4

6/7 Uvod

8/9 O tragovima {ZLATKO MILEUSNIÆ}

21 Obuæa u razdoblju od ranog srednjeg vijeka

do poèetka 20. stoljeæa {NADJA MAGLICA}

49 Obuæarski obrt i rukotvorstvo {VESNA ZORIÆ}

73 Znaèenje obuæe u seoskim zajednicama u Hrvatskoj {AIDA BRENKO}

111 Obuæa u dvadesetom stoljeæu {AIDA BRENKO / VESNA ZORIÆ}

ENGLISH TEXTS

132 Introduction

133 On Traces {ZLATKO MILEUSNIÆ}

139 Footwear in the Period From the Early Middle Ages

to the Beginning of the 20th Century {NADJA MAGLICA}

148 Shoemaking Crafts and Handicrafts {VESNA ZORIÆ}

156 Footwear and its Meaning in Rural Communities

in Croatia {AIDA BRENKO}

169 Footwear in {AIDA BRENKO / VESNA ZORIÆ}

177 LITERATURA

5
IZLO
BOM koje dobre šuze! šetnja kroz povijest obuæe,
eljeli smo pokazati razlièita
znaèenja koja cipela ima u èovjekovom
ivotu. Štiteæi nogu od klimatskih nepogoda ili
opasnog terena obuæa je tijekom povijesti postala sastavni dio èovjekova
ivota pa nam
njezina povijest otkriva i dio povijesti èovjeèanstva. Vrsta i naziv materijala od kojeg je
obuæa napravljena, njezin oblik i ukras ili naèin izradbe, daju nam niz podataka za razumi-
jevanje kulturnih, gospodarskih i politièkih prilika u odreðenom razdoblju.
Zahvaljujuæi vanjskim znacima, obuæa postaje simbol identiteta – spol-
nog, dobnog, vjerskog, profesionalnog ili etnièkog. Zbog toga su tijekom povijesti èesto
donošeni propisi o naèinu obuvanja pojedinih kategorija stanovništva, bilo u obliku zakon-
skih odredbi ili nepisanih, ali od zajednice sankcioniranih pravila. Njihov je osnovni cilj bio
odr
avanje staleških, vjerskih i nacionalnih razlika ili pak dobnih i spolnih. Velik broj
zakona koji se odnosio na obuæu imao je i ekonomsku podlogu poput onih iz skupine leges
sumptuarie, dakle protiv luksuza. S prvim graðanskim revolucijama propisi koji potjeèu iz
prethodnih ureðenja postaju bespredmetni, a obilje
avanje razlika poprima drugaèije
oblike. Društvena elita mogla je ostvariti svoju ekskluzivnost iskljuèivo robom vrhunske
kvalitete i sezonskim promjenama mode. Današnji razvoj industrije i dizajna kao i razvoj
trgovaèke mre
e otvaraju široke moguænosti pa svatko mo
e izabrati onu obuæu koja slu
i
zadovoljavanju njegovih potreba, a u skladu s ekonomskim moguænostima, dobi, društve-
nim polo
ajem i osobnim estetskim mjerilima.

Izlo
ba prikazuje povijesni razvitak obuæe, od arheoloških nalaza preko

stilskih razdoblja do suvremenog dizajna, kao i razvitak obuæe sa stanovišta izradbe. Pri
tome se misli na naèin izradbe obuæe za vlastite potrebe ili potrebe u
e obitelji, do pojave
obrtnika i postolarskih cehova, manufakture i tvornièke proizvodnje.
Takoðer je predstavljena i vrijedna graða Etnografskog muzeja koja pri-
pada razdoblju konca 19. i poèetka 20. stoljeæa. U tom je vremenu, upravo obuæa bila jedan
od glavnih pokazatelja gospodarskih, društvenih i kulturnih promjena koje su se dogaðale
u seoskim zajednicama. Nastojali smo prikazati i dostupnu izvaneuropsku graðu.
Valja istaæi i prvu industrijsku obuæu proizvedenu u Hrvatskoj, u "Bo-
rovu", tvornici nastaloj nacionalizacijom predratne "Bate". Ta je obuæa tijekom 20. stoljeæa
bila najprepoznatljivija ne samo u Hrvatskoj veæ i na podruèju bivše Jugoslavije. Na izlo
bi
su predoèeni primjerci namjenjeni najširim društvenim slojevima.
Zbog mnogovrsnosti obuæe ona je podijeljena u više zasebnih cjelina. Na-
stojali smo je predoèiti u vremenskom slijedu, ali istodobno istièuæi njezine funkcije.
Uloga obuæe u uèvršæivanju društvenih odnosa i stvaranju društvenih
identiteta i vrijednosti i danas je izra
eno što potvrðuje i izlo
ena kultna obuæa pojedinih
alternativnih skupina iz druge polovice 20. stoljeæa.
Dio izlo
be posvetili smo obuæi u svijetu simbola. U mnogim je kultura-
ma odnos prema cipeli i nozi povezan s fetišizmom. Imelda Marcos krije se u mnogim

enama, a muškarci reagiraju gotovo uvjetnim refleksom na pojavu
ene u visokim peta-
ma. Simbolièko znaèenje obuæe izvrsno oslikavaju i bajke u kojima èarobna obuæa najèešæe
predstavlja medij za ulazak u drugi svijet.
S obzirom na opse
nost i slo
enost teme, naravno da nismo iscrpili sve
ono što obuæa predstavlja, ali smo pokušali ukazati na njezinu ulogu i znaèenja tijekom
povijesti.
Buduæi da je noga bila osobito znaèajna za èovjekov opstanak, vidimo da
je tijekom povijesti i u svim kulturama upravo funkcija obuæe istaknutija od oblika. U
stvari, svaki je dizajn obuæe vrlo star.

7
Zlatko Mileusniæ O tragovima

1 Postolarska radionica; detalj sa
oslikane vaze.
Prethodna strana:
2 Model èizme, Sarvaš. AMZ 7894.
O TOME KAKO SU I ÈIME LJUDI U PRAPOVJESNO DOBA štitili stopala od studeni, vlage ili
nepogodna tla, nema odgovora na koji se ne bi moglo postaviti još po koje pitanje.
Odgovoriti na pitanje kada se to zbilo, premda se èini jednostavnijim, jednako je zam-
ršeno pa i danas predstavlja pravu interdisciplinarnu pustolovinu. Povjesne discipline tim
pitanjima pristupaju razlièito pa su takvi i odgovori. U ovome prikazu bit æe rijeèi o obuæi,
njezinim oblicima, mijenama, kao i naèinima kojima su nastajali i smjenjivali se stilovi u
njezinu dugom povjesnom razdoblju. Dvije su vrste izvora koje pri tome slijedimo. Jedni
sadr
e obavijesti iz slikovnih prikaza i pisanih svjedoèanstava. Drugi su arheološki nalazi
ostataka obuæe, izvorna svjedoèanstva što sadr
e i odgovore na pitanja koja tek valja
postaviti, a danas podvrgnuti analizi uz primjenu suvremenih znanstvenih postupaka,
mijenjaju saznanja o njezinu mjestu u kulturnoj povijesti.
U slikovnim prikazima ljudi, obuæa se razabire veæ u razdoblju paleoli-
tika, pred pribli
no 15.000 godina. S obzirom na alate kojima se èovjek kamenoga doba
slu
io, bila je to jednostavna i praktièna obuæa naèinjena od ko
a oderanih
ivotinja. Za
stopalo se dr
i obavijena ko
natim remenjem; remenèiæima provuèenim izmeðu no
nih
prstiju i uèvršæenim u potplat ili pak remenjem provuèenim kroz proreze uz obod njegova
uzvinutoga ruba koji se potom obavijaju oko noge od gle
nja naviše. Ovome posvuda
raširenom tipu najjednostavnije jednodjelne obuæe, pripadaju i naši opanci, što su se u
brojnim suvrsticama odr
ali sve do danas.
Meðutim takva obuæa se
e u još dalju prošlost koju ne odreðuju njezini
materijalni tragovi, veæ tragovi što ih je ona ostavila na stopalu suvremenoga èovjeka.
Amerièki antropolog Erik Trinkaus, baveæi se komparativnim prouèavanjem fosilnih
ostataka èovjeka i interpretirajuæi varijacije u anatomiji ljudskoga stopala, zakljuèio je da
slabljenje kostiju no
nih prstiju nije stupanj u evoluciji èovjeka kako se to dosada sma-
tralo, veæ da je takvo slabljenje posljedica nošenja obuæe te da je zapoèelo veæ pred 26-
30.000 godina, a u hladnijim predjelima Euroazije i mnogo ranije.
Prema tom su razdoblju materijalni ostaci najstarije obuæe relativno
mladi. Do danas najstariji nalaz obuæe ranoga èovjeka potjeèe sa sjeverozapada sjeverno-

9
 amerièkoga kontinenta, a starost joj je procjenjena u rasponu od
9000 do 11000 godina. Rijeè je o preko 70 sandala pronaðenih 1938.
godine u oregonskoj spilji Fort Rock. Naèinjene su od drvenaste
biljke Artemisia tridentata koja i danas u tom sušnom dijelu Sjedi-
njenih amerièkih dr
ava obilno raste. Indijanci su njezinu savitljivu
koru i u suvremeno doba koristili pri pletenju vreæa i košara.
U sliènoj, jednako suhoj mikroklimi spilje
Arnold Research u Missouriju uz 16 pari raznolike obuæe naèi-
njene od listova biljke Eryngium yuccifolium, pronaðena su i dva
para ko
nate obuæe za koje je ustanovljena starost u rasponu od
1070 do 8300 godina.
Stalna suha klima Judejske pustinje u blizini
Jerihona, jednog od najstarijih gradova na svijetu, èuvala je 6000 godina ostatke ratnika.
Sahranjen je uz bogate grobne priloge i s ko
natim sandalama.
Sluèajan nalaz smrznutog bronèanodobnog èovjeka podno ledenjaka
Similaun u ju
notirolskim Alpama, rujna 1991. godine, proširio je mnoge spoznaje o

ivotu èovjeka prije 5300 godina. U broj od sedamdesetak predmeta što ih je "Ledeni èov-
jek" imao uza se u trenutku smrti ubrojena je i njegova obuæa. Premda loše oèuvana, anal-
izom je ustanovljeno da pripada tipu jednodjelne obuæe iako je sastavljena od medvjeðe i
srneæe ko
e. U unutarnjem dijelu pronaðeni su i ostaci biljnih vlati što su dodatno štitile
stopalo od studeni.
Na našem podruèju nema arheoloških nalaza tako stare obuæe.
Meðutim, izgled obuæe u pribli
no istom razdoblju eneolitika predoèuje nam fragment
keramike, vjerojatno statue iz Sarvaša što se èuva u Arheološkom muzeju u Zagrebu. Na
njemu je veoma jasno i s više detalja modelirana obuæa u obliku èizme što se
e po prilici
do pola lista. Uz rubove potplata i straga, oko njegova uspravljenoga petnog dijela, istièe
se uska profilacija u obliku sitnih rombova, a sprijeda i straga po sredini te djelomice i oko
grla, oblikovani su nizovi nalik na petljice èime je predoèeno spajanje dijelova. Grlo èizme
obavijeno je tankom uzicom pa se mo
e pretpostaviti da se njome vezivanjem uèvršæivao
gornji, labaviji dio èizama naèinjen mo
da preplitanjem sukna, pletiva ili omekšane ko
e.
Obuæa naèinjena prema ovom modelu, po svojoj bi se izvedbi posve uklopila u najranije
oblike jednodjelne obuæe na podruèju Europe.
Spomenuti primjeri pronaðene obuæe potvrðuju pravilo da se ona, kao i
slièni predmeti organskoga podrijetla mogla oèuvati jedino pri ujednaèenim klimatskim
uvjetima. Uz to idu u prilog èesto naglašavanoj pretpostavci da se èovjek za njihovu izrad-
bu slu
io materijalom s kojim je svakodnevno mogao biti u dodiru jer je obuæu zbog nje-
zina kratka vijeka valjalo èesto obnavljati, a iznošenu odbaciti kao staru cipelu.
I danas se u mnogim podruèjima Europe, Afrike, Ju
ne Amerike, u
zemljama Bliskog i Dalekog Istoka odr
avaju nepromijenjene tehnike izradbe obuæe od
raznovrsnih materijala i namjena u oblicima što se stoljeæima ne mijenjaju: sandale od
drva u Indiji, od ri
ine slame u Kini i Japanu, od palmina lišæa i papirusa u Egiptu, od
biljke sisala u Ju
noj Americi, od juke u Meksiku itd.,
Obuæu poznaju gotovo sve rane civilizacije. Iz slikovnih prikaza ali i iz
arheoloških nalaza saznajemo o visokom stupnju njegovanja stilova obuæe u razvijenim
civilizacijama što su se smjenjivale na podruèju Meðurjeèja: Sumera, Akada, Babilona ili
Asirije. Obuæa je ondje oznaka visokih slojeva, polo
aja i èasti dok je puk uglavnom 3 Obuæa iz spilje Fort Rock
bosonog. Osobitost stila sumerske obuæe ko
nati je potplat uzvinutoga vrha, kadikad s 4 Obuæa iz spilje Arnold Research
povišenim petnim dijelom. Odatle je obuæa takvoga stila, šireæi se prema zapadu, ostavila
tragove diljem Sirije te je prevo
ena kasnije obalama Sredozemlja u vreæama fenièkih 5 Obuæa Ledenog èovjeka

10
 trgovaca, stigla i do Etrurije. Odande, zajedno s ostalim, probranim egzotiènim sadr
a-
jima, veæ utabanim stazama sti
e do podruèja na kojem æe ubrzo izniknuti Rim.
Kao i sumerska, obuæa u Babilonu i Asiriji takoðer je raznovrsna kako po
oblicima, boji i finoæi ko
e od koje su naèinjene tako i po njihovim namjenama. Sluge su
kao i drugdje
ivot provodili bosonogi, dok su jednostavne ko
nate sandale bile
najraširenija obuæa ostaloga stanovništva. Tradicija preradbe ko
e, osobito ovèje, u
Babilonu se
e u XIII. stoljeæe stare ere, a njezina iznimna kakvoæa i na njoj zasnovana
izradba obuæe, stoljeæima æe prenositi glas o njezinoj raskošnosti (Hawkes, 1973: 115).
Tako æe i poèetkom IV. stoljeæa u èuvenom Ediktu cara Dioklecijana biti spomenute
babilonske sandale i raznobojne natikaèe ((Soleae) Vavulonicae, socci Babulonici)(Blümner,
1983: 28). Sandale su namijenjene obim spolovima. Obuæa kraljeva izraðena je od fino
uèinjene ko
e, debelih potplata s remenjem bijele, zlatne i crvene boje te s ukrasnim
remenom što obavija gle
anj dok je obuæa njihovih
ena od ko
e bijele boje i ukrašena
draguljima. Uz stopalo se obuæa dr
i remenèiæima ili ko
natim omèama što u razlièitim
kombinacijama obuhvaæaju jedan ili više no
nih prstiju. Konjanièka èizma vezuje se uz
Asirce koji su kao ratnièki narod brzim i silovitim konjanièkim napadajima širili svoje carst-
vo sve do sredozemnih obala. Ova je vrsta obuæe sezala do koljena, a naèinjena od èvrste
uèinjene ko
e, debelih, zakovicama potkovanih potplata i sprijeda, iznad prstiju ojaèana
umetnutim
eljeznim svodom, pru
ala je odliènu zaštitu ne samo od studeni, kiše i snije-
ga veæ i od sluèajnih ozljeda kopitom vlastitoga konja. Sliènu obuæu imat æe i drugi narodi
koji su svoju vojnu strategiju zasnivali na konjaništvu, no u antièkom svijetu ona neæe naæi
takvu primjenu.
Uz bosonogu veæinu stanovništva staroga Egipta obuæa je bila oznaka
viših društvenih slojeva i sveæenstva. Slikovni prikazi iz njihovih monumentalnih grob-
nica prikazuju ih u jednostavnoj obuæi nalik sandalama, ili natikaèama ravnih ili sprijeda
uzvinutih potplata što se uz stopalo dr
e remenom provuèenim izmeðu prstiju i širom
vrpcom preko luka stopala. Za sveæenstvo se ka
e da nije nosilo obuæu od ko
e jer da ne
prilièi stajati na ko
i mrtve
ivotinje.
U VI. stoljeæu stare ere na podruèju Meðurjeèja stvara se moæno per-
zijsko carstvo s kojim u pohode prema europskom tlu kreæu i raznovrsni oblici i stilovi
obuæe. Vojni porazi ovoga Carstva na grèkom kopnu i moru nisu bili zapreka širenju
orijentalnih stilova obuæe u antièkom svijetu. Meðutim, obuæa uzdignutih vrhova, toliko
omiljena u gotovo svih starih naroda Bliskoga i Srednjega Istoka, nije u Grèkoj kao ni ka-
snije u Rimu mogla bila ozbiljnim takmacem raširenijim i omiljenijim sandalama ili dru-
gaèijoj obuæi otvorenoga tipa. Pod stilskom oznakom a· Persika¸ takva æe obuæa ipak biti
prihvaæena u Grèkoj i to prije no što æe se granice dr
ave Aleksandra Velikoga zaustaviti
u porjeèju rijeke Ind. Mnogo je vrsta obuæe ostalo saèuvano jedino po nazivima mjesta ili
krajeva iz kojih potjeèu kao miletske, kretske, atenske, lakonske. Mnoga antièka trgovaèka
središta bila su rasadišta modnih strujanja i meðu njima je orijentalna obuæa prvorazredne
kakvoæe i izradbe, zauzimala va
no mjesto. Jedno od takvih središta je grèki grad Sikion
u korintskom zaljevu. Osim što se roðenjem uz njega vezuju èuveni antièki kipari Poliklet
i Lizip te da je ondje mitsko mjesto gdje su ljudi od Prometeja primili vatru, njegovo je
ime saèuvano i u Ciceronovoj sintagmi: calcei Sicyonii i u njoj se povezuje s pomodnom,
orijentalnom obuæom, namijenjenoj uglavnom
enama.
Zahvaljujuæi brojnijim izvorima od VII. stoljeæa stare ere, razvoj odjeæe,
6 Egipatski vojnici XIX. dinastije pa tako i obuæe u staroj Grèkoj, moguæe je sustavnije pratiti. Mnogobrojni crte
i na
7 Asirski vojnik
keramici, kipovi, reljefi i mozaici prikazuju odjeæu i obuæu precizno i s bogatim detaljima.
Kada se takvim izvorima pridodaju pisana vrela antièkih suvremenika, slika njihove
8 Hermes svakodnevice pokazuje se u svoj svojoj šarolikosti. Pri tom je mnogima uzor postao

