Professional Documents
Culture Documents
Abstrak
1
Borador/draft na isinumite sa isang progresibong journal.
Abstract
Dutertismo dominates the scene: the negative view that focuses on the perception that
the 16th president of the Republic of the Philippines’s ideology is generally neoliberal-
authoritarian, based on his controversial statements and his 8-point economic agenda;
and the positive perspective that focuses on the progressive potentials of the 6th post-
Edsa administration, based on his impressive track record of engaging with progressive
forces in the Philippines. Within this context, this paper is aimed at helping steer
such as labor flexibilization, privatization of social services, low wages, regressive tax
Panimula
boto, sa kabila ng (o marahil ay dahil din sa) mga kontrobersyal niyang pahayag mula
Pope Francis (Ranada, 2015), na nagbunsod sa ilang midyang dayuhan para tawagin
political machinery and his last minute decision to enter the presidential contest, the
irreverent and ‘provinciano’ Duterte was elected the first president from the island of
Mindanao, considered to be the last frontier and backwater of the Philippines. Like a
loose cannon, he badmouthed even Pope Francis, publicly bragged about his
campaign booboos would lead to his sure defeat.” Tuloy ang pagsikat ni Duterte gaya
Para kay David (2016), ang Dutertismo ay tila habi ng “...stories of his frustrating
encounters with a dysfunctional national government and how he deals with these to
the people experience in their daily lives” taglay ang pangakong “...will and leadership to
do what needs to be done—to the point of killing and putting one’s own life on the line.”
authoritarianism combine with the utmost efficiency.” Ayon naman kay Prop. Jose Maria
Sison, lider ng Communist Party of the Philippines (CPP) at chief political consultant ng
National Democratic Front of the Philippines (NDFP), si Duterte’y tila isang pigurang
mala-Hugo Chavez (Tupas, 2015). Kaugnay nito, sa tantya ng CPP (2016), dalawa ang
maaaring tahaking direksyon ng Dutertismo: “...be like Venezuela’s Chavez who stood
state and the arming of the people in Venezuela...” o “...be like Greece’s Tsipras who
defended the welfare state in political debate but who later acceded to IMF and EU
and taps the experience of the resilient progressive people’s movement of the Left, can
sovereignty, for national industrialization, genuine agrarian reform and for an economy
truly controlled by Filipinos. After all, it was Duterte himself who stated during the
campaign that, he is willing to copy an economic and political program if it is for the
good of the poor majority and of the nation. It is the Philippine Left – the legal and
armed Left – that has always consistently advanced an economic and political program
pagpapalaya sa mga bilanggong politikal (Information Bureau of the CPP, 2016). Ang
progresibo (De Dios, 2016), bagamat hindi kasama sa listahang isinumite ng CPP.
Sa ganitong konteksto, ang papel na ito’y naglalayong makapag-ambag sa
Economic Agenda” mula kay Anakpawis Partylist Rep. Fernando “Ka Pando” Hicap
(2016), “Hindi lumingon–a second look? The economics of the Duterte administration” ni
Sonny Africa (2016), executive director ng IBON Foundation, at “What Duterte must do
for workers” ni Sr. Emelina Villegas, ICM, presidente ng board of trustees ng Center for
presidency, contractualization will stop. They have to stop it...we spend so much money
of government and people, ang mga bata, studying sa TESDA. Then they apply and
they are accepted as electrician, carpenter. Ang problema ho, after six months because
ang mga kumpanya, ayaw magbayad ng mga bonuses and even the 13th month
pay...kasi pagdating ng one year n’yan, they have to be paid. Yung mga bonus lahat na.
So to do away with it, tatanggalin nila before six months. That has to stop kasi sayang.
At ang mga workers natin, cannot acquire the skills that they learned from TESDA
And even you go abroad, it says three years experience. Our people, the young people
cannot ever, ever acquire the experience and the enterprise to really be an electrician
kasi, doon sa ibang trabaho kargador, yung iba boy lang siya, yung iba konduktor or iba
talagang walang trabaho. So that is an injustice committed against the people of the
Republic of the Philippines. I will not allow that as President of this country.”
