
communication, written or spoken.
Fabricius may be advantageously consulted by the scholar for a condensed view of the
question of the original language of Matthew’s gospel, and his references to authorities,
ancient and modern, are numerous and valuable, besides those appended by his
editors.――The most complete argument ever made out in defense of a Greek original, is
that by Hug, in his Introduction, whose history of the progress of Grecian influence and
language in Syria and Palestine, is both interesting and valuable on its own account, though
made the inefficient instrument of supporting an error. He is very ably met by his English
translator, Wait, in the introduction to the first volume. A very strong defense of a Greek
original of Matthew, is also found in a little quarto pamphlet, containing a thesis of a
Goettingen student, on taking his degree in theology, in 1810. (Diss. Crit. Exeg. in serm.
Matt. &c. Auct. Frid. Gul. Schubert.)
This point has been made the subject of more discussion and speculation, within the last
fifty years, among the critical and exegetical theologians of Europe, than any other subject
connected with the New Testament. Those who wish to see the interesting details of the
modes of explaining the coincidences between the three first evangelists, may find much on
this subject in Michaelis’s Introduction to the New Testament, and especially in the
translation by Bishop Marsh, who, in his notes on Vol. III. of Michaelis, has, after a very full
discussion of all previous views of the origin of the gospels, gone on to build one of the
most ingenious speculations on this point that was ever conceived on any subject, but
which, in its very complicated structure, will present a most insuperable objection to its
adoption by the vast majority of even his critical readers; and accordingly, though he has
received universal praise for the great learning and ingenuity displayed in its formation, he
has found few supporters,――perhaps none. His views are fully examined and fairly
discussed, by the anonymous English translator of Dr. F. Schleiermacher’s Commentary on
Luke, in an introductory history of all the German speculations on this subject with which he
has prefaced that work. The historical sketch there given of the progress of opinion on the
sources and materials of the three first gospels, is probably the most complete account of
the whole matter that is accessible in English, and displays a very minute acquaintance with
the German theologians. Hug is also very full on this subject, and also discusses the views
of Marsh and Michaelis. Hug’s translator, Dr. Wait, has given, in an introduction to the first
volume, a very interesting account of these critical controversies, and has large references
to many German writers not referred to by his author. Bertholdt and Bolten, in particular, are
amply quoted and disputed by Wait. Bloomfield also, in the prefaces to the first and second
volumes of his critical Annotations on the New Testament, gives much on the subject that
can hardly be found any where else by a mere English reader. Large references might be
made to the works of the original German writers; but it would require a very protracted
statement, and would be useless to nearly all readers, because those to whom these rare
and deep treasures of sacred knowledge are accessible, are doubtless better able to give
an account of them than I am. It may be worth while to mention, however, that of all those
statements of the facts on this subject with which I am acquainted, none gives a more
satisfactory view, than a little Latin monograph, in a quarto of eighty pages, written by H. W.
Halfeld, (a Goettingen theological student, and a pupil of Eichhorn, for whose views he has
a great partiality,) for the Royal premium. Its title is, “Commentatio de origine quatuor
evangeliorum, et de eorum canonica auctoritate.” (Goettingen, 1796.) The Bibliotheca
Graeca of Fabricius, (Harles’s edition with notes,) contains, in the chapters on the gospels,
very rich references to the learned authors on these points. Lardner, in his History of the
Apostles and Evangelists, takes a learned view of the question, “whether either of the three
evangelists had seen the others’ writings.” This he gives after the lives of all four of the
evangelists, and it may be referred to for a very full abstract of all the old opinions upon the
question. Few of these points have any claim for a discussion in this book, but some things
may very properly be alluded to, in the lives of the other evangelists, where a reference to
their resemblances and common sources, will be essential to the completeness of the
narrative.
The passage containing the prophecy of ♦the death of Zachariah, is in Matthew xxiii. 35;
and that of “the abomination of desolation,” is in xxiv. 15.
This interesting event is recorded by Josephus; (History of Jewish War, IV. v. 4;) and is
one of the numerous instances which show the vast benefit which the Christian student of
the New Testament may derive from the interesting and exact accounts of this Jewish
historian.
This view of these passages and the circumstances to which they refer, with all the
arguments which support the inferences drawn from them, may be found in Hug’s
Introduction, (Vol. II. §4.) He dates Matthew’s gospel much later than most writers do; it
being commonly supposed to have been written in the year 41, or in the year 61. Michaelis
makes an attempt to reconcile these conjectures, by supposing that it was written in Hebrew
by Matthew, in A. D. 41, and translated in 61. But this is a mere guess, for which he does
not pretend to assign a reason, and only says that he “can see no impropriety in supposing
so.” (Introduction, III. iv. 1, 2.)
Eichhorn suggests, that a reason for concluding that Matthew wrote his gospel a long
time after the events which he relates, is implied in the expression used in chap. xxvii. 8,
and xxviii. 15. “It is so called, to this day,”――“It is commonly reported, to this day,”――are
expressions which, to any reader, convey the idea of many years intervening between the
incidents and the time of their narration. In xxvii. 15, also, the explanation which he gives of
the custom of releasing a prisoner to the Jews on the feast-day, implies that the custom had
been so long out of date, as to be probably forgotten by most of his readers, unless their
memories were refreshed by this distinct explanation.