11
Herodot – otac historije. On je u opise svojih mnogobrojnih putovanja rado uvrštavao i
zanimljive opaske o naèinu odjevanja, stilu i modi, bilo prema vlastitom viðenju bilo da
je o tome od drugih èuo. Za temu kojom se prikaz bavi jednako je va
an i Svetonije jer ni
njegovi opisi rimskih careva nisu zanemarili tu komponentu njihovih
ivota.
Bo
anstva grèkoga panteona u najranijem razdoblju prikazuju se boso-
noga, a s vremenom im se pridodaje obuæa èiji se oblici povezuju s njihovom djelatnošæu.
Na primjerima vrste obuæe u kojoj su na grèkim i rimskim spomenicima predstavljeni
Hermes (Merkur) i Artemida (Dijana) te su promjene veoma oèite. Tako je Hermes,
hitronogi glasonoša i skoroteèa olimpskih bogova zaštitnik putnika, pastira, trgovaca i lu-
pe
a, izmjenjujuæi lik od bradata starca do golobradog mladiæa, mijenjao obuæu od èizmica
(endromis) s naprijed izbaèenim jezikom, preko svakodnevnih, obiènih krepida, zadr
avši
jedan jedini atribut – èudesne krilate gle
njaèe (talaria) kojima brzinom misli dolazi
svome cilju. S druge strane, slobodoljubiva, djevièanska Artemida, bo
ica mjeseca i lova,
zaštitnica
enske mlade
i okru
ena s dvadeset rijeènih nimfi koje se brinu o njezinim
èizmicama i psima, prikazuje se jednom bosonoga, drugi puta u sandalama (krhp·j) ili
jeftinoj obuæi seljaka i pastira (,emb!j), a kada je lovu tada sa srebrnim lukom, tobolcem
i u kratkoj suknji u èvrsto vezanim èizmicama (endromis) kakve inaèe nose lovci ili atle-
tièari. Obje posljednje vrste veoma su sliène, a razlika se pokazuje u završetku sara. U
obuæi endromis sare su jednostavne i ravne dok su u embas one du
e, na krajevima
izvraæene i na tim rubovima kojekako ukrašene. Èesto nosi i kÄq qoruoj, obuæu što tijes-
no prijanja uz nogu, ne prekriva no
ne prste i sprijeda se vezuje na veoma dekorativan
naèin. Izraðivana je od neuèinjene ko
e, no u finoj izradbi i s dodatnim ukrasnim pojedi-
nostima, postat æe oznaka visokog dostojanstva. Izrazito visok potplat na takvoj obuæi
nosili su glumci u grèkim tragedijama, da bi visinom naglasili znaèaj tumaèenoga lika, pa
je naziv koturna u pjesnièkom izra
aju latinskoga jezika ostao i sinonim za tragediju.
Jednostavne izrade i cijenom pristupaène su karp!tinon (carbatina)
izraðene od neuèinjene goveðe ko
e i to iz jednoga komada. U njima su èvrsto spojene
samo strane petnoga dijela. Boène strane su niske i s njihovih rubova nastavlja se remenje
što obavija luk stopala, a zatim se omotava oko gle
nja, ponekad i do polovine lista. Jedno-
stavnost izradbe takve obuæe u V. stoljeæu stare ere ali i njezinu neprikladnost u armen-
skoj studeni, opisao je Ksenofont u svojoj Anabazi, a takoðer je spominje i Aristotel. Takvu
obuæu nosili su i muškarci i
ene, a njihovim preoblikovanjem nastat æe rimske caligae.
Iz Grèke potjeèe i obuæa tipa sandala krhp·j (krepis) slo
enije izradbe
ali jeftine pa stoga i èeste u obiènom puku. Za njihovu izradbu korišteni su
jednaki kalupi jer se lijeva od desne oblikom nije razlikovala. Po naèinu kojim
se obuhvaæa stopalo kao i po spajanju potplata s gornjim dijelom mogli bismo
ih smatrati preteèama suvremene dvodjelne obuæe – cipela. Potplat je mogao
biti sastavljen od više slojeva, a za vojnike i ojaèan zakovicama. Takvu su
obuæu nosili glumci komedija. Ova se obuæa tijekom svog dugog postojanja
mijenjala ali je uvijek zadr
avala prepoznatljiv osnovni element: ona kao i san- 9 Koturne, obuæa grèkoga glumca
dala ne pokriva gornji dio stopala. U razdoblju helenizma proširit æe se
antièkim svijetom uz obuæu grèkoga stila i ona nastala pod utjecajem Bliskoga 10 Endromis, obuæa Hermesa
Istoka. Visoko razvijena kultura grèkih kolonija na jugu Apeninskoga poluoto- 11 Krepis
ka, njegovanje starih tradicija, grèka naobrazba i grèki naèin
ivota uopæe,
privlaèila je Rim snagom kojoj on nije mogao odoljeti. Lijevo:
Razvijajuæi umjeæa, tehnike i obrte pod utjecajem svojih 12 Embas
sjevernih i ju
nih susjeda, Rimljani su prema predaji veæ od najranijega raz-
Sljedeæa strana:
doblja svojega kraljevstva meðu mnogima usavršavali i postupke štavljenja 13 Hermes; Napoli, Museo
ko
e i njezine preradbe. Potrebe Rima za kvalitenom ko
om i to u velikim Archeologico Nazionale di Napoli

12
13
 kolièinama bile su stalne, a kako su se granice širile i sve veæe. Veliki dio
koristio se za opremanje vojske: štitovi, kacige, oklopi, prsluci, naprtnjaèe,
vreæe, šatori, oprema konja za vuèu i jahanje, uzde, remenje itd. Plutarh gov-
ori da su obrtnici koji su se bavili ko
om (coriarii) bili povezani u strukovne
udruge još u razdoblju prvih kraljeva Nume Pompilija i Servija Tulija. Znamo
takoðer da su djelovali i u vrijeme Cezara koji je mnoge udruge ukinuo, dok
se ovoj trag nastavlja i u vremenima poslije oba Carstva. Uz njih okupljeni u
udrugu atrium sutorium djeluju i obuæari koji jednom godišnje prireðuju sveèanost u èetvr-
ti što se prema njima nazivala vicus Sandaliarius, a u kojoj je bio postavljen i Apolonov kip
istoga imena. Uz obuæare se ve
u preprodavaèi i trgovci na veliko s kojim je svaki obuæar
vezan ugovorom. Prenošenje samo jedne od brojnih pretpostavki što ih je o rodu cara
Vitelija iznio Svetonije, utvrdilo je uvjerenje da car potjeèe iz obuæarske obitelji
(Svetonije, 1978: 276). Mo
da i jest ali to nije va
no. Va
nije je to što je Svetonije te pret-
postavke svrstao prema društvenoj ljestvici na èijem je vrhu stara obitelj plemièkoga
stale
a, na dnu je najni
i sloj gradskog stale
a kojemu pripadaju i postolari-krpari (sutor vet-
eramentarius). Premda je obuæarski obrt smatran neuglednim, udruga je imala mnogobrojno
èlanstvo i brojne su se obitelji njime obogatile. Rimski su obuæari izraðivali obuæu na drven-
im kalupima (forma sutoris), a Dioklecijanov edikt ih razvrstava ovako: Formae calicares max-
imae; Forma secundae mensurae; Forma muliebres; Forma infantiles (Blümner, 1893: 28). U mno-
gobrojnim nazivima obuæarske djelatnosti prepoznaju se i njihovi proizvodi: sandaliarius, cal-
ceolarius, solearius, crepidarius, baxearius, gallicarius, sutor caligarius.
Što se tièe izgleda, kakvoæe i obuæe što se u tim radionicama proizvodila
i u njoj se ogleda poznata praktiènost i eklektiènost staroga Rima, njegova sklonost pre-
pravljanju, doraðivanju i poboljšavanju. Iz veæ poznatih oblika ondje æe se stvoriti èuvena
obuæa rimskih legionara caligae. Bez njih, bio bi doprinos Rima veæ postojeæem inventaru
obuæe Staroga vijeka neznatan. Inaèe je to bila kao i u Grèkoj obuæa prostoga puka, ispr-
va jednodjelna, izraðena kao i grèke karbatine od neuèinjene ko
e i otvorenih prstiju.
Stopalo, osim gle
nja, obuhvaæa splet remenja izrezanoga od jednog komada ko
e. Sezala
je do iznad gle
nja gdje se vezivala ko
natim remenjem. Nesputanost gle
nja, otvorenost
i prozraènost osnovne su prednosti ove obuæe i ona je zbog raširenosti meðu vojnicima
postala istoznaènica obiènog rimskog vojnika caligatus miles, premda su je obuvali i èasnici
do centuriona. Uz praktiènost, od takve se obuæe zahtjevala i trajnost pa je dodan izm-
jenjljiv potplat, a uvedeno je i njegovo ojaèavanje
eljeznim zakovicama clavi caligarii po
èemu su i nazvane caligae clavate. Unatoè opisanim novinama, obuæa se tijekom dugih i
iscrpljuæih marševa izlizala pa je novac clavarium bio vojnicima namjenjen za njezino
odr
avanje dok im se za produ
ene marševe isplaæivala obuæarina, calciarium. Meðutim,
oprema rimskoga vojnika nije bila obuhvaæena propisom o jedinstvenom izgledu odjeæe

Prethodna strana:
14 Artemida versajska; Paris, Louvre

15 Rimski postolar

16 Obuæa rimskih èasnika

17 Calceus

Gore desno
18 Karbatine

19 Erosi kao postolari

15
 ili obuæe, kao što je to danas u suvremenim vojskama. Sastavljane
po razlièitim kriterijima i novaèene po razlièitim provincijama
Carstva, u opremi legionara ogledala su se i lokalna obilje
ja, veæ
prema tome gdje legija ratuje, taboruje ili zimuje. Vojnici su nosili
i drugu sliènu obuæu meðu kojom se spominju carbatinae i gallicae.
Meðutim, obuæa tipa caligae nije bila iskljuèivo muška ili vojna
obuæa. Navodi se i u varijanti za
ene (caligae muliebres), dakako bez
zakovica na potplatu, a takoðer znamo da ju je u djetinjstvu
najèešæe obuvao Caius Caesar Germanicus, kasnije rimski car poznatiji po nadimku
Kaligula što ga je prema njoj dobio.
U hladnijim predjelima vojnici su obuæu iznutra oblagali tkaninom, ko-

om su zatvarali prednje, nezaštiæene dijelove stopala, a stopala umotavali u otkane povoje.
Od gle
nja do koljena, noge su obavijali vunenim ili platnenim povojima (tibialia). O caru
Augustu poznatom po zimogroznosti Svetonije piše: Zimi se zaštiæivao sa èetiri tunike i debelom
togom, zatim košuljom i vunenim prslukom i napokon povojima za stegna i listove, a i ovo: ako su mu
ujutro krivo obukli cipelu, lijevu umjesto desne, vidio je u tome loš znak. (Svetonije, 1978: 104, 108).
Fasciae crurales et pedules su povoji kojima je noga obavijena od koljena
sve do no
nih prstiju pa se na njih nazuva obuæa. Od takve obuæe što je sezala i preko
koljena, do odjeæe što su je ondje od lokalnoga stanovništva legionari preuzeli, maleni je
korak. Hlaèe, premda su cjelovite, i danas se broje u parovima što upuæuje na njihovu
nekadašnju razdvojivost. Kao Grci i stanovnici Rima poznavali su hlaèe jer su ih nosili
njima susjedni narodi. Ali sami ih nisu nosili. Hlaèe braccae smatrane su barbarskom
oznakom i njihovo nošenje izazivalo bi prezir i javnu sablazan. Znamo da ih je nosio car
Aleksandar Sever ali ne u Rimu. Hlaèe i njima sliènu obuæu nosili su seljaci, gladijatori i
lovci, a noge preko koljena omotane spomenutim povojima prikazane su i na kipu Dijane.
U gradu Rimu vrijedila su druga, veoma razraðena pravila o tome koji društveni sloj kakvu
obuæu nosi i u kojim prigodama. Njihovo nepoštivanje, neprikladnost vrste, ukrasa ili
boje, odstupanje od uobièajene visina potplata ili sara, oznaka je bahatosti, oholosti koja
se doduše ne mo
e sankcionirati ali glasine o njoj te
ile su umanjenju cjelokupnoga
znaèaja osobe u javnom
ivotu. Takvoga glasa ni za
ivota nisu se mogli riješti mnogi poz-
nati Rimljani, a meðu njima su i carevi Cezar, August, Kaligula, Neron.
Najstarija, najednostavnija i najjeftinija obuæa za muškarce i
ene bile su
solea/soleae, sandale s ko
natim ili drvenim potplatom. Uz stopalo se dr
i ko
natim
remenom što je prolazio izmeðu no
nog palca i susjednog prsta ili pak s nekoliko
ko
natih remenèiæa što su se vezivali oko gle
nja. U tom je obliku poznata na cijelom
Sredozemlju, sa širokom lepezom moguæih materijala za izradbu i naèina vezivanja.
Osnovnom tipu danas je najsliènija obuæa što je nazivamo japanke. U bogatijim slojevima
rimskoga društva bila je to obuæa jedino za kuæu i obuvala se samo uz tuniku. U njima je
neprilièno hodati ulicom, kao i le
ati za stolom pri gozbi, a ne izuti ih (soleas demere). A
izrazom: soleas poscere (zatra
iti sandale) gost bi domaæinu najavio svoj skori odlazak.
Slo
enije izradbe bila bi ko
nata obuæa èiji gornji dio èini splet remenèiæa koji obavijaju
Gore lijevo:
stopalo do gle
nja i ondje se vezuju. Naziv crepidae, ili za
enske crepidulae, upuæuje na
20 Grèke sandale
njezino grèko podrijetlo (krhp·z). Prosti je puk svakodnevno nosio jednostavnu i jeftinu
obuæu od platna ili pusta (udones), impregnirane kostrijeti (impilia) ili ko
natu obuæu što 21 Fasciae crurales
je sezala do iznad gle
nja (perones), rijetko od uèinjene ko
e (crudus pero), a ponekad s tra-
jnijim drvenim potplatom. Klompe (sculponeae) obuæa rimske sirotinje i robova, sva je 22 Gallicae
izrezana ili izdubena (sculpo) iz drva. Katon preporuèuje da se svake dvije godine robovi-
23 Campagus
ma podijeli po par takvih klompa, a o njihovoj raširenosti meðu ratarima govori i Varon
koji za Triptolema, mitskog izumitelja poljodjeljstva predla
e naziv Triptolemus 24 Rimske sandale