Foods Corporation v. NLRC et al. (G.R. No. 122653; 12 December 1997), idineklarang
walang bisa at ilegal ng Korte Suprema ang 5-buwang kontrata ng mga manggagawa
ng Pure Foods sapagkat ang kontratang iyon ay ginamit lamang ng korporasyon upang
gaya ng House Bill No. 1024 (“AN ACT STRENGTHENING THE RIGHT TO SECURITY
noong 2004. Inihain naman ng Gabriela Women’s Partylist ang kahawig na panukalang
batas na House Bill 4396 “Prohibiting Labor-Only Contracting and Regulating Job
noong 2016 ay inihain naman ni Rep. Karlo Alexei B. Nograles ang House Bill Nos.
5416, 5415, 5806, 6397 at 4659 para lutasin ang problema ng kontraktwalisasyon
(Philippine News Agency, 2016). Inihain naman ni Senador Aquilino “Koko” Pimentel III
noong 2015 ang Senate Bill No. 3030 (“AN ACT STRENGTHENING THE
Malinaw kung gayon na simpleng “political will” na lamang ang kailangan upang
dahil na rin sa matibay na mayoryang nabuo na ng partido ni Duterte, bago pa man ang
Pilipinas, ang minimum wage sa Cambodia, Malaysia, Thailand, China, Taiwan, Hong
Kong, South Korea, Japan, New Zealand at Australia gaya ng ipinakikita sa Pigura Blg.
2. Gayunman, dapat bigyang-diin na ang GDP growth rate o tantos ng paglago ng GDP
ng Pilipinas – 6.1% noong 2014 – ay mas mataas pa kaysa sa GDP growth rate ng
Malaysia, Thailand, Hong Kong, South Korea, Japan, New Zealand at Australia batay
Bangladesh 105
Myanmar 130
Mongolia 152
Pakistan 151-182
Cambodia 222
Vietnam 170-249
Indonesia 130-368
Philippines/IV-B 217-285
Philippines/XI-A 317.00
Malaysia 300-338
Philippines/IV-A 267-362.50
Thailand/Bangkok 398
China 201-441
Philippines/NCR 444-481
Taiwan 1,314
Hongkong 1,590
Japan 2,263-3,037
Bansa/Teritoryo sa Asya-
Pasipiko.
ang minimum na sahod sa Pilipinas ay halos kalahati lamang ng family living wage – o
sweldong kailangan ng isang pamilyang may 5 miyembro upang mabuhay nang disente
– na ayon sa Ibon Foundation ay 1,088 piso kada buwan (Tubadeza at Rosero, 2016),
Daily Inquirer, 2013). Sa kasalukuyan, 750 piso ang arawang sahod para sa mga
manggagawa sa pribadong sektor at 16,000 piso ang buwanang sahod para sa mga
datos na nagpapatunay na hindi rin halos nagbago ang distribusyon ng kita ng Pilipinas
Malaysia, at batay sa mga kurba ay malinaw rin na mas mabagal ang pagtatagumpay
paglago ng ekonomya.
poverty line)2.
2
Walang datos para sa Brunei, Singapore at Myanmar. Ipinagpapalagay na walang mahihirap sa Brunei at
Singapore.
Pigura Blg. 5. Distribusyon ng kita ng Pilipinas.
poverty threshold kada rehiyon, o halaga na kailangan ng isang pamilya para masabing
productivity-based pay kada kumpanya o industriya dahil iba-iba ang antas at batayan
paniniwala ng mga kapitalista at ng gobyerno na “We want our minimum wage to entice
ECOP ang taunan ngunit maliit na pagtataas ng sweldo sa bansa sa diumano’y pagpigil
pagnanais na gamitin ito para lalong baratin o panatilihing mababa ang minimum na
sweldo sa bansa. Ayon nga kay Marx (1867) ang “directing motive” ng kapitalismo ay
“...to extract the greatest possible amount of surplus value, and consequently to exploit
labor-power to the greatest possible extent” (par. 19). Makikita sa Pigura Blg. 6 ang
pinagwe(we)lgahan pa nga ng mga unyon ang 2TWS (Feeley, 2016; Associated Press,
2016; Hiltzik, 2015; Jones, 2015; Kirkland, 2013; Slaughter, 2011; Westfall, 2007),
habang sa Canada ay nagbanta ng welga ang mga manggagawa kapag isinama ng
pangalawa sa may pinakamataas na income tax ang Pilipinas sa mga bansang kasapi
ng Association of Southeast Asian Nations/ASEAN (De la Paz, 2015). Bukod dito, ayon
mataas din ang income tax ng Pilipinas kumpara sa mga sumusunod na bansa: Brunei:
to 7%; Hong Kong: 0 to 15%; Hungary: 16%; Jordan: 0 to 14%; Kazakhstan: 10%;
Romania: 16%; Saudi Arabia: 0; Serbia: 10% to 25%; Singapore: 0 to 22%; Sri Lanka: 0
pamantayan ang bansa – isang argumentong ginagamit ng gobyerno para iwasan ang
Ayon sa explanatory note sa House Bill 5401 (AN ACT RESTRUCTURING THE
INDIVIDUALS, AMENDING FOR THE PURPOSE SECTIONS 24, 32,33, 34 AND 35OF
AMENDED) na inihain ng Bayan Muna Partylist (2015) sa pangunguna nina Rep. Neri
Colmenares at Rep. Carlos Isagani Zarate, panahon na talagang baguhin ang mga tax
buwis (32%) noong 1986 – 500,000 piso kada taon – ay katumbas na ng 2.697 milyong
piso noong 2015. Sa ilalim ng House Bill 5401 ay makikinabang ang lahat ng income
bracket (Pigura Blg. 7): hindi na magbabayad ng income tax ang lahat ng sumusweldo
ng 33,000 piso kada buwan pababa (396,000 piso kada taon), kumpara sa dating
14,640 piso kada buwan pababa; 30% na lamang ang pinakamataas na income tax
kumpara sa dating 32%; at itinaas na sa 225,000 piso kada buwan (2,700,000 kada
taon) pataas ang halaga ng sweldo na papatawan ng 30% na income tax, kumpara sa
dating 41,666 piso kada buwan (500,000 piso kada taon) pataas na pinapatawan
piso kada buwan ay nagbabayad ng 1,336 pisong income tax kada buwan sa ilalim ng
sinumang sumusweldo ng 33,000 piso kada buwan. Samantala, ang mga sumusweldo
naman ng 41,666 piso kada buwan ay nagbabayad ng 4,250 pisong income tax kada
piso kada buwan ay awtomatikong makakatipid ng karagdagang 3,383 piso kada buwan
Duterte upang matiyak na hindi nito ipapatupad ang pagtataas ng value-added tax
(VAT) mula sa 12% tungong 14% at pag-aalis ng eksempsyon sa VAT para sa mga
consumption tax is regressive, it hits the poor more than the rich” (Cerda, 2014).
pagkain at 20.7% naman sa “housing, water, electricity, gas and other fuels” (Philippine
Statistics Authority, 2013). Dapat bigyang-diin na ang mga sariwang pagkain lamang
(gaya ng isda, gulay at karne) at bigas ang exempted sa VAT, habang ang pagkain sa
fastfood, processed foods at mga grocery item ay may VAT, gaya rin ng tubig, kuryente
panig ng daigdig, nagtatamasa pa rin ang mga bansang ito ng Scandinavia ng “high
income equality, large, tax-financed welfare programs, powerful unions, and relatively
low unemployment rates” (Stahl at Mulvad, 2015) dahil na rin sa lakas ng mga unyon na
panawagan ni Villegas (2016) sa administrasyong Duterte: “So that workers can actively
and consciously protect their rights from abuses and harm, participate in discourses and
creative actions that will effect genuine change in the next six years of his leadership,
we urge Duterte to uphold workers’ right to organize unions freely. It is the workers’
means to achieving social justice and it gives them some guarantee that they will benefit
from economic growth. For the past two decades, the neoliberal policies implemented
any, protection.”