16
 Sculponeatus (Daremberg, 1889: IV/2, 1136). Obuæa drvenih potplata, inaèe èesta meðu
rimskom sirotinjom, u sliènim se izvedbama i s više ili manje popreènih ko
natih
remenèiæa (solea balnearis) koristila u javnim kupalištima kao što je to uobièajeno na
Istoku i danas. Takva obuæa postala je uzor prema kojem su u visoku modu razdoblja
kasnoga Carstva ušle
enske klompe metalnih potplata.
DE SOLEIS ET GALLICIS. (PERI SANDALIWN KAI TROCADIWN.)
treæi je odjeljak devetoga poglavlja (De formis calicaribus) Dioklecijanova edikta, i u njemu
su navedene ove njihove vrste: (Gall)icae biriles rusticanae bisoles, (Gall)icae biriles bisoles,
(Gall)icae cursuriae, (Tau)rinae muliebres bisoles i (Taurin)ae muliebres monosoles. Rijeè je o obuæi
prostoga puka: sandalama u širem smislu i papuèama èija je cijena od dva do pet puta ni
a
od najskuplje obuæe rimskih patricija. Naziv upuæuje da je podrijetlo takve obuæe podruè-
je Galije. Odatle se preko Rima proširila èitavim Carstvom. Isprva se smatralo da su gal-
licae seljaèka, provincijska obuæa i neprilièna za rimskoga graðana njegovanog ukusa. Ipak,
ulazeæi postupno u inventar gradske obuæe, poèele su zamjenjivati skuplju obuæu (cal-
ceus). Po tome što je gornji dio stopala više ili manje otvoren gallicae pripadaju tipu san-
dala, meðutim ono što ih od njih razlikuje, povišeni je ko
nati obrub èime se bli
e vrsti
obuæe (campagus) koju je u kasnom Carstvu prihvatio i patricijat, a i kasnije je ostala
veoma omiljena i raširena u Bizantu.
Obuæu vrste baxae ili baxeae Edikt ne spominje. Na njoj se nije moglo
štedjeti jer su cijenom pri samom dnu. Veæ prema mjestu gdje su izraðivane, naèinjene
su preplitanjem palmina ili papirusova lišæa, rogoza, vrbovine ili konopa. Imaju oblik
stopala uz koje su prièvršæene jednostavnim uzicama od istoga materijala, a u razvijenijim
oblicima rub im je povišen tako da obuhvaæa cijelo stopalo osim gornjega dijela. Takva
jednostavna i jeftina obuæa postala je simbolom siromaštva. Postala je èesta na nogama
propovjednika, hodoèasnika i sljedbenika filozofskih pravaca koji su njima isticali prezir
prema lagodnom
ivotu i njegovim suvišnim i neduhovnim
komponentama. Brojni nalazi obuæe u egipatskim grobnicama
takoðer pripadaju ovoj vrsti.
Orijentalnoga podrijetla je obuæa calceus
repandus što je u Rim prodirala s Etrušæanima i u kakvoj su
èesto prikazivani oslikani likovi u njihovim grobnicama
(Ducati, 1967: 232). To je posve zatvorena muška i
enska
obuæa ravnih i sprijeda šiljatih i uzvinutih potplata. Jezik je
dugaèak kao i u patricijskih ali nije u cjelosti obavijen vrpca-
ma, veæ samo s dva para iznad gle
nja i jednim pri gornjem
rubu, tako da obuvena obuæa ima izgled èizme. Takav tip
obuæe nije bio raširen i veæ se u Ciceronovo vrijeme mogao vidjeti jedino na nogama kipa
Junone Sospite u Lanuviju blizu Rima (Daremberg, 1887: I/2, 819).
Èini se da se Rim Orijentu pribli
io bogatstvom boja više nego li oblicima
obuæe. Bojom je naglašen sklad odjeæe i obuæe, a vrstom obuæe i njezinom bojom oznaèen
je i društveni polo
aj. Toga careva grimizne je boje i ukrašena zlatom, jednako tako i obuæa.
Obuæa patricija i ljudi na visokim dr
avnièkim polo
ajima takoðer je crvene boje.
25 Baxae Skupocjena boja grimiza i u malenim je kolièinama oznaka najviših slojeva društva, a njome
su rimski carevi zaogrnuti od pete do glave. Ona je ekskluzivna, prostom puku nedostup-
26 Obuæa Etrušæana na, daleka i neshvatljiva jednako kao i uèenost cara Konstantina VII. s èijim je roðenjem boja
grimiza stopljena. Boja i oblik obuæe najviših slojeva rimskoga društva povezuje se s preda-
27 Calcei patricii
jom o poèetcima Rima i o stotini rodova iz kojih su izabrani njegovi prvi senatori. Iz tih rodo-
Desno: va svoje podrijetlo izvodi najviši razred rimskoga patricijata kojemu je bezrazlo
no svojatan-
28 Calceus repandus je njegovih simbola i povlastica bilo neprihvatljivo. Plutarh je, pišuæi o Gaju Mariju koji je

17
104. godine stare ere trijumfom u Rimu slavio svoju pobjedu nad Jugurtom, opisao sljedeæi
dogaðaj u rimskom senatu: Poslije trijumfalnog ophoda Marije sazove senat na Kapitoliju; i bilo
nepa
njom bilo vulgarno se razmeæuæi svojom sretnom sudbinom, uðe na sjednicu u odjeæi trijumfatora,
ali opazivši ubrzo nezadovoljstvo senata, ustane i iziðe te, preobukavši se u togu pretekstu, opet se vrati
(Plutarh: 73). Naime njemu, kao plebejcu, u Senatu nije prilièila obuæa patricija. Na rim-
skim spomenicima u takvoj su obuæi prikazani August, Kaligula, Klaudije, Trajan, Marko
Aurelije (Paulys, 1899: 1340). To su calcei patricii ili njima sliène calcei mullei. Crvene su boje,
èvrstih potplata ali od od fino uèinjene i istanjene ko
e što tijesno prijanja uz stopalo
istièuæi mu oblik. Po obliku je ta obuæa najsliènija suvremenim polucipelama i èizmicama.
Stopalo pokriva u cjelosti i se
e od gle
nja gotovo do pola lista. Vezuje se ili bolje reèeno
zatvara se obavijanjem jezika donjim parom širih i gornjim parom u
ih vrpci (quator corrigae)
koje se vezuju iznad gle
nja, sprijeda po sredini. Calcei patricii ekskluzivna je obuæa patrici-
ja i njihovih potomaka, a obuva se pri izlascima i to uz togu. Naziv calcei mullei oznaèava upra-
vo crvenu boju takve vrste obuæe, a naziv boje
eli se dovesti u vezu s bojom ribe mullus.
Trag ovoga naziva ali i opisanoga znaèaja same boje, nalazimo i danas u nazivu mule za
liturgijsku obuæu rimskoga Pape (Daremberg, 1887: I/2, 819).
Sliènu, takoðer visoku i zatvorenu obuæu od ko
e crne boje (nigris pelibus)
nosili su senatori. Uz takvu obuæu (calcei senatorii) vezuje se Ciceronova dosjetka što je kao
metafora calceus mutare, oznaèavala brz prijelaz u stale
senatora. Danas bi ona, izvan njez-
ina konteksta, mogla odgovarati poslovici: skoèiti iz opanka u cipelu.
Obuæa
ena u visokim slojevima društva kako ona jednostavna što je
nošena po kuæi tako i ona za izlaske (calcei muliebris, calceolus) fine je izradbe, nje
nije pri-
lagoðena obliku stopala i s veæom moguænošæu izbora boje ili pridodanih skupocjenih
ukrasa od zlata do biserja. Meðutim,
ensku sveèanu obuæu na prikazima zastire tunika,
tako da ne mo
emo znati kako je izgledao njezin gornji dio.
U III. stoljeæu pokušao se ogranièiti izbor boja za mušku obuæu.
Meðutim domete takvih ogranièenja takoðer ne mo
emo znati. Iz veæ spomenutoga
Edikta cara Dioklecijana, kojim se utvrðuju najviše cijene
ivotnih potrepština i u kojem
se navodi dvadesetak vrsta obuæe, latinski tekst spominje ove boje: (Socci) purpurei sive
foenicei; (socci albi); socci Babulonici, purp(urei sive albi); Taurinae inauratae (Blümner, 1893: 28).
Dometi ovoga Edikta poznati su. Njegove odredbe bile su kratkoroène i nisu olakšale
financijske terete Imperije. Dioba Carstva što ju je zapoèeo Dioklecijan i nedugo potom
nastavio Konstantin Veliki premještanjem te
išta politièke moæi u Konstantinopol, imat
æe dugoroènije odjeke u oblikovanju europskih modnih stilova.
Kraj razdoblja što je ovim prikazom dotaknuto, veæ sadr
i sve one ele-
mente koji æe obuæu odreðivati ne samo prema njezinim osnovnim namijenama, veæ prema
obrascima modnih strujanja koja na tu potrošnu robu kratkoga vijeka
ele utisnuti trajniji
peèat. Oslanjajuæi se pri tom na poznate komponente, nastoje im pridodati nešto novo i
još neviðeno. Srednji vijek koji sljedi, s novim duhom što svoju snagu crpi iz antièkoga
nasljeða, dat æe starim uzorima nove oblike.

29 Calcei senatorii

30 Bizantske papuèe

31 Kasnocarske sandale špièoke

Sljedeæa strana:
32 Opremanje nevjeste; detalj sa
oslikane vaze

18
Nadja Maglica
33
enske cipele, Austrija ili
Francuska, 1860. – 1870. godine.
Svileni atlas, koa, gumirana tka-
nina. MUO 10358.
Prethodna strana:
34 Ploèa oltarne pregrade s prizorom
kralja, dostojanstvenika i podani-
ka. Krstionica splitske katedrale,
kraj 11. stoljeæa.
Obuæa u razdoblju od ranog srednjeg
vijeka do poèetka 20. stoljeæa
U O V O M S E P R I K A Z U O P I S U J E O B U Æ A kao sastavni dio odijevanja, koja se tijekom
devet stoljeæa razvijala i mijenjala pri èemu su se koristila stalno nova tvoriva, usavršavali
postojeæi i pronalazili novi naèini obradbe/izradbe. Tom opisu poslu
ili su arhivski zapisi,
likovni prikazi te, manjim dijelom, saèuvani predmeti.
U drugoj polovici 11. stoljeæa kada predromanika prerasta u romaniku
(ponovno uvoðenje ljudskog lika i figuralne kompozicije), prizori na reljefima oltarnih
pregrada crkve sv. Nediljice u Zadru, krstionice splitske katedrale, bilje
e naèin odijeva-
nja i pripadnu obuæu. Tako je na ploèi oltarne pregrade u krstionici splitske stolne crkve
s prizorom kralja, dostojanstvenika i podanika (u odjeæi s vidnim staleškim razlikama),
prikazana obuæa sa šiljato oblikovanim prstima, priljubljena uz nogu. S pomoæu vodor-
avnih pruga naznaèena je i pripadna suvrstica obuæe koja pokriva nogu od gle
nja do
polovice potkoljenice, to jest do koljena. Takva slièna obuæa od sukna ili vune, bez
stopala, zatvarala se na unutarnjoj strani kopèama. Tu obuæu, pod nazivom 'grliæi', su-
sreæemo u predajnom ruhu dinarskog podruèja (Radauš-Ribariæ, 2002). Spomenutu
obuæu prikazuju pluteji iz crkve sv. Nediljice u Zadru na kojima se, uklopljeni u
arkadama, ni
u prizori iz evanðelja. U Navještenju, od Marijina lika saèuvano je samo
obuveno stopalo, a u prizoru Pohoðenja Marija i Elizabeta odjevene su u antièku odjeæu
i obuvene u netom opisane cipele. U prizorima Kristova Roðenja i Poklonstva mudraca
svi su likovi obuveni, a mudraci se razlikuju izgledom lica i odjevnim pojedinostima.
Unutar arkada desnog pluteja svi su likovi obuveni, osim lika Ivana Krstitelja. Kralj
Herod, kao i ostali muški likovi u nastavku pluteja, obuveni su poput likova veæ opisanih
na pluteju splitske krstionice. enski likovi, Marija i dvije majke nevine djeèice, obuvene
su u cipele šiljatog vrha, priljubljene uz nogu (Petriciolo, 1983: 13-14). Prikazani likovi
pripadaju srednjovjekovnoj ikonografiji,
ivog su i plastiènog izraza s ustaljenim oblicima
odjeæe i obuæe èime se pridru
uju onima na pluteju splitske krstionice.
Istodobno se u Europi nosila visoka cipela, brodequins, sprijeda s du
im
jezikom, pokatkad nazubljenim (Boucher, 1963: 172). Osim takve obuæe, nosila se i niska
cipela za navlaèenje s blago zašiljenim vrhom, a pokrivala je gornji dio stopala. Cipele su
21
 35 Ploèa oltarne pregrade iz sv. Nedi-
ljice u Zadru s prizorima Herodov
pokolj djece, Bijeg u Egipat i Sv.
bile meke, od kozje ko
e iz Cordobe (kordovana). Zašiljeni vrh cipele, kojemu su se dulji- Ivan Krstitelj, kraj 11. stoljeæa,
Arheološki muzej, Zadar.
na i oblik mijenjali, prevladava u drugoj polovici srednjeg vijeka (Thiel, 1963: 156).
Vitezovi su nosili ko
nate èizme s ostrugama, a pri odlasku u rat
eljezom okovane èizme 36 Èarape i cipele s insignijama neg-
kao sastavni dio oklopa. Seljaci i kmetovi rabili su obuæu vlastite izradbe. dašnjeg njemaèkog Carstva, 12. i
Poèetkom 12. stoljeæa cipela se u Europi ipak razlikuje od one iz 13. stoljeæe. Beè, Kunsthistorisches
Museum.
prethodnog razdoblja. Veæ poèetkom stoljeæa prete
e niska mekana cipela produljena
blago uzdignutim šiljkom (à pigache) (Boucher, 1965: 172). I nadalje su se nosile èizme, Sljedeæa strana:
visine do polovice potkoljenice i polucipele na unutarnjoj strani zatvorene kopèom ili vrp- 37 Vladar na prijestolju sa sveæenici-
ma i ratnicima. Minijatura iz
com. Cipele su izraðivane od crne ili ko
e ostalih boja, èak i od brokata s manje ili više
evanðelistara Otta III iz Bamberga,
istaknutim zašiljenim prednjim dijelom. Prema ondašnjem poimanju æudoreða,
eni nije kraj 10. stoljeæa. Munchen,
dolikovalo pokazivati noge, pa su se pripadne èarape prièvršæivale ispod koljena s pomoæu Staatsbibliothek.
vrpce. Majstorski izraðena cipela bila je na visokoj cijeni i bilo je prim-
jereno nositi je na dvoru. Obuvanje loše ili slabo izraðene obuæe znaèi-
lo je nedolièno ponašanje. Muška i
enska obuæa razlikovala se u velièi-
ni pa su
ene u skladu s tadanjim mjerilima ljepote te
ile maloj i
nje
noj nozi (Thiel, 1963: 174). Koncem 13. stoljeæa, nosila se
mekana lagana èizma priljubljena uz nogu. Nogavice ojaèane ko
nim
potplatom i dalje su vrsta obuæe. Klompe i galoše zaštita su laganih
cipela.
O obuæi iz toga vremena u Hrvatskoj svjedoèe i djela
likovnih umjetnosti, ponajprije vratnice splitske katedrale, portal tro-
girske katedrale i zvonik splitske katedrale. Romanièki reljefi skladani
po naèelu zakona zbrajanja potvrðuju relativnu samostalnost dijelova
što je bitno svojstvo romanièke kompozicije (Ivanèeviæ, 2004: 14, 15).
Osobit su primjer takvog naèela drvene vratnice splitske katedrale
22
23
 38/39 Detalji vratnica splitske
katedrale majstora A. Buvine iz
1214. godine. Prizori Poklonstvo
triju kraljeva i Pokolj nevine djece.

24
 majstora Andrije Buvine iz 1214. godine. Svako krilo vratnice podijeljeno je u 14 polja
odvojenih okvirima što se doimaju poput zasebnih slika. Na njima se ni
u prizori iz
evanðelja – Kristovo Djetinjstvo i Javno djelovanje te prizori Muke i Smrti. Zamjetnim
umijeæem u obilju uresa predoèeni su, uz odjeæu, i inaèice pokrivala za glavu te raznovrsna
obuæa. U prizoru Poklonstva kraljeva, likovi su obuveni u nisku i zatvorenu obuæu (Beziæ-
Bo
aniæ, 1981: 74). U Pokolju nevine djece vojnici su obuveni u kratke, a krvnici u visoke
èizme, dok su u Bièevanju Krista likovi koji bièuju obuveni u visoke èizme èime je dodat-
no uveæan dojam grubosti tog èina. Buvinovi su prizori "najbogatiji ikonografijski ciklus
srednjovjekovne umjetnosti u Dalmaciji" (Karaman, 1942: 39).
Suprotno Buvini, na portalu trogirske katedrale iz 1240. godine
"Radovan je slio Kristovo roðenje, Poklon pastira i Putovanje triju kraljeva s istoka u jednu
jedinstvenu sliku, slobodno grupiranu i punu
ivota" (Karaman, 1938: 4). Izraðena plas-
tika religioznog je i svjetovnog sadr
aja, obilna u raznovrsnim oblicima koji su zastupljeni
i plitkim reljefima i kipovima naravne velièine. Realistièno je uprizoreno mnoštvo pojedi-
nosti iz suvremenog
ivota: odjeæa i obuæa likova, oprema kraljeva i pastira, ognjište i
pokuæstvo. Tako u prizorima iz Kristova
ivota, prizorima lova, likovi Triju kraljeva,
Josipa, te pastira, vinogradara i vojnika nose meke lagane plosnate cipele, s blago zašiljen-
im prednjim dijelom (Fiskoviæ, 1953: 11). Prizori godišnjih doba predstavljeni su pripad-
nim znakovima zodijaka i njihovim zemaljskim simbolima – poslovima i dogaðajima
znaèajnim za pojedini mjesec u godini. Tako je lik starca pri ognjištu, simbol mjeseca
sijeènja, prikazan u cipelama s visokim drvenim potplatom i gornjim ko
natim dijelom,
sprijeda poluotvorenim. One su nazuvene preko mekih ko
nih cipela priljubljenih uz
nogu. Naposljetku, apostol Petar obuven je u skromne sandale. I dok nam Buvina "pre-

40 Starac pri ognjištu, simbol mjese-

ca sijeènja, Radovanov portal
1240. godine. Katedrala u Trogiru.

41 Vinogradar, simbol mjeseca

oujka, Radovanov portal, 1240.
godine. Katedrala uTrogiru.

25
 42 Sv. Petar, Radovanov portal,
1240. godine. Katedrala u Trogiru.

26
43/44 Skulptura na ulazu u splitski
zvonik, sredina 13. stoljeæa, i crte
obuæe desnog telamona.
doèuje onakovu umjetnost, kakovu je konzervativna provincijska sredina Dalmacije mogla
dati sama od sebe" (Karaman, 1963: 43), Radovanov je portal "odraz osjeæanja i znanja
onog doba, iako u reduciranom obimu i slobodnoj preradbi provincijske sredine, daleke
od uèenih središta skolastiène Europe" (Karaman, 1938: 2).
Skulpturama Radovanova portala bliske su skulpture sa zvonika splitske
katedrale. Na ulazu u zvonik osobito se izdvaja skupna skulptura likova dvojice sna
nih
telamona sa
enskom figurom izmeðu njih. Dobro prikazana i oèuvana odjeæa i obuæa
navedenih likova, znaèajan su prilog upoznavanju odijevanja u srednjem vijeku. Središnji
lik, uspravna
ena, obuvena je u vrlo plosnate cipele, sprijeda malo zašiljene. Obuæa tela-
mona istovjetna je onoj starca – sijeènja, s Radovanova portala, "s visokim drvenim pot-
platom i gornjim ko
natim dijelom sprijeda su poluotvorene, a straga slobodne; imaju
naokolo i niz zrna, vjerojatno glave èavala. One se navlaèe preko laganih ko
nih cipela,
priljubljenih uz nogu, koje se vezuju sprijeda kopèom ili sa strane ste
u vrpcom"
(Keèkemet, 1955: 96-97).
Gotika je stilsko razdoblje u srednjovjekovnoj umjetnosti koje se u 13.
stoljeæu nastavlja na romaniku i traje do u 15. stoljeæe. To je po svemu drugaèije raz-
doblje, s osnovnom te
njom, naèelom koje u središte zanimanja postavlja èovjeka, a sve
dotadašnje teme – zagrobni
ivot, biblijska prošlost, prizori iz Kristove mladosti, zamjen-
juje novim temama – ljubav prema ovozemaljskom, suvremenost, "Kristova muka – kada
trpi kao Èovjek po èemu je jednak svim ljudima" (Ivanèeviæ, 2004: 64). Nov naèin vred-
novanja ljudskog
ivota i time izmijenjeni pristup odrazio se na sveukupnu umjetnost, ali
i na èovjekovu svakodnevicu – odijevanje i obuvanje. Još su uvijek u uporabi prete
ito
visoke cipele koje se zatvaraju s pomoæu vezica ili kopèe, nogavice ojaèane ko
nim pot-
platom te neizostavne klompe kao zaštitna obuæa. Sredinom 14. stoljeæa napušta se duga
odjeæa, dotada zajednièka za oba spola i uvodi kratka odjeæa za muškarce. To je velika
novina i oznaèava prvu pojavu mode (Boucher, 1965: 192). Ta promjena (kratka odjeæa
koja otkriva muškarèeve noge) uvjetovala je stvaranje nove, drugaèije obuæe – nogavice
priljubljene poput èarapa razlièitih duljina, od gle
nja pa do bedara. U posljednjoj èetvr-
27
28

Prethodna strana:
45 Zašiljene cipele, à poulaines i
drvene sandale, 14. i 15. stoljeæe.
46 Sveèanost lova na dvoru Filipa
Dobrog, detalj, 15. stoljeæe, Muzej
Versailles. Burgundska dvorska
moda, kaljaèa i cipela à poulaines.
1 Zbog pretjerivanja i ekscentriènos-
ti (šiljci su sve dulji, obojeni blješ-
tavim bojama i okiæeni zvonèiæima
èime se izravno velièala seksualnost)
tu je modu zabranjivala i crkva (pro-
glasima, proglašavanjem 'crne kuge'
Bo
jom kaznom za poulaine) i vlasti
(zabrane izradbe i nošenja). Vidjeti:
http://podiatry.curtin.edu.au
tini 14. stoljeæa cipela mijenja oblik, prednji se dio produ
uje u obliku kljuna koji završa-
va dugaèkim šiljkom – cipela à poulaine. Duljina šiljka ovisila je o statusu i polo
aju
nositelja što je bilo ureðeno mnoštvom propisa. Tako je kne
evima i prinèevima pripadao
šiljak duljine od 2,5 stope, visokom plemstvu od 2 stope, vitezovima od 1,5 stope,
bogatašima od 1 stope, dok je svima ostalima pripadao šiljak duljine od svega 0,5 stope
(Thiel, 1963: 202). Iako su svojim oblikom bile nalik cipelama à pigache iz 12. stoljeæa,
cipele à poulaine1 širile su se s burgundskom modom po Europi i ostale u uporabi skoro
jedno stoljeæe (Boucher, 1965: 198).
Istaknuti šiljak s vremenom se produljivao do 40 cm pa se pri kretanju
vezivao lanèiæem za koljena. Cipelama à poulaine bile su prilagoðene i klompe, prava
modna novost – izraðene od drveta, s dva ojaèanja nalik peti i s uobièajenim šiljkom
(Thiel, 1963: 221). Obuvale su se pod cipelu u svrhu zaštite od uliènog blata. Bila je to
obuæa po svemu ru
na i neugodna. Koncem razdoblja (osamdesetih godina 15. stoljeæa)
šiljci na cipelama i klompama sve su manji i uskoro posve nestaju. Cipele pak sliène
papuèama zatvarale su se sa strane pomoæu kopèe ili vrpce, no otmjenije je bilo koristiti
nogavicu pojaèanu ko
natim potplatom ili ko
nate potplate remenom prièvrstiti na noge
(Thiel, 1963: 203). S vremenom ta obuæa
(nogavice pojaèane ko
nim potplatom)
polako nestaje iz uporabe, dok se sve više rabe
èizme. Bilo ih je razlièitih oblika, primjerice,
'zavrnute' èizme – prethodnica jahaèe èizme,
visoke èizme heuses, koje su se pokatkad nosile
povrh mekanih cipela nazivanih brodequins
(Boucher, 1965: 198). U tom razdoblju po-
javljuje se novi oblik klompe s ko
natim pot-
platom koja se nazuvala bez cipele. Nisu
slu
ile kao zaštita obuæe veæ se svrstavaju u
suvrsticu obuæe (Pratt, Woolley, 1999: 13).
enska obuæa i dalje je sli-
jedila mušku modu. Promjene koje su se
dogodile u muškoj obuæi zahvatile su i
ensku
obuæu èime je ujedno naznaèen i konac
cjelokupne srednjovjekovne dvorske mode
koja više nije mogla razviti nešto novo (Thiel,
1963: 234). U splitskim arhivskim zapisima iz
toga doba spominje se i obuæa: više pari
bijelih èarapa i cipele, iz èega se mo
e zakljuèiti kako se i na našim podruèjima osjeæao
utjecaj europskih modnih središta (Beziæ-Bo
aniæ, 1981: 73).
Novo stilsko razdoblje koje je smijenilo gotiku, a s ciljem obnavljanja
opæeg duha klasiènoga starog svijeta – renesansa, oznaèilo je velik preokret. Procvala je
nova umjetnost puna zanosa za antièkim skladom, suprotno opæenitosti i potèinjenosti
srednjeg vijeka. eli se vratiti ugled i povjerenje u pojedinca i ozakoniti njegovo pravo na
osobne slobode. Zaèeta u Italiji, ondje se najviše i razvila te preuzela primat u umjetnos-
ti, ali i u europskoj modi.
Muškarci i
ene nalazili su u odijevanju ostvarenje htijenja za lijepim
oblikom koji æe zadovoljiti njihov ukus, strast za bojama i, ponajprije, osobitu razlièitost
(Boucher, 1965: 181). Time se napajala talijanska moda renesanse pa u obuæu uvodi jed-
nostavne cipele prilagoðene obliku stopala. ene su takoðer nosile udobne cipele, dobro
prilagoðene nozi, ali i cokule, zocolli, cipele s vrlo debelim potplatom. Pojavile su se u
29
 "Vaša visost je
bli
e nebu nego
kad sam vas
zadnji put vidio
i to za visinu
chopine".

SHAKESPEARE

(O’Keeffe, 1996:383)

Veneciji radi zaštite od èestih uliènih poplava. S vremenom su potplati sve više rasli u vis- 47/48 Chopine, venecijanska moda
inu (do pola lakta) pa su
ene s takvom obuæom izgledale poput divova. Nesigurno 1600. godine.
hodanje i èesto padanje nositeljice su izbjegavale oslanjanjem na sluškinju – pratiteljicu
(Thiel, 1963: 256, 258). Zbog neudobnosti i nesigurnosti nisu ostale dugo u modi. Obuæa
je nu
no postajala sve šira što je nositeljici omoguæavalo èvršæi i sigurniji hod. Poèetkom
16. stoljeæa cipele su sprijeda poprimile èetvrtasti oblik i postale tako široke da su lièile
kravljim gubicama, à guele de vache, i medvjeðim šapama, à pied d'ours2 (Thiel, 1963: 275).
Iznimno širokog potplata, plosnata vrha te gornjišta s brojnim prorezima, cipela je
izgledala nezgrapno, ali unatoè tomu bila je vrlo omiljena. Ubla
eni oblik te cipele s u
im
i zaobljenijim vrhom pojavio se u Francuskoj, pod nazivom escappin ili escafignon, sredinom
prve polovice 16. stoljeæa (Boucher, 1965: 231). U drugoj polovici 16. stoljeæa prevladava
raskošna španjolska moda. Španjolske cipele vrlo su brzo izgubile širinu, postale su u
e i
manje izrezane. Pokrivale su cijelo stopalo s blago zašiljenim vrhom. Materijali i boja
cipela prilagoðavali su se odjeæi, a po prvi se puta pojavljuju i pletene èarape koje potisku- 2 Prema francuskoj legendi povezuje
ju duge šivene èarape. Osim cipela za navlaèenje, vrlo su raširene bile èizme, visoke do se s osobom Charlesa VIII (1493.-
1498.), koji je zbog uroðene deforma-
koljena ili èak i preko koljena, usko priljubljene poput èarapa, izraðene od fine kozje cije svojih šest no
nih prstiju, uveo u
ko
e, kordovana (Thiel, 1963:320). Buduæi da je španjolska etiketa zabranjivala
enama modu široke cipele èije je gornjište
pokazivanje stopala, španjolske su koèije bile opremljene mimokretnim vratima s ciljem ukrašeno uzdu
nim i poprjeènim
prorezima (Pratt, Woolley, 1999: 16).
pokrivanja nogu dame pri ulazu ili izlazu iz koèije. ene su osobito cijenile obuæu èiji je
oblik istovjetan muškoj, uz pridavanje velike pozornosti cipeli uvijek izraðenoj od baršu- 3 Osobit oblik papuèa, s iznimno
na, satena ili svile. U izradbi obuæe namijenjene svim društvenim slojevima od 1570. visokim potplatom od 18 inèa (50
cm), venecijanskog podrijetla.
godine ko
a je zamijenila saten (Boucher, 1965: 228). Jednako su se cijenile i èarape, Prvotno obuæa prostituki, ubrzo su
dovoljno tijesne i bijele. Španjolkama je omiljena i najotmjenija bila bijela boja (Thiel, postale omiljene meðu venecijanskim
plemstvom (Pratt, Woolley, 1999:
1963: 328).
19).
Konac 16. stoljeæa obilje
avaju još dvije znaèajne novine u modi cipela.
Prva je uvoðenje pete, podjednako visoke za
ene i muškarce, a koja se "vjerojatno razvi- 4 Suvremenici su to popratili skrom-
nim komentarom "par visokih cipela
la od klinaste cipele i zakošene cipele nazvane chopine"3 (Swann, 1982: 7). Druga je nov- koje nose gospoda … sad na jednu,
ina uvoðenje 'jednakih' cipela, nema više podjele na lijevu i desnu cipelu4 èemu je razlog sad na drugu nogu" (Swann, 1986: 7).

30
49 Henry VIII, Devonshire coll.,
Chatsworth, Engleska, oko1539.
godine. Cipele "medvjeða šapa",
pied d' ours.
50 Muška cipela, vjerojatno Italija,
16. stoljeæe. Koa. MUO 3094.
5 Velika dostignuæa Kopernika,
Keplera, Galilea, Descartesa,
Newtona odredila su nov pogled na
svijet, bitno razlièit od dotadašnjega
pa je i u umjetnosti poèelo drugaèije
gledanje na stvarnost (Janson, 1997:
549).
nemoguænost stvaranja obratnog odraza para kalupa radi visoke pete (Swann, 1986: 7).
Iz arhivskih podataka razvidno je da su neki dijelovi Hrvatske i dalje na
europskome modnom pravcu. Na Hvaru su zabilje
ene èarape raznih boja te dva para
zocolla, obuæa s drvenim potplatima i gornjištem od baršuna odnosno èohe. U Orebiæu
cipele su nabavljali u Genovi i Livornu, a one najskuplje, zlatom ukrašene, u Carigradu
(Beziæ-Bo
aniæ, 2001: 66, 177-178). I u Šibeniku se u to doba nosila europska obuæa:
èizme i cipele. ene su imale poluvisoke cipele i otvorene cipele nalik sandali. Za izrad-
bu navedene obuæe koristila se goveða, teleæa i jareæa ko
a (Beziæ-Bo
aniæ, 2001: 53). U
Dubrovniku su toliko cijenili raskošnu odjeæu i obuæu najnovije europske mode da je
Republika radi zaštite ugro
enih domaæih obrtnika (sve su se manje kupovali domaæi
proizvodi, a sve je veæi bio odljev novca iz Republike) donijela zakon protiv luksuza
(Beziæ-Bo
aniæ, 2001: 63).
Stilsko razdoblje u europskoj umjetnosti povezano sa znanosti,5 koje je
naslijedilo renesansu i trajalo kroz cijelo 17. stoljeæe pod nazivom barok, obilje
eno je
ponovnim uèvršæenjem katolicizma, apsolutistièkim dr
avama i novom ulogom znanosti
(Janson, 1997: 549). Barok se pojavljuje u raznim zamislima zbog èega je iznimno
raznovrstan. Takva raznovrsnost savršeno se uklopila u širenje novog pogleda na svijet,
potaknuta je ponovna prosudba èovjeèanstva uz istaknutu ulogu ljudske strasti. Gradi se
raskošno i ukrašava kiæeno. Ljudsko tijelo prikazuje se u smionim stavovima i razigranim
pokretima. Te
nja za ukrašavanjem svenazoèna je što nije mimoišlo ni modu.
Obuæa 17. stoljeæa bila je podlo
na mijenama, posebice u razdoblju
tridesetogodišnjeg rata (1618.-1648.) te u vrijeme vladavine Louisa XIV (1643.-1715.).
Pod utjecajem flamanske graðanske mode, u prvim je desetljeæima stoljeæa èizma bila
glavna muška obuæa. Èizma s osrednje visokom petom, mekanih i visokih sara proširenih
(u gornjem dijelu) i presavijenih ispod koljena – poput zdjelice ili pehara, bila je zami-
jeæena modna pojedinost veæ s poèetka 1615. godine (Swann, 1986: 14). Skladnom i ljup-
kom obliku èizme pridonijela je prednja uglato krojena kapica (nije više zaobljena), a
svakako i dodatni ures u obliku manšete ukrašene resama ili èipkom (Thiel, 1963: 348).
31
32
51 Henri II, 1550. godine, Muzej
Louvre. Kone cipele, escappin ili
escafignon.
52 Henry Rich, prvi grof Holland,
1640. godine. Nat. Portrait Gall.,
London. Èizme ukrašene èipkom i
kaljaèe s ravnim potplatom.
53 Muška èizma, 1630. – 1640.
godine. Koa, našiveno gornjište u
drugoj boji.
Prethodna strana:
54 Muške cipele (nisu par) s prorezi-
ma na gornjištu, Engleska, izmeðu
1510. – 1530. Naðeno u grobištu
stradalnika od kuge, London.
6 James I (1603.-1625.) rekao je: "U
tu je svrhu slu
io jard (oko 1m)
vrpce, po cijeni od 6 penija." (Swann,
1986: 12).
7 Siromašni su imali crvene vrpce,
dok Massingerova Gradska gospoða
ima sljedeæi komentar: "Ljudi sred-
njeg imovnog stanja nose podvezice i
i ru
e po cijeni višoj od £ 5." (Swann,
1986: 12).
Inaèica opisane èizme s našivenim gornjim zdjelièastim dijelom bila je u širokoj uporabi
u razdoblju 1630.-1640. godine. Obvezatno je èizma na no
nom zglobu bila opremljena i
ostrugama (èesto pozlaæenima), no uvijek preširokima što je stvaralo slikovit, "arogantan
i mu
evan dojam, shodno vojnièkom duhu vremena" (Swann, 1986: 14). Èarape su
postale va
an dio obuæe s novom ulogom – ukrasnom. Skupocjene svilene èarape
raznovrsne po namjeni i gotovo svih boja nosile su se s cipelama i s èizmama. Kada su se
obuvale u èizmu, štitile su se dugim èarapama od batista ili lanena platna, a dodatni ures
bila je veæ spomenuta manšeta. Manšeta je pri vrhu bila ukrašena volanima od èipke, a
stavljala se izmeðu èarape i èizme (Boucher, 1965: 255). Manje imuæni, kojima su svilene
èarape i ukrasni dodaci bili nedostupni, morali su se zadovoljiti lanenim èarapama kroje-
nim i šivanim u sklopu narodne nošnje (Thiel, 1963: 348). U otmjenoj – salonskoj odjeæi
èarapa se, zajedno s èizmom, dr
ala luksuznim predmetom.
Široka uporaba èizme (utjecaj rata) ipak nije posve istisnula cipele.
Prvotno zaobljeni vrh cipele ubrzo se mijenja u uglato gornjište iz kojeg je izrastao široki
jezik, stra
nji se dio povisio tako da je cipela obuhvaæala cijelo stopalo i postajala sve viša
(Thiel, 1963: 348). Cipele su izraðivane prete
ito od ko
e (kordovana), svijetlih boja
(omiljena bijela) uz raznobojne konce u doradi ili pak ukrašene rupicama uz primjenu
raznovrsnih vezica, "sve s ciljem stvaranja dojma napadne raskošnosti" (Swann, 1986: 12).
Cipele s ko
natim jezikom, s veæim ili manjim otvorima sa strane, zatvarale su se s
pomoæu ko
nih remenèiæa, ali su se rabile i vrpce,6 od jednostavno slo
enih do raskošno
oblikovanih ru
a s pridodanim biserima ili šljokicama (Swann, 1986: 12). Vrpce su bile
pokazatelj imovnih moguænosti nositelja.7 Kao zaštitna obuæa èesto su se nosile kaljaèe s
ravnim potplatom. Izmeðu muške i
enske obuæe, moda i nadalje ne pravi razliku. enska
cipela takoðer dobiva uglati vrh, visoku koso rezanu petu, a spone su bile ukrašene
33
mašnom ili rozetom (Thiel, 1963: 354). S poèetkom druge polovice 17. stoljeæa 55
enska cipela, djevojaèka,
Francuska preuzima vodstvo u stvaranju mode, a Pariz postaje modno središte Europe. U Engleska, oko 1600. godine.

arište mode sve više dolaze èarape i cipele, a noga, po uzoru na Španjolsku (stoljeæe rani- Antilop. Ashmolean Museum,
Oxford.
je), postaje mjerilo dvorske otmjenosti i elegancije. Najelegantnije su bile svilene èarape
gdje su èak i šav i umetak bili ukras. Umjesto èizama, koje su nestale iz salona i ostale u 56
enska cipela, Engleska, 1660. –
uporabi samo u vojsci i za lov, u modu ulaze cipele. Na vrhu s dugaèkom, ravno odsje- 1670. godine. Koa i našivene svi-
èenom kapicom, sve du
e i sa sve višim petama,8 cipele postaju pravo malo umjetnièko lene vrpce.
djelo (Thiel, 1963: 384). Sljedeæa strana:
Uobièajene boje muških cipela bile su crna i smeða, a ukrašavale su se 57 Muške cipele, Hrvatska, 2. polovi-
kao i prije vrpcama, kovnim ploèicama i rozetama. Godine 1660. u Engleskoj ulazi u modu ca 17. stoljeæa. Rips i atlas, poza-
menterijska vrpca, koa. MUO
kopèa9 koja uskoro postaje glavni ukras cipele. Kopèe su bile raznolikih oblika i velièine
2970.
ukrašene dragim kamenjem ili staklenom masom za umjetne dragulje. Od samog poèet-
ka smatrale su se nakitom te su se mogle prenositi s jedne cipele na drugu ili èak koris-
titi i na ostalim odjevnim predmetima (Swann, 1986: 20). U drugoj polovici 17. stoljeæa
cipela je zašiljena vrha i nadalje visoke ravne, a kasnije skošene 'francuske'10 pete. Koncem
stoljeæa, vrh cipele ponovno je postao èetvrtast. Posebna znaèajka
enskih cipela bila je
vrpca od jareæe ko
e bijele boje koja se umetala izmeðu slojeva pete i slu
ila za prièvršæi- 8 Zbog svojega niskog rasta, Louis
XIV dao je podlo
iti potplate i pete
vanje za potplat (Swann, 1986: 15). Rabe se i dalje kaljaèe u svrhu zaštite od blata. svojih cipela plutom i presvuæi crven-
Ni u tom razdoblju primorski dijelovi Hrvatske nisu u modi odjeæe i om ko
om. Takva je crvena peta bila
obuæe zaostajali za ostalom Europom. U Korèuli se iz popisa odjeæe korèulanskih knezo- sve do francuske revolucije povlastica
plemstva (Thiel, 1963: 364).
va saznaje za muške èizme, jedne alla turca,
ute papuèe i cipele, raznobojne pamuène
èarape, èarape od vune i svilene 'bordazine', kupljene u Veneciji (Beziæ-Bo
aniæ, 2001: 9 Pepys u svom Dnevniku za dan
243). enske cipele prete
ito su od svile ili pana (sukna), s višom ili ni
om petom te spri- 22. sijeènja 1660. obznanjuje sljedeæu
novost: "Danas sam poèeo stavljati
jeda s vrpcom vezanom u petlju. Nosile su se i cipele otvorenih peta, nalik sandalama, a kopèe na svoje cipele …" (Swann,
raskošnije cipele bile su ukrašene vezom i metalnim kopèama (Beziæ-Bo
aniæ, 2001: 1986: 20).
244). Na udaljenom Visu spominju se èarape i cipele, a sve su dio djevojaèkog miraza
10 Peta sa straga jasno uvijenim i
(Beziæ-Bo
aniæ, 2001: 236), dok se na Hvaru dosljedno odijevalo i obuvalo po modi onoga zaobljenim oblikom (Zander-Seidel,
vremena. Spominju se cipele, èizme, zocolli, papuèe, èarape raznih boja, pamuène i od 2002: 231).

34
35
svile te osobito sotto calzo, vrsta donjih èarapa koje su se obuvale ispod gornjih èarapa 58
enske cipele za vjenèanje,
(Beziæ-Bo
aniæ, 2001: 200). Engleska, 1770. – 1786. godine.
Rokoko je stil u umjetnosti proizašao iz francuskog baroka i prote
e se Saten, vez s raznobojnim koncem,
koa, srebrna kopèa, brušeno
kroz 18. stoljeæe do francuske revolucije 1789. godine. Silno velike i pretjerano kiæene staklo.
oblike preinaèio je u lakše, prisnije i nje
nije. Maštovitošæu doèarava zaèarani svijet i tako
omoguæuje povremeni bijeg od stvarnog
ivota. Proširio je raspon ljudskih osjeæaja (otkrio
svijet ljubavi) te uveo obitelj kao jednu od glavnih tema umjetnosti (Janson, 1977: 610).
Maštovitost kao obilje
je epohe odrazila se u velikoj mjeri i na modu. Koriste se razlièiti
stilovi oblikovanja pa se obuæa poèinje razlikovati prema spolovima. Cipela je i nadalje
prete
ita muška obuæa. Vrh cipele dobiva šiljasti oblik, peta se sni
ava na 2,5-3 cm visine,
još uvijek presvuèena, a rjeðe od ko
e u slojevima crvene boje,11 no sada i uz svakodnevnu
odjeæu. Kopèa je jedini ukras (poznata Artois kopèa),12 najprije postavljena na vrh rista,
kasnije spuštena ni
e prema prstima (Swann, 1986: 25-26, 28). Za izradbu cipela rabila
se ko
a, a najèešæe boje su crna i tamno smeða. Pri koncu 18. stoljeæa ko
a je postajala
laganija (tanja i mekša). U drugoj polovici 18. stoljeæa, èizma ulazi ponovno u modu, sada
kao obuæa za šetnju. Razvijaju se novi oblici: d
okejska èizma kod koje je gornji dio pre-
savijen ispod koljena s vidljivom postavom u drugoj boji kao ukrasom, husarska èizma s
kratkom sarom ukrašenom resama (Thiel, 1963: 349). Papuèe su i nadalje u obliku
natikaèa, dublje izrezane; prvotno su izraðivane od brokata, kasnije od lagane ko
e u
odabranim bojama. enska cipela postaje svojim oblikom i izradbom vrhunac majstorskog
umijeæa. Èim je moda dopustila da se vidi stopalo (po prvi puta u doba kasne renesanse
11 "Crvene pete su se i dalje nosile,
s prevlasti španjolske mode), mala ljupka noga postala je znak ljepote. Takva je morala ali 1771. više nisu bile ogranièene na
biti i cipela. Cipele su izraðivane od tkanine (lana, svile, vune), prete
ito podstavljene sveèanu odjeæu ili samo na muškar-
jareæom ko
om, uz pripadne vrpce, kopèe, vez pa i dragulje. ce." (Swann, 1986: 26).

12 General Evening Post ustvrdio je 31.

svibnja 1788. da je kopèa Artois pre-
pustila mjesto vezicama za cipele "…
Revolucija je ubila modu s kopèama"
(Swann, 1986: 29).

36
59
enska cipela, Engleska, 1700.
godine. Koa, vrpca od jareæe koe
bijele boje i svilena vrpca.
60
enska cipela s kaljaèom,
Francuska, oko 1755. godine.
Tkanina i koa.
Kako ništa nije bilo preskupo, stra
nja strana skošene visoke pete
ukrašavala se èak i smaragdima, koketno poruèujuæi 'pogledaj me' (Thiel, 1963: 418).
Promjenu su do
ivjele i kaljaèe, zaštitna obuæa s ko
natim potplatom i oblikom koji je
"toèno odgovarao cipeli s visokom petom" (Zander-Seidel, 2002: 232). Sredinom druge
polovice 18. stoljeæa
ene nose èizme, ali samo za jahanje. Èizme su bile naèinjene od
jareæe ko
e, zaobljena vrha, srednje visoke pete, a vezivale su se sprijeda (Swann, 1986:
30). Veliko znaèenje modne pojedinosti dobiva i èarapa, kako za muškarce tako i za
ene.
37
 S francuskom revolucijom 1789. godine dotadašnji modni stil do
ivljava
znaèajne promjene. To je vrijeme ratova, istaknuto doba muške mode, ponovno s èizmom
– glavnom muškom obuæom. Èizme su se pojavljivale u raznim oblicima i pod razlièitim
nazivima èime su svjedoèile o svojem vremenu. Hesenska èizma, visoka do koljena, sprije-
da s V-izrezom i kiticom bila je u prvi mah najraširenija (Swann, 1986: 35). Poèetkom 19.
stoljeæa potisnula ju je iz mode visoka èizma do koljena nazivana Welligton koja je mogla
biti i poluèizma (visoka èizma povuèena prema gle
nju). Osnovni oblici bili su brojni, vrh
u poèetku šiljat da bi uskoro prevladali tupi ovalni oblici. Prvotno su èizme bile bez peta
da bi se kasnije pete ustalile na visini 1,5-2,5 cm. Osim ko
e, rabila se i lakirana ko
a (od
1791. godine) te metalni dodaci (èelièni vršci peta, zakovice, razni èavli, ugraðene met-
alne ostruge) (Swann, 1986: 32). Velika tehnièka novina bila je (1800. godine) ponovno
uvoðenje podjele obuæe za lijevu i desnu nogu, omoguæeno izumom pantografa (Swann,
1986: 7). Èizme su se nosile i u salonu i kazalištu, no nisu mogle posve protjerati cipelu.
Cipela je mijenjala oblik, od šiljata do tupo ovalna te naposljetku èetvrtasta vrha, krojena 61
enske papuèe s rozetama u boji
sve ni
e s kratkim jezikom i niskom petom, prete
ito crne boje. Kopèa je ustupila mjesto francuske trobojnice, Francuska,
1789. godine.
vezicama, s jednim ili dva para rupica za vezice. Novina je došla iz Amerike gdje se otkri-
lo kako Indijanci rade vrlo atraktivnu obuæu koja se dijelom uopæe ne razlikuje od
suvremene (Swann, 1986: 33). enska obuæa bila je dobro zastupljena, najviše poluèiz-
mom s talijanskom petom.13 Visoke cipele još su se nosile, no moda je 1813. godine uvela
sandalu – cipelu, suvrsticu nisko krojenih salonki, bez pete, a vezale su se vrpcom oko
gle
nja (Swann, 1986: 38). To æe još dugo biti najva
nija
enska obuæa.
Moda tog razdoblja odrazila se i u Hrvatskoj, primjerice u Makarskoj. S
13 'Talijanska' peta, vrlo tanka peta
poveæanom trgovinom i ojaèanim vezama sa svijetom, raste uvoz raznih roba, pri èemu ni uèvršæena klinom koji podupire luk
obuæa nije zaobiðena. U mirazima (dotama) udavaèa obvezno se nalaze razni primjerci stopala (Swan, 1986: 30).

38
62
enske cipele, Hrvatska, kraj 18.
stoljeæa. Svila, koa, peta
"Madame Pompadour". HPM 953.
obuæe: cipele od crnog baršuna, zatim od svile, dublje izrezane, nazivane gondoline te
razne vrste pamuènih i svilenih èarapa (Beziæ-Bo
aniæ, 2001: 78, 82). U Splitu, najveæe-
mu gradu Dalmacije, modna strujanja europskih kulturnih središta pratila su se koliko je
to bilo moguæe (plemiæki i bogati graðanski slojevi društva). S poèetka stoljeæa nosile su
se cipele i pantofole (zatvorena cipela osobito omiljena u Veneciji) izraðene od vrlo meke
kozje ko
e ili baršuna, obrubljene zlatnom i srebrnom vrpcom (Bo
iæ-Bu
anèiæ, 1982: 74,
82). Cipele je pratio velik izbor raznovrsnih èarapa od svile, pamuka, platna i konca,
pokatkad i vezene. Sredinom 18. stoljeæa nezgrapne niske cipele potisnule su lagane i
mekane, pianella ili mulette, cipele podignuta vrha. Nosile su se i po kuæi i na ulici.
Moderne su bile i cipele s visokom petom, od svile, antilopa, baršuna u bijeloj, ru
ièastoj,
sivkastoj i bisernoj boji (Bo
iæ-Bu
anèiæ, 1982: 78).
39
 63 Muške èizme, oko 1848. godine.
Koa, platno, mjedene ostruge.
HPM 31919.

64 Muške èizme, Hrvatska, sredina

19. stoljeæa. Dio instalacijske
odore bana J. Jelaèiæa. Koa, sre-
brne rese, vrpca za vezivanje i
srebrne ostruge. HPM 9486.

U prvoj polovici 19. stoljeæa, bidermajer je, nasuprot raskošnim oblici- 14 Veæ 1836. godine bile su u upora-
bi gumene kaljaèe. O njihovoj upora-
ma empira, stil skromnoga graðanskog okru
enja kojeg odlikuje jednostavnost, prak- bi piše i Charles Dickens u Pickwick
tiènost i udobnost. To je stoljeæe kada se u proizvodnji obuæe poèinju koristiti nova tvori- Papers: "jako fini gospodin – jedan od
va – guma (1830.)14 i ko
a gmazova (1860.); novi postupci – primjena klinova za uèvršæi- onih koji su vrlo precizni i uredni,
koji stavljaju svoje noge u mala
vanje potplata (1842.), štavljenje ko
e ekstraktom hrastove kore kao poèetak modernog gumena vjedra za gašenje po
ara kada
antilopa (1873.); nove boje – smeða boja (1864.) i novi dijelovi tj. pribor – elastiène pet- je kišno vrijeme" (Swann, 1986: 41).
lje (1840.), kukice za vezice (1865.). Poluèizma je još uvijek najèešæa muška obuæa koja
15 Blucher, visoka cipela (poluèizma),
se naizmjenièno (ovisno o namjeni i prigodi) nosi s la- sprijeda vezana s otvorenim jezikom i
ganom, salonskom cipelom. Obje su imale uglati vrh, petu ravnim šavom sa strane. Prvotno su
visine 2,5-3,5 cm, zatvorene elastiènom uzicom ili vezica- strane bile izraðene od jednog koma-
da ko
e bez stra
njeg šava (Swann,
ma s tri do èetiri para rupica na cipelama (tip Blucher)15, 1986:89).
odnosno petnaest pari rupica na èizmama (tip Derby)16.
Modna novina bile su èizme s elastiènim umetcima koje 16 Derby èizma ili cipela s otvorenim
rupièastim jezikom koji je našiven na
je 1837. J. Sparkes Hall darovao kraljici Viktoriji, a kapicu (Swann, 1986:89).
poboljšanu inaèicu predstavio javnosti 1846. godine
17 enska èizmica od jareæe ko
e
(Swann, 1986: 44; Pratt, Woolley, 2000: 71). Moderne su
koja se kopèala s pucadi sa strane
bile i èizme na vezanje, odnosno kopèanje s pucadi sa spominje se 1858. godine
strane koje su muškarci prihvatili veæ 1830. godine, a
ene znatno kasnije17 (Pratt, (Pratt,Woolley, 2000:71).
Woolley, 2000: 71). U istom razdoblju,
enska se obuæa nije mnogo mijenjala. I dalje se
nosi cipela bez pete, no sada s otupljenim vrhom (poput muških) i vezanjem ukri
oko 65 Muška cipela, Blucher, Engleska,
gle
nja. Cipele su se izraðivale prete
no od tkanina, najèešæe crne boje, dok su se u iz- 1840. godine. Koa.

40

66
enske cipele (s lijeva na desno)
a) London, 1825.–1850. godine.
Svileni saten i vrpce za vezivanje
oko glenja, koa. b) i c) London,
Francuska 1830.–1840. godine.
Svileni saten i rozeta, koa.
67
enske èizmice, 1830.- 1840.
godine. Atlas, svila, svilene vez-
ice, koa. Germanisches National
Museum, Nürnberg.
68
enske èizmice, Hrvatska, 1.
polovica 19. stoljeæa. Platno i
elastièni umetak u sari, koa.
MGS 3415.
nimnim prigodama nosile cipele naèinjene od atlasa, satena, svile ili
pletene slame. Ko
a se koristila samo za tanki potplat i kapicu gorn-
jišta. Zbog osjetljivosti gornjišta te stoga kratkotrajne uporabe,
kupovalo se nekoliko pari cipela istog modela (Zander-Seidel, 2002:
235). Modni predmet i dalje su èarape u bijeloj, be
ili naravnoj boji
ko
e s ukrasnim vezom (Thiel, 1963: 534). Tijekom tridesetih i
èetrdesetih godina 19. stoljeæa, èizmice od tkanine postaju toliko
obljubljene da je cipela s vezanjem oko gle
nja, nakon pola stoljeæa
vladavine u modi, nestala (Thiel, 1963: 543). Tako su se 1830.
godine pojavile èizmice s gornjištem od svile svijetlih boja s veza-
njem na unutarnjoj strani, tankih potplata i plitke pete. Pret-
postavlja se da su bile namijenjene za vjenèanja jer je upravo u to
vrijeme bijela boja prihvaæena kao vjenèana (Zander-Seidel, 2002:
236). Da je hrvatska javnost bila brzo i dobro obavještavana o europ-
skim modnim kretanjima koja su se, jednako tako, i brzo usvajala,
svjedoèi i prijekor Ivana Kukuljeviæa-Sakcinskog sugraðanima, objavljen u Danici 12. vel-
jaèe 1842., gdje se prezrivo osvræe na njihovo kozmopolitsko odijevanje: "A vi i vaši sinovi
u finih cernih frakih s uzkimi rukavi, u tesnih hlaèah, u belih nogavicah i tesnih cipeljah
izgledate kao da ste uprav sada iz Pariza pobegli."(Ivoš, 1997: 155).
41
 Tijekom druge polovice 19. stoljeæa, u razdoblju historicizma, oponaša-
ju se dotadašnji stilovi. Velik preokret u proizvodnji obuæe donio je pronalazak nekoliko
strojeva namijenjenih razlièitim postupcima izradbe – strojnom prièvršæivanju zakovica
(1853.), strojnom šivanju ko
e (1856.), strojnom šivanju cipele s unutarnje strane (1860.).
Uvoðenjem strojeva, poèinje i serijska proizvodnja cipela koja je utjecala na modu.
Istodobno, gotovo nestaju visoke èizme, a u modu ulaze poluèizme s kopèanjem sa strane.
Ujedno se mijenja i oblik obuæe pa uglati vrh postaje zaobljen. Poluèizma od lakirane ko
e

69 Muška cipela, Northampton,

1864.godine. Koa.

70 Muška èizma, Derby, Engleska,

1870.–1880. godine. Krokodilska
koa, vezice i kukice.

71
enske èizmice, Hrvatska, oko

1880. godine. Platno, koa. MUO
29598.

Sljedeæa strana:
72/73
enska Barrette èizmica,
Engleska, 1880. i Barrette cipela,
Švicarska,1874. godine.
Koa, ukrasni izrezi s pucetima i
kopèama.

42
nosila se kao otmjena obuæa uz frak ili smoking. Sredinom osamdesetih godina 19. st.
dogodile su se promjene u korištenju boja i materijala. Upotrebljava se i smeða boja (1864.),
a od novih materijala koriste se teleæi boks (u poèetku samo u crnoj boji), a peau de suede
(1873.) oznaèava poèetak modernog antilopa. Guma je veæ u širokoj uporabi, ili kao vrsta
obuæe (gumene kaljaèe), ili kao materijal za izradbu dijelova obuæe (potplati, pete, razne
uzice i petlje). Tih su godina standardizirane i velièine cipela (Swann, 1986: 54, 56). U
muškoj obuæi modno prete
u cipele s vezanjem sprijeda, ko
natim uzicama kroz tri-èetiri
rupice (polucipela Oxford, u Francuskoj poznata po nazivu Richelieu) ili uzicama kroz pet
pari rupica i èetiri para kukica te s metalnim vrškom na jednoj uzici (visoka cipela – poluèiz-
ma Derby nazivana i Lorne, u Francuskoj Molière) (Swann: 1986: 46). Sveopæom uporabom
gle
njaèa, èizma Wellington posve je nestala, a od èizama nosile su se one s vezanjem sprije-
da (Derby) ili kopèanjem (Balmoral). Uza svakodnevnu
ensku odjeæu, uglavnom su se
nosile èizmice Balmoral od satena ili èvrste ko
e koje su se umjesto sa strane zatvarale spri-
jeda, a uz sveèanu odjeæu polucipele. Potonje su se ubrzano mijenjale: zaobljeni vrhovi
1880-ih postaju šiljatiji, pete ni
e i zaobljenije da bi 1890-ih prevladala peta Louis XV. U
nadmetanju cipela i èizmi, kao kompromisno rješenje ponuðena je Barrette, i kao cipela
(izraðena od glacé ko
e s ukrasnim pucetima, èetvrtastog vrha, 5,5 cm visokom slojevitom
petom i gornjištem djelomice izvedenom u uskim prugama) i kao èizma (Swann, 1986: 49).
Izvedba je istovjetna cipeli, a ukras gornjišta izveden je du
inom prednje strane sare.
Opisana èizma zahtijevala je svilenu obojenu èarapu.
Obuæa i èarape birale su se, u pravilu, u opreènoj boji. Koliko je u modi
odjeæe bilo velikih promjena s kratkim trajanjima, toliko je to u modi obuæe bilo obrnuto
(Thiel, 1963: 598, 580). Modna kretanja u Europi brzo su prihvaæana u Hrvatskoj zahvalju-
juæi stranim modnim èasopisima (prvi hrvatski modni èasopis "Pari
ka moda" izlazi 1895. u
Zagrebu), katalozima robnih kuæa, fotografijama, sve brojnijim putovanjima graðana u
inozemstvo, u mondena ljetovališta, u popularna ljeèilišta (Ivoš, 2000: 356, 362). U èasopisu
"Dom i sviet" iz 1888. godine, zabilje
eno je kako je iste godine došla iz Pariza modna novost
nošenja obuæe razlièite boje: plava cipela na lijevoj nozi, crvena cipela na desnoj (Ivoš, 2000:
360). Ne èudi stoga da se i u manjim mjestima, kao Starigrad na Hvaru, moderna obuæa,
uglavnom cipele i èarape, spominje u svakoj doti. Tako udavaèa najèešæe ima tri do pet pari
cipela od teleæe ko
e, te svilene i suknene èarape raznih boja, posebice u bijeloj, crvenoj i
naranèastoj boji. Rjeðe se spominju
enske èizmice (Beziæ-Bo
aniæ, 2001: 213).

43
 74
enske cipele, Split, oko 1880.
godine. Platno, svila, koa. MGS
3554.

75
enske plesne cipele, Hrvatska ili

Austrija, kraj 19. stoljeæa. Svileni
atlas, koa, svilena vrpca, brušeno
staklo. MUO 12657.

44
 "Pogledat æu vaše
papuèe. Drage su mi
koliko su drage i
Vama… Udišem nji- Posljednje godine 19. stoljeæa obilje
ava secesija – novi umjetnièki stil
što se proširio u sve europske zemlje i povezao dva stoljeæa. U opreci s dotadašnjim akade-
hov miris, one mirišu mizmom, pojavljuje se pod razlièitim nazivljem (Jugendstil, Secession, Art Nouveau, Liberty style
itd.) te, ovisno o tome je li poèeo ranije ili trajao dulje, obuhvaæa razdoblje od 1890-ih pa do
po verbeni". 1914. godine. No, neosporno je da je izmeðu 1890. i 1910. godine vladao u svim podruèji-
ma oblikovanja pa tako i u modi (Ivanèeviæ, 2004: 263, 267).
GUSTAVE FLAUBERT Borba
ena za socijalna prava (osobito sna
na u Britaniji), bavljenje
ena
omiljenim sportovima (tenis, biciklizam, vo
nja automobilom) te promjena stila, razlozi
(O'Keeffe, 1996:151). su novih modnih pomaka u odjeæi i obuæi zapoèetih 1900. godine na Svjetskoj izlo
bi u
Parizu. Posljednjeg desetljeæa 19. stoljeæa oblici vrhova muške i
enske obuæe izmjenji-
vali su se od "dra
esnih do okrutno zašiljenih prstiju za koje se pretpostavlja da ih
obo
avaju pariške ljepotice i ljepotani" (Swann, 1986: 51). Na prijelazu stoljeæa prete
u
produljeni vrhovi obuæe (osobito u Britaniji), dok su cipele s proširenim vrhom – u obliku
'lopate', prete
ito zastupljene u kontinentalnoj Europi (Pratt, Woolley, 2000: 80).

76
enske svilene èarape i papuèe

(cipele) s vezenim ukrasom,
Europa, 1890.- tih godina.
"Pogledat æu vaše papuèe. Drage
su mi koliko su drage i Vama…
Udišem njihov miris, one mirišu
po verbeni". Gustave Flaubert
(O'Keeffe, 1996:151).

77
enske cipele za tenis, oko 1900.

godine. Brušena koa, svilene ve-
zice, metalne kukice, nategaèe od
drveta. Germanisches National
Museum, Nürnberg.

78
enske èizmice, Austrija, oko

1900. godine. Lak i chevreau
koa, antilop. MUO 11405.

45
 Istodobno, svjetska se proizvodnja jako poveæala,
prete
ito udjelom Sjedinjenih Amerièkih Dr
ava, što
je obuæu pojeftinilo pa ona postaje pristupaèna
svakome. Prodiruæi svojom obuæom u Europu,
Amerikanci su nametnuli i svoje stilove. Tako veæ
1910. godine nude modno rješenje, mušku cipelu
Buldog ili Boston. Zaobljena i uzdignuta vrha s kapi-
com, antilop podstavom, èetiri rupice, srednje visoke
(2,6 cm) slojevite pete, ta je cipela bila odraz secesijskih krivulja (Swann, 1986: 55). Brzo je
uslijedila još jedna amerièka novost, s novim materijalom i u novom stilu, elegantni
enski
model Gibson od tamnozelene krokodilske ko
e, ojaèana potplata i sa širokim vezicama 18 Smeða boja proturjeèila je posto-
jeæim pravilima ponašanja. Još 1893.
(izlo
en u muzeju u Northamptonu) (Swann, 1986: 56). Iste godine (1914.), ponuðen je
godine smeðe cipele nisu se smjele
amerièki patent vodonepropusne dvostruke konstrukcije veldtschoen (šivanje gornjišta na pot- nositi sa salonskim kaputom i svile-
plat s obodom okrenutim prema vani uzdu
donjega ruba). Upotrebljava se sve više smeða nim šeširom. Meðutim, nakon što se
Randolf Churchill javno pokazao u
boja18 u raznim prijelazima (od svijetlosmeðe 'ruske' do tamnosmeðe), a antilop se pojavlju- takvoj 'zabranjenoj kombinaciji', pra-
je u mutnoj zelenoj, sivoj, svijetloljubièastoj i kaki boji. Antilop je bio vrlo popularan u godi- vila su promijenjena veæ 1894.
nama pred Prvi svjetski rat (Swann, 1986: 40). (Swann, 1986: 54).
Od muških èizama i dalje se nose one s vezanjem sprijeda ili na kopèanje. 19 Niska lohana cipela postala je po-
Meðutim, novost je kod èizama na kopèanje to što se sada izraðuju u dvije boje. Pripadna pularna oko 1905. godine (Pratt,
je galoša od lakirane ili glacé ko
e, a sara se izraðuje od tkanine ili zagasite ko
e opreène boje. Woolley, 2000: 88).
Cipele su prete
ito na vezanje s otvorenim (Derby) ili zatvorenim (Oxford) jezikom. Novost 20 Prvi puta viðeno na fotografiji
je u ukrašavanju. Koristi se lohanje19 (površinsko bušenje rupica), dvobojno gornjište te jezik Georgea V. 1911. godine (Swann,
rašèupana ruba20 koji pokriva vezice. Muške cipele s elastiènim umetcima (Chelsea) ostaju u 1986: 57).

uporabi samo kao veèernja obuæa. Prava novost bile su sandale (potplat s remenjem za
pridr
avanje) koje su 1907. godine bile vrlo popularne u 79 Muška cipela, Buldog ili Boston,
odreðenim krugovima (boemskim). enska obuæa do
ivjela je, Northampton, oko 1905. godine.
ovaj puta, više i veæe promjene. Najviše se to odrazilo na peta- Krokodilska koa, svilene vezice.
ma koje su mijenjale visinu od 16 cm do 5,2 cm, a napravljene
80 Muške polucipele, Nürnberg,
su bile od slojevite ko
e. Godine 1904. pojavila se kubanska peta, 1905. godine. Lak i glacé koa,
prosjeène visine 6,5 cm, napravljena od slojevite ko
e. Bila je svilene vezice. Germanisches
èvrsta i jaèa od Louis pete, a 1913. ukrašava se la
nim dragim National Museum, Nürnberg.
kamenjem (Swann, 1986: 58). Iste godine, ponovo se pojavio
81 Èizmice, Engleska, 1910. godine.
vez na kapici. Za zaštitu peta koristile su se ploèice od mjedi Koa u omiljenim bojama
koje su se prièvršæivale vijcima izmeðu dna i prikrivenog dijela. sufraetkinja – pobornica pokreta
Ploèice su se stalno tanjile da bi se do 30-ih godina 20. st. svele za ravnopravnost ena.
na skoro nevidljiv tanki list bijelog metala. Iako su prevladavale
cipele, izbor èizama bio je još uvijek solidan. Uz razne inaèice tipa Derby i Balmoral, bilo ih
je od crnog glacéa s devet do jedanaest puceta, od satena prekrivenog crnom èipkom i s Louis
petom do glacéa s lakiranom galošom. Cipele su do poèetka 20. stoljeæa bile zastupljene
uglavnom tipovima Derby i Oxford, uz dodatno ukrašavanje lohanjem i izvedbom gornjišta u
dvije boje. Cipela Derby naziva se poèetkom 20. stoljeæa Gibson prema 'Gibson djevojkama',
idealiziranim mladim Amerikankama iz stripa Charlesa Gibsona (Pedersen, 2005: 31). Novi
model cipele bio je straga visoko krojen, s remenom za kopèanje ili vezanje oko gle
nja. Ova
cipela primijeæena je u javnosti tek 1911. godine kada su se haljine nešto skratile, te je pod
nazivom Tango bila u najveæoj modi 1913. godine, a nosila se do 1920. godine. Nastavljao se
stil Barrette, a osobito omiljen bio je model Langtry (nazvan prema glumici Lily Langtry).
To je cipela s dva remena i kopèanjem preko jezika èiji je 'prethodnik' cipela Cromwell iz
kasnih 90-ih godina 19. stoljeæa od koje se razlikuje visinom pete, potonja je zamjetno viša
(Swann, 1986: 59, 60). Veæina navedene obuæe, nepromijenjena ili uz izmijenjene pojedi-

46

82
enska cipela, Gibson, Engleska,
1904. godine. Lak i antilop koa,
svilene vezice.
83
enska Tango cipela, Pariz,oko
1913. – 1914. godine. Glacé i
antilop koa, brušeno staklo.
84/85
enska cipela, Cromwell,
Engleska,1890. godine i njezina
"nasljednica" Langtry s kopèanjem
preko jezika, Engleska 1910.
godine. Koa, saten, vez i zrnje.
nosti, zadr
ala se u uporabi i du
e vrijeme što potvrðuje ranije spomenutu èin-
jenicu o rjeðim promjenama obuæe u odnosu na odjeæu. Uslijedit æe 1914. godina
– poèetak Prvoga svjetskog rata koji æe oblikovati proizvodnju cipela, spojiti udob-
no i praktièno, ali i posve umanjiti razlike izmeðu
enske i muške obuæe.
Sve novine – vrste tvoriva, tehnike izradbe i uresa, vrlo su brzo
bile primijenjene u izradbi obuæe. Stilske promjene u odjeæi odrazile su se i na vrste, oblike
i namjenu obuæe. To potvrðuju promjene obuæe koje su se dogodile tijekom stilskih raz-
doblja. Promjene vrha cipele, oblika pete, tvoriva gornjišta i primijenjenih ukrasa bile su
pokazatelji društvenog polo
aja pojedinca, njegova imovnog stanja, sklonosti poštivanju
moralnih i društvenih propisa (uporaba ovisno o prigodi). No, naposljetku, nije izostalo ni
odašiljanje erotskih poruka. Tako je duljina vrha cipele ili boja pete oznaèivala pripadnost
stale
u, primjerice, crvena je peta sve do francuske revolucije bila oznaka plemstva.
Povišena peta presvuèena crvenom ko
om Louisa XIV bila je znak presti
a i moæi; gornjište
od svile ili baršuna s pridodanim vezom potvrðivalo je imovno stanje pojedinca. Iz pravila
ponašanja iz 1818. godine doznajemo da "gospodi u èizmama i poluèizmama neæe biti
dozvoljen pristup" na plesovima u Bathu (Engleska) (Swann, 1986: 35). Društveni polo
aj
pojedinca potvrðuju i raznovrsne vezice (vrpce, kopèe). Cipele s osobito istaknutim
dijelovima (poulaine – šiljak,
enska cipela – 'francuska' peta, ukrašena èak i smaragdima)
koje su nositelji posebice isticali hodom ili drugim pokretima, odašiljale su i svojevrsnu
erotsku poruku. Ujedno se uoèava i razvitak zaštitne obuæe – kaljaèe, od ko
natog potplata
do kaljaèe prilagoðene cipeli, kada se presvuèene baršunom ili svilom skoro i ne doimaju
zaštitnom obuæom. Premda udaljenija od modnih središta Europe, Hrvatska je (na temelju
navedenih zapisa) br
e ili sporije slijedila modne pravce i tako bila u tijeku dogaðanja. Iako
je cipela prvotno bila sakrivena ispod duge odjeæe, kroz svoje mijene potvrðuje nadahnuæe
njezina tvorca. Njezina mnogoznaènost s pravom zaslu
uje uvijek pridavanu joj pozornost.
Vesna Zoriæ
86 Opanci kišni – opanci oputaši s
kalupom, Topolo (Dubr. primorje),
1974, EMZ 24656ab.
Prethodna strana:
87 Stari postolarski alat iz ostavštine
obitelji Divjak, Varadin, izmeðu
dva svjetska rata, GMV 44879
(lasciger, cirkl, mustre, holcrašpa,
knaj, ampus, radl, štufer, glenštik,
lohajzl, mustre za pete).
Obuæarski obrt i rukotvorstvo
P O D P O J M O M O B R T A obièno podrazumijevamo proizvodnu, preraðivaèku ili uslu
nu
djelatnost koju obavlja obrtnik samostalno ili uz pomoænike. Njegov proizvod izraðen je
ruèno uz pomoæ alata i namijenjen je prodaji. Obrtnik
ivi od svoje profesije za koju se
morao obuèavati i školovati. Za razliku od obrta, domaæa radinost ili rukotvorstvo je dje-
latnost koju su vješti pojedinci obavljali za podmirenje vlastitih, te potreba u
e ili šire
zajednice. Ova djelatnost je dopunsko zanimanje, a vještina je ovisila o talentu i tradici-
jom ustaljenom radu. Vrlo èesto, iz tradicijskog rukotvorstva razvili su se pojedini obrti.
Jedan je od takvih obrta i opanèarstvo, o èemu æe ovdje biti rijeèi.
BRATOVŠTINE I CEHOVI
Obrt kao gospodarska kategorija i razlièite obrtnièke udruge poznate su
od antièkih vremena, no u smislu kakvoga ga danas poznajemo svoje korjene ima u sred-
njovjekovnim gradovima. U Hrvatskoj se taj razvoj odvijao dvojako, ovisno o tome pod
èijom su dominacijom i kakvim povijesnim prilikama bila pojedina podruèja. S jedne strane
su srednjovjekovni gradovi koji su saèuvali kontinuitet iz kasne antike u rani srednji vijek,
u kojima je zadr
ana i nastavljena obrtnièka djelatnost i kasnije. Ovoj skupini pripadaju
antièki Zadar i Trogir, te Split i Dubrovnik koji su se razvili iz rimske Salone, odnosno
Epidauruma. S druge strane u Zapadnoj i Srednjoj Europi, krajem 10. i poèetkom 11. sto-
ljeæa pojavljuju se novi gradovi kao središta obrta i trgovine u kojima robno-novèana privre-
da zamijenjuje feudalnu, naturalnu proizvodnju (Luèiæ, 1979:15). S ovih podruèja stizali
su utjecaji u gradove sjeverne Hrvatske – Vara
din, Zagreb, Koprivnica, Osijek itd.
Razvoj pojedinog obrta u znatnoj je mjeri zavisio od vrste sirovina koje su
na odreðenom podruèju bile dostupne pa je stoga kamen, drvo, ko
a, vuna i dr. odredilo
glavnu vrstu ili premoænu zastupljenost pojedine obrtnièke djelatnosti. S obzirom da je
potreba za obuæom raširena u svim povijesnim razdobljima i geografskim podruèjima nije
neobièno da su ko
ari, te s njima povezani obuæari bili najbrojniji obrtnici u svim podruèji-
49
ma Hrvatske. Razumljivo da su upravo oni meðu prvim obrtnicima pristupili svom 88 Ploèa s urezanim simbolima po-
staleškom organiziranju u obliku bratovštine – fraternitas calegariorum. Prva je obrtnièka stolara na proèelju crkvice sv.
Filipa u Splitu, 18. stoljeæe.
bratovština postolara nastala 1299. godine u Dubrovniku, kao što stoji u oporuci postolara
Bratoslava. Prvi zapis o bratovštini postolara, crevljara – fratalea calegariourum, spominje se
1318. u Zadru (Luèiæ, 1979:220), dok je u Zagrebu na podruèju Gradeca, osnovana 1377.
godine (Šercer, 1991:15).
Srednjovjekovne bratovštine imale su prvotno vjerski i etnièki karakter s
karitativnim i humanitarnim zadaæama. Kasnije se iz njih razvijaju strukovne bratovštine i
cehovi kojima je svrha bila struèna povezanost te unapreðivanje i zaštita vlastitog zanata.
Za razliku od sjeverne Hrvatske u kojoj su cehovi kao privilegirane organizacije stjecali
svoja monopolska prava na proizvodnju i prodaju obrtnièkih proizvoda na temelju
vladarskih privilegija, u obalnim i otoèkim gradovima, komunama pod mletaèkom vlašæu,
obavljanje zanata bilo je slobodno. Tako npr. na Hvaru obrt i obrtne usluge u 15. stoljeæu
nisu bile gotovo nièim ogranièene. Jedini pravni okvir društvenih i gospodarskih odnosa u
komuni – Hvarski statut, sadr
avao je samo odredbu mletaèke vlade kojom se raz-
granièavao prostor rada i prodaje izmeðu hvarskih i viških ko
ara kad je 1446. izmeðu njih
izbio spor. Dr
avne i opæinske vlasti nisu se miješale u slobodni razvoj obrta na svom
podruèju. To je dijelom rezultat okolnosti što su obrti na podruèju hvarske komune kao i
ostalih dalmatinskih komuna bili uglavnom lokalnog dosega i nisu mogli biti konkurenci-
ja Veneciji, a s druge strane što se hvarsko plemstvo – vladajuæi sloj društva – nije bavilo
obrtom tako da ta djelatnost nije zadirala u podruèje njihova gospodarskog interesa
(Petriæ, 1996:226).
Sjedište splitske bratovštine postolara i papuèara bilo je u crkvici sv.
Filipa na èijem je proèelju bila ploèa s urezanim simbolima ovog zanata. U vezi s ovom bra-
tovštinom poznat je pokušaj uspostave cehovskog monopolizma kada su njezini pripadni-
ci pokušali uvesti pravilo po kojem bi se postolarskim zanatom smjeli baviti samo èlanovi
bratovštine. No Vijeæe umoljenih u Veneciji ne da ovo nije odobrilo veæ je 1767. godine
ukinulo i samu bratovštinu s obrazlo
enjem da je bavljenje obrtom slobodno, i da se njime
smije svatko baviti (Bo
iæ-Bu
anèiæ, 1996:131).

50
 U Dubrovniku sve gradske i izvangradske bratovštine bile su pod
èvrstim nadzorom dr
ave i jedina dopuštena javna udru
enja graðana i seljaka. No,
Dubrovnik je bio grad otvoren za svakoga tko je htio doæi, uèiti i baviti se obrtom.
Nauènik – discipulus smio je doæi iz bilo kojeg kraja, grada ili sela. Obrtnièko znanje, struè-
na, radna sprema stjecala se boravkom, radom kod nekog majstora – magister, gledajuæi ga
i prateæi kako radi, usvajajuæi njegova iskustva i svakodnevnu praksu. Nakon dogovora s
majstorom, potpisivao se ugovor u notarskoj kancelariji uz supotpise svjedoka i sudaca
(Luèiæ, 1979:223). Naukovanje za postolara trajalo je razlièno, prete
no od 7 do 12 godi-
na. Na kraju naukovanja, mladi kalfa, kako se kasnije nazivao, dobio je od majstora 6 kalu-
pa, te sav ostali drveni i
eljezni pribor potreban za rad. Uobièajeno je bilo da su djeca
nasljeðivala oèev obrt èime se uštedjelo troškove obuke, nabave alata i prostorija za rad
(Luèiæ, 1979:99). Prema Statutu splitske komune iz 1312. godine postolarski zanat uèio
se 5 godina, uèenik se obavezao da æe vjerno slu
iti majstora, a on je bio du
an ga hrani-
ti i odijevati (Beziæ-Bo
aniæ, 1981) .
O prisutnosti te privredne grane u Trogiru saznajemo iz matiènih knji-
ga. Veæi se broj osoba spominje kao magister, maistro, što znaèi da se bave nekim obrtom.
U razdoblju od 1569-1797. godine saznajemo da na podruèju grada Trogira djeluju 28 pos-
tolara i 6 opanèara koji su nesumljivo mogli zadovoljavati potrebe seljaèkog stanovništva
(Beziæ-Bo
aniæ, 1993:123). Na zakljuèak da su dubrovaèki crevljari izraðivali obuæu i za
seosko puèanstvo upuæuje zapis da su dr
ali na svom skladištu i mekane ovnujske ko
e iz
koje su zacijelo pravili i opanke a ne samo crevlje (Luèiæ, 1979:98). Stari spisi spominju da
tijekom 16. stoljeæa u Hvaru rade 24 postolara koji su domaæi ljudi. Zadovoljavali su
potrebe graðana, a svoje proizvode su radili ili prodavali po otoènim mjestima i na susjed-
nom Visu (Beziæ-Bo
aniæ, 2001:34). Spominju se postolari – cerdones i krpaèi cipela –
sutores, koji su bili najbrojniji, te èizmari – caligarii (Beziæ-Bo
aniæ, 2001:168).

89 Krpaè cipela u radionici s kalfama,

David Ryckaert, 1684., ulje na
platnu (Museum der bildenden
Künste, Leipzig).

51
 U sjevernoj Hrvatskoj, koja je dugo podijeljena na civilnu i vojnu 90 Škrinja zagrebaèkog opanèarskog
Hrvatsku i Slavoniju, najveæi utjecaj na razvoj obrta i njegove oblike udru
ivanja imali su ceha, Zagreb, 1844. Hrastovina,
njemaèki cehovi (Horvat, 1936:198). U podruèjima gdje je bila uspostavljena Vojna kra- intarzija, mjed. MGZ 3567.
jina pod posebnom upravom vojnih vlasti obrt se nije mogao razviti u onoj mjeri kao u 91 Tablica zagrebaèkog opanèarskog
civilnim dijelovima Hrvatske. ceha, Zagreb, 1844. Mjed, isku-
Cehovska pravila ili statute u slobodnim gradovima propisivalo je grad- cana. MGZ 3599.
sko vijeæe, a u gradovima koji su bili u zavisnom polo
aju èinio je to feudalni gospodar.
92 Pozitiv peèatnjaka èizmarskog
Najstariji hrvatski ceh osnovali su zagrebaèki krojaèi (1447), a potom zagrebaèki postolari ceha, Samobor 1858.
eljezo. SM
kojima je potvrdu privilegija dodijelio kralj Matija Korvin 1466. godine. Zagreb se do 422.
1850. godine dijelio na tri samostalna dijela – Gradec, slobodni kraljevski grad, stolni
Kaptol i Vlašku ulicu koja je pripadala pod biskupsku jurisdikciju. U svakom od ova tri 93 Peèatnjak èizmarskog ceha,
Samobor 1858.
eljezo. SM 422.
podruèja obrt i cehovi su se razvijali neovisno, tako da su najstariji postolarski ceh osno- Tablica samoborskog posto-
vali, veæ spomenuti zagrebaèki, odnosno gradeèki, a potom, 1637. godine i kaptolski pos- larskog i èizmarskog ceha,
tolari kojima je privilegije potvrdio Ferdinand III. Godine 1792. biskup Maksimilijan Samobor 1831. Mjed. SM 414.
Vrhovec udru
enim postolarima, krojaèima, èi
marima i gumbarima iz Vlaške ulice izda-
je dozvolu da stupe u kaptolske cehove. Od obuæarskih cehova najmlaði je opanèarski èiji
su èlanovi godine 1810. stupili u zajednièki Veliki ceh. Poveæanjem èlanstva godine
1844., poveljom Ferdinanda I osnovali su samostalni opanèarski ceh (Horvat, 1936:87).
U ostalim gradovima i trgovištima, posebice slabljenjem turske opasnos-
ti cehovske su udruge takoðer nicale. Meðu prvima se 1681. godine organiziraju
koprivnièki obuæari, kada je potvrðen zajednièki ceh ko
ara, opanèara i postolara (Fluksi,
1983:221). Godine 1697. su pak u Legradu potvrðena pravila šoštarskog i kušnjarskog
ceha (Feletar, 1975). Kri
evaèki postolari i ko
ari samostalni ceh osnivaju 1819. godine,
a od 1466. su sa krojaèima, kovaèima, oru
arima i zlatarima èinili zajednièki ceh (Biæaniæ,

52
53
1951:71). Carskim "Privilegiumom" Ferdinanda I, 1836. godine sisaèki ceh dobiva povlas- 94 Zastava zagrebaèkog opanèarskog
tice za 24 obrta meðu kojima se i postolari, opanèari i èizmari. (Matovina, 1987:53) ceha, Zagreb, 1844. Svileni
damast, ulje/platno. MGZ 1117.
Kontinuitet obrtništva u Slavoniji prekinut upadom Turaka, nastavljen je tek poèetkom
18. stoljeæa. U svim podruèjima koja su bila u sastavu Vojne Krajine, pa tako i u Brodu,
nadzor nad svim poslovima imale su vojne vlasti sa sjedištem u Beèu, tako da brodski
obrtnici privilegije dobivaju od Marije Terezije 1768/9. godine (Toldi, 1972 ).
Gotovi su svi cehovski privilegiji sastavljani u gotovo identiènim okviri-
ma pa se bez obzira na grad ili zemlju u kojoj je ceh postojao nisu bitno razlikovali jedni
od drugih. Posuðivali su ih jedni od drugih i prilagoðavali svojim potrebama. Jednako je
tako i organizacija cehova u Hrvatskoj i Slavoniji bila gotovo ista kao i cehovska organi-
zacija u ostalim zemljama srednje Evrope (Kosanoviæ, 1973-75:260). Poznato je npr. da je
1559. godine vara
dinski postolarski ceh preuzeo pravila zagrebaèkog kao i da je zagre-
baèki èizmarski ceh s Kaptola posudio pravila od èizmarskog ceha iz Vara
dina 1662. 1 Gradska uprava nije smjela pozvati
godine (Horvat, 1936:55). Privilegije koje su dodijeljivane cehovima sadr
avale su opæe ili optu
iti majstore pogotovo ne u
poslovima obrta dok o tome nije
odredbe o organizaciji ceha kojima se regulirala proizvodnja, odreðivala i kontrolirala raspravio ceh. Takoðer se zabranjivao
kvaliteta proizvoda, cijena, radni uvjeti, radno vrijeme, nadnice, hijerarhijski odnosi majs- rad majstorima na podruèju grada koji
tora, kalfi i šegrta. Humanitarni znaèaj oèitovao se u pomoæi nemoænim obrtnicima, nisu bili uèlanjeni u ceh, a robu i
sredstva za rad mogli su im zaplijeni-
udovicama, siroèadi, te podmirivanju troškova ukopa, a religiozni u zajednièkim sudjelo- ti. Nijedan strani trgovac ili postolar
vanjima na misama, crkvenim sveèanostima i sl. Na èelu ceha bili su cehmeštar (njem. Ceh- nije smio prodavati cipele ili druge
Meister), koji je rješavao sve sporove cehovskih majstora, njegov zamjenik otacmeštar obrtnièke proizvode u gradu osim u
vrijeme sajmova, a ako se to dogodilo,
(mað.-atyamester), bijarmeštar (mað. bejárni-obilaziti) birani na godinu dana uz odreðeni cehmeštar im je mogao zaplijeniti
ceremonijal.1 robu.

54
95 Èizmica – majstorsko djelo èiz-
marskog djetiæa, Zagreb, 1848.
Koa, drvo. PMH 955.
96 Vanderbuh šoštarskog kalfe –
putna knjiga postolarskog kalfe
Juraja Kosana, Samobor, 1844.
SM – arh.omot CEHOVI 19.
stoljeæe.
97 Èizmice – majstorsko djelo èiz-
marskog djetiæa, Zagreb, 19.
stoljeæe. Crvena i crna koa.
MGZ 1333.
Osnivanje ceha simbolizirano je i pravom na posjedovanje škrinje ili
ladice. Prvotno jednostavnog oblika, tijekom 18. stoljeæa postaje ukrasna škrinja s pok-
lopcem ispod kojeg je brava s tri kljuèa koja su dr
ali èelnici ceha. Škrinja se nije mogla
otkljuèati bez jednog od njih, a otvaranje je uvijek bilo sveèano i to za vrijeme odr
avan-
ja sastanaka. U njoj su se èuvale najznaèajnije vrijednosti – privilegije, dokumenti i zapis-
nici sastanaka, blagajna, zatim peèatnjaci izraðeni od
eljeza ili mjedi s ugraviranim sim-
bolima ceha kojima su se ovjeravali dokumenti, te dva svijeænjaka kao dekor prigodom
sastanaka. Èuvala se i tablica kojom je bijarmeštar pozivao na skupove. Obièno je bila
izraðena od mjedi u obliku srca ili knjige. Cehovi su imali i svoje zastave pod kojim su
nastupali na tijelovskim procesijama. S jedne su strane obièno bile slike svetaca zaštitni-
ka, a sa druge alati pripadajuæeg ceha. Na uliènim cimerima obrtnièkih radionica i trgovina
nazivi nisu bili ispisani, veæ su zbog raširene nepismenosti u srednjem vijeku obrti bili
predstavljani odgovarajuæim likovnim simbolima. Unutar cehova odnosi
su bili strogo odreðeni. Prema pravilima postolarskog, iz 1627. šegrt,
navuèalnik, inaš, sluga, do svoje 20. godine primao se na nauk na tri godine,
a stariji od ove dobi na dvije i pol godine. Majstor je bio obvezan šegrta
hraniti i odijevati, a po završetku naukovanja morao mu je dati odijelo i
èizme. Tada on postaje djetiæ, kalfa, mladenec, upisuje se u protokol i izdaje
mu se naukovni list (Lehr-brief). Iako to nije bilo obvezno u svim cehovima,
neki su djetiæi morali obaviti trogodišnje putovanje – vandranje, fremtovanje
tijekom kojeg su radili i skupljali iskustva u nizu radionica, u raznim
vrlo èesto udaljenim gradovima. Majstori kod kojih je boravio upi-
55
 98 Drveni potplat muške cipele
cipele, 1944. Tvornica Bata,
Borovo,

99 Tvornica Bata, Borovo, 1939.

100 Izlazak radnika iz tvornice Borovo,

1970.

56

2 Statistika iz 1815. kazuje da je u
cijeloj Vojnoj Krajini bilo 4536
"rukotvoraca" u koje se ubrajaju i
pomoænici (Horvat, 1994:257).
3 Tvornica obuæe Bata nastala je
1894. u Zlinu, Èehoslovaèka.
Osnovali su je braæa Tomas, Antonin
i sestra Ana. Prva cipela batovka
proizvedena je 1897.godine, a veæ
1905. proizvodnja dose
e 2.200 pari
dnevno. 1930-tih Bata je najveæi
svjetski izvoznik cipela
(http://www.bata.com/about_us/her-
itage).
4 Obrtnici su protiv Batine obuæe na
ulicama hrvatskih gradova organizira-
no prosvjedovali. Tra
ili su
ogranièenje rada Bate koji se od
1934. poèeo baviti popravljanjem
cipela, a gumene su èizme ozbiljno
ugrozile èizmare, nekoæ cijenjenu
obrtnièku struku.
5 Poslije Drugog svj. rata obrtnièke
komore su postojale do 1948., uki-
dane su jer su smatrane nepo
eljnim
ustanovama u socijalistièkom siste-
mu. Vlasti poma
u stvaranje obrt-
nièkih radionica u društvenom sek-
toru.
6 U svijetu se proizvede više od 11
milijardi pari obuæe. ...U Europu
stigne godišnje oko 900 milijuna pari
obuæe s drugih kontinenata, od èega
iz Kine 300 milijuna pari....Prosjeèna
cijena obuæe iz Kine je 9,2 njemaèke
marke, a iz Amerike oko 20 maraka.
(23.08.2001.)
(http://www.hic.hr/hrvatski/vijesti/go
spodarstvo.htm).
sivali su napredovanje u radu i ponašanje u putnu knjigu – vanderbuh. Iz saèuvanih putnih
knji
ica samoborskih djetiæa saznajemo da su boravili u Celju, Mariboru, Grazu, Beèu,
Pragu, Budimpešti, Milanu, Salzburgu itd. (Sudnik, 1989:12). Kako se u tim krajevima
opanci nisu nosili, pa nije ni bilo opanèarskih majstora, djetiæ ovog zanata svoje tri godine
usavršavanja redovito je provodio u hrvatskim i srpskim krajevima gdje su se nosili opanci
(Horvat, 1936:88). Djetiæ koji je obavio svoje putovanje i
elio postati majstor morao je izra-
diti majstorski rad – majstorštuk (Meister-Stück), te ako bi zadovoljio dobio bi majstorski list
(Šercer, 1989:16). Svi zagrebaèki cehovi imali su svoju djetiæku organizaciju, tzv. mali ceh,
a imali su i svoju škrinju, vrè koji je slu
io za ispijanje bratimstva i pravila koja su izdavali
majstori. Saèuvane su Regule šoštarskeh detiæev pisane hrvatskim jezikom, kao svojevrstan
etièki kodeks – bonton namijenjen kalfama 17. stoljeæa (Šercer, 1991:28).
Osim cehovski udru
enih obrtnika bilo je i onih koji su radili na šteru
(Stöhrabeiter). Obilazili su plemiæke dvorce i kuæe kmetova, prodavajuæi svoje usluge
gospodaru, od njegovog materijala (ko
e, sukna), te od toga, izmeðu ostalog, za potrebe
svih ukuæana izraðivali opanke i èizme. Drugu kategoriju "necehovskih" obrtnika èinili su
tzv. fušari (njem. Pfhuscher – krpar, petljanac) koji su bili prisiljeni potajno raditi po seli-
ma i gradovima jer su majstori zbog bojazni od konkurencije titule majstora nerado dodi-
jeljivali kalfama.2 Njihovo djelovanje, iako od cehova osporavano, prema Opæem
cehovskom redu ipak je bilo dopušteno (Biæaniæ, 1936.55). Praksa tzv. putujuæih majsto-
ra zadr
ala se iza Drugog svjetskog rata. U podruèjuGrobnika postolari su obilazili sela
prete
no nedjeljom i radili samo po narud
bi. (Luke
iæ, 1994:222). U nizinskim selima
zagrebaèke okolice majstori bi iznajmljivali prostoriju u kojoj su popravljali i tamo izraði-
vali novu obuæu dok je bilo posla, nakon èega bi odlazili u druga sela (Šestan, 1987:171).
U drugoj polovici 19. stoljeæa, zbog sve sna
nijeg razvoja manufakture i
industrijalizacije koja je zahvatila Habsburšku monarhiju, pa tako i Hrvatsku, cehovi su kao
specifiène, zatvorene staleške organizacije postale zapreka razvoju obrta. Carskim paten-
tom iz 1859. godine cehovi su ukinuti. Cehovski je duh meðutim vladao i u obrtnim
zadrugama koje su osnivane nakon toga, i u njima su još dugi niz godina èuvane cehovske
tradicije, obièaji i predmeti. No, Obrtni zakon iz 1872. godine svojim je odrednicama i
gotovo neogranièenom slobodom obrta, autonomiju cehova, njihove statute i pravice pot-
puno stavio ad acta (Matovina, 1987:60). Tako se na industrijalizaciju obuæarske proizvod-
nje moglo pomišljati tek nakon ukinuæa cehova. U Zagrebu je 1877. osnovana privatna
tvornica koja je na veliko izraðivala cipele i èizme, u Karlovcu je umnogostruèena proizvod-
nja opanaka, vara
dinski èizmari su svoje tr
ište proširili na Podravinu, Zagorje i
Meðimurje (Horvat, 1994:321). U podruèju Grobnika je veleobrtnik Josip Jugoviæ 1897.
godine otvorio Primorsku radionicu opanaka u Èavlima gdje je 10 radnika proizvodilo sve
vrste opanaka "za seljake, gospodu, gospoðe, djecu, radnike". Tu je radio pravi veleobrtniè-
ki pogon (Luke
iæ, 1994:223). Izmeðu dva svjetska rata nicale su tvornice najraznovrsni-
je obuæe u Bjelovaru, Karlovcu, Krapini. Postolarski i opanèarski obrtnici teško su odolije-
vali navali jeftinih Batinih3 cipela koji je 1932. u Borovu izgradio veliku tvornicu za èitav
Balkan i Bliski istok i tako izbacio na ulicu ogroman broj obrtnika obuæarske struke4 (Kolar,
2002). Nove društveno-politièke okolnosti nakon Drugog svjetskog rata privatnu obrt-
nièku djelatnost gotovo su potpuno onemoguæile. Na obrtnike kao i na njihova udru
enja5,
gledalo se s nepovjerenjem, a u njihovom pokušaju organiziranja vidjela se obnova kapital-
izma. Osamostaljenjem Hrvatske otvorile su se široke zakonske moguænosti za obrtnièku
djelatnost i poduzetništvo. No, opstojnost obuæarskog obrta i dalje ovisi o
estokoj
konkurenciji uvozne industrijski proizvedene obuæe, posebice s azijskog kontinenta.6
57
 OPANÈARSKI OBRT I RUKOTVORSTVO
Kako je veæ reèeno, od obuæarskih je cehova najmlaði opanèarski. Prema
dostupnim podacima prvi je osnovan u Po
egi 1761. godine što dokazuje peèatnjak s ure-
zanom godinom i znakovima obrta – opanak, kalup, šilo i zavinuti no
(Horvat,
1994:228). Razlog kasnijem nastanku opanèarskog ceha le
i u èinjenici što su opanci
tradicionalna obuæa naših seljaka koje su izraðivali vješti pojedinci unutar porodiènih
zadruga. Kakav je bio tijek nastanka opanèarskih cehova kazuje nam Rudolf Horvat:
"Nekada se izrada opanaka smatrala kuænim obrtom. U svakom je selu bilo ljudi, koji su umjeli od ko
e
praviti opanke za èlanove svoje obitelji, te za roðake i susjede svoje. Poèetkom 18. vijeka nastanilo se
nekoliko takvih ljudi na podruèju zagrebaèkog Kaptola i Vlaške ulice. Ovi su izraðivali opanke u trgo-
vaèku svrhu, da ih naime prodavaju na sajmovima, koji se dr
e na Harmici. Kako je na te sajmove
dolazilo sve više seljaèkog svijeta iz bli
e i podalje okolice zagrebaèke, procvalo je trgovanje opancima.
Naravno da se uslijed toga poveæavao i broj opanèara, koji su veæinom stanovali na Dolcu, Pod zidom,
u Opatovini, na Potoku i poèetku Vlaške ulice. Ovi opanèari nijesu više poljodjelci, koji se uzgred bave
izradbom opanaka. To su veæ pravi obrtnici, koji osjeæaju potrebu, da svoje ineterese zaštite stupanjem
u cehovsku organizaciju. Svi su èlanovi bili Hrvati. Kako kod prodaje svojih proizvoda nijesu imali

101 Firma – natpis iznad opanèarske

radnje. Slavonski Brod, 1974.
MBP E3161.

102 Oputaši – enski opanci s pot-

platom od neuèinjene koe,
Cetina (Knin), sredina 20. sto-
ljeæa. EMZ 25592.

58
 posla s gospodom, nego sa seljacima, nijesu opanèari dolazili u priliku, da nauèe njemaèki jezik. One
pak 3 godine, što ih djetiæ mora provesti u tuðini, da uzmogne postati majstorom, redovito su opanèari
provodili u hrvatskim i srpskim krajevima, gdje se nose opanci. (Horvat, 1936:85).
Kako su gradske i seljaèke kategorije stanovništva imale svoje specifiène
potrebe u gradovima su se formirale dvije skupine obrtnika. Jedni su radili prete
no za
graðane dok su se drugi orijentirali prema selu i njegovim potrebama. Postolari su radili
za gradske mušterije, veæinom po narud
bi i prodavali je u svojim radionicama, dok su
gradski opanèari veæinom prodavali na sajmovima. Takva je podjela bila uobièajena u veæi-
ni gradova Hrvatske i Slavonije. Na taj su naèin pojedini gradski obrtnici
ivjeli iskljuèi-
vo od seoskih potrošaèa. Cipele i èizme bile su dostupne samo imuænijima, a nosili su ih
u najsveèanijim prigodama.
U pojedinim podruèjima Hrvatske opanèarski obrt bio je u razlièitim
periodima razlièito rasprostranjen. Dok je u primorskim i otoèkim mjestima postolarska
cipela vrlo rano zamijenila opanak, u gorskim i dijelom primorskim podruèjima opanèarst-
vo je dio domaæe radinosti, rukotvorstva, gdje su vještiji pojedinci izraðivali najjednos-
tavnijom tehnologijom tzv. opanke oputaše. Ponegdje je u tim krajevima bilo uobièajeno
da mlada udana
ena, kao obvezan dio svog miraza, u kuæu mlado
enje donosi i opanke
koje je sama izradila (Toliæ, 1995:92). Najbrojniji su opanèarski obrtnici bili u Slavoniji i
kako ka
e Ferdo Hefele: "Opanèar je u Slavoniji pravi zanad
ija... Opanak Slavonac mora imati,
a drugo ma krpu na krpu lepio... Opanèarstvo je po svoj Slavoniji i Sriemu zanat na najboljem glasu.
Zanat opanèarski koliko je muèan, toliko i unosan, pa æe se jedva koji drugi zanad
ija naæi, koji bi tako
napredovao kao opanèar u Slavoniji" (Hefele, 1886:39). Za razliku od Slavonaca, vrlo zazo-
ran stav prema opancima imali su u Hrvatskom zagorju, Podravini i Meðimurju. U jaskan-
skom Prigorju su bili oznaka siromaštva i bijede, dok su pak u vrlo bliskom Pokuplju bili
oznaka bogatstva (Cvetan,1986:7). Znakovito je da su cipele i èizme rado prihvaæane u
onim regijama gdje je vrlo rano došlo do uporabe kupovnih, umjesto domaæe otkanih
materijala za izradbu nošnji, pa je sukladno tome brzo prihvaæana i kupovna cipela.
Moguæe je da je ovoj pojavi doprinijela blizina industrijskih centara – Zagreb, Vara
din,
Krapina, Koprivnica.

103 Opanci kišni – opanci oputaši s

kalupom, Topolo, Dubrovaèko pri-
morje, 1974. EMZ 24656ab.

59
 104 Oputari – enski opanci sa
sloenim naèinom preplitanja,
Lika, 1947. EMZ 14580.

Vrste opanaka, njihovi nazivi i naèini njihove izradbe vrlo je opširna

tema. No, koliko dopušta opseg