Pilipinas (2004-2013).
government should commence urgent investigations and ensure that all cases of trade
union killings are resolved at the soonest possible moment; (w)orkers should be
free to elect their own representatives without illegitimate requirements; (t)he high
Labour Code prescription for trade unions to submit their lists of members at least once
the private sector should be eliminated. The Secretary of Labour and Employment
should not intervene through compulsory arbitration in strikes in industries which are
investigate and prosecute employers making death threats and using violence or
other offensive measures against their employees for participating in unions; (t)he
workforce and their access to better skilled and paid jobs and close the gender
wage gap.”
Policy
paghihigpit sa unyonismo, isa pang mahalagang suliranin na dapat lutasin ang mataas
paglikha ng mga trabaho (Pitterle and Zhan, 2014). Ang paglikha ng sapat na trabaho
Lichauco 1986 and 2005; Constantino, 1995; Salgado, 1997; Sison, 1998; Kilusang
Agency/CIA, 2016). Kung susuriin ang ipinakikita ng Pigura 9, malaki pa ang potensyal
na rin ng climate change na nakaapekto na rin sa ani ng mga bansang gaya ng Vietnam
2012).
Source: World Bank, sinipi sa pananaliksik ng Danish Trade Union Council for
fuels, lubricants and related materials; transport equipment; industrial machinery and
equipment; plastics in primary and non-primary forms; iron and steel; miscellaneous
Mahalaga rin ang papel ng sistemang pang-edukasyon sa mga layuning ito: ang
planned and managed, could lead to genuine reforms that will truly benefit the Filipino
people and youth...A truly patriotic, mass-oriented, and scientific educational system will
be able to train millions of youth, help empower the people and build their nation
while also contributing to the general advance of human knowledge and development
worldwide.”
wakasan ang mahigit tatlong dekada nang Labor Export Policy (LEP) o patakaran ng
sapagkat hindi man lamang nagtatangka ang gobyerno na palakasin ang pamilihang
ekonomya ang mga remitans ng OFWs (San Juan, 2014). Mula 1999-2014, habang ang
remitans ng OFWs ay unti-unting tumaas bawat taon mula US$ 6,021,219,000 tungong
ang Labor Export Policy ay mananatili ring bansot ang mga industriya ng Pilipinas
(Central Bank of the Philippines, 2016; Philippine Statistics Authority, 2016; and World
dapat bigyang-diin na ang LEP ay nagbubunga rin ng malalang problemang brain drain
kumita nang mas malaki. Batay sa Pigura Blg. 10, Timor Leste lamang ang nakatalo sa
doktor at midwife) at iba pang sektor ng mga propesyunal. Halimbawa’y mas marami
pang nars, doktor at midwife ang mga bansang destinasyon ng OFWs kaysa sa
Pilipinas mismo (San Juan, 2014). Ang pangmatagalan at matatag na kaunlaran ng
Talahanayan 1
Asya (2009-2014)
200 201 201 201 201 201 200 201 201 201 201 201
9 0 1 2 3 4 9 0 1 2 3 4
9 8 3
1 7 3 4 0
3
Walang datos para sa Laos at Myanmar.
serbisyong panlipunan. Dahil sa PD No. 81 ng diktadurang Marcos – na hindi ibinasura
taon ang napupunta lamang sa pagbabayad ng utang, ngunit hindi rin naman halos
Pilipinas sa mga utang nito, ngunit sa panahon ding ito, lumobo ang utang ng bansa
Maaaring maging batayan ng pagbabasura ng PD No. 1177 ang Senate Bill No.
ang House Bill 1962 (AN ACT EFFECTIVELY REPEALING THE AUTOMATIC
2007), ngunit hindi pa naisasagawa ang gayong debt audit para sa iba pang
tulad ng North Rail Project (linyang mula Caloocan hanggang Malolos, Bulacan) – na
hindi natapos kahit na naubos na ang binabayaran pa rin ng Pilipinas ang pondong
tungo sa pagbawi ng mga nakaw na yaman. Ang debt audit ay maaaring isakatuparan
Illegitimate Debt.
Talahanayan 2
Amortization)
(March)4
Management (2009-2016).
yaman, maaari ring gamitin ang pondo ng Social Security System (SSS), Government
4
Latest na available.
GSIS at Pag-ibig Fund kaysa gamiting puhunan sa stocks ng mga dayuhang
korporasyon at mga pribadong kumpanya sa Pilipinas dahil ang stock market ay laging
mga stock market noong 2008 sa pagsambulat ng pandaigdigang krisis (Manda, 2010;
korapsyon na kaugnay ng paggamit ng pondo ng SSS at iba pang pension fund para sa
mga negosyong kapitalista, kaya mas makabubuting ihinto na ang paglalagak ng pondo
ng bayan sa stock market. Ayon sa pananaliksik ni Maningat (2015), ang SSS ay nag-
oopereyt na tila isang “...huge corporation investing reserve funds, which are workers’
(Johnson at Ricketts, 2013; Taibbi, 2013), bagay na maaaring mangyari rin sa Pilipinas.
Sa halip na simpleng pagbili ng sapi o shares sa stock market, higit na mainam na bilhin
France, Norway at Italy. Ani Chang, “State-owned enterprises can also be ideal where
there exists ‘natural monopoly’. This refers to the situation where technological
conditions dictate that having only one supplier is the most efficient way to serve the
market. Electricity, water, gas, railways and (landline) telephones are examples of
natural monopoly. In these industries, the main cost of production is the building of the
distribution network and, therefore, the unit cost of provision will go down if the number
of customers that use the network serves is increased. In contrast, having multiple
suppliers each with its own networks of, say, water pipes, increases the unit cost of
supplying each household. Historically, such industries in the developed countries often
started out with many small competing producers but were then consolidated into large
regional or national monopolies (and then often nationalized). When there is a natural
monopoly, the producer can charge whatever it wants to, as consumers have no one
sa sobrang taas na presyo at upang makatiyak na ang tutubuin ng mga industriyang ito
rito, ayon sa Proposals for a Nationalist and Democratic Constitution na ang isa sa may-
nationalization of all vital and strategic industries in line with this.” Iminungkahi rin
mismong Konstitusyon (Artikulo XII, Seksyon 1): “The goals of the national economy are
in the amount of goods and services produced by the nation for the benefit of the
people; and an expanding productivity as the key to raising the quality of life for all,
especially the underprivileged. The State shall promote industrialization and full
through industries that make full and efficient use of human and natural
resources, and which are competitive in both domestic and foreign markets. However,
the State shall protect Filipino enterprises against unfair foreign competition and trade
Nila Mismo
tribuno./Mga manggagawa, iligtas natin ang ating mga sarili...”) Sa halip na pagsandig
hindi basta-basta ibibigay sa mga manggagawa, lalo pa’t ang 8-puntong programang
(“kapangyarihan ng bayan sa aktwal”/ “people power in action”) ang kailangan, sabi nga
sa himno ng Partido Socialista Unido de Venezuela (PSUV) na itinatag ni Hugo Chavez
– ang pigurang sinasabi ng CPP na maaaring maging katulad ni Duterte kung ang
samang paghakbang mula rito tungo roon, kolektibong pagsasabalikat ng mga plano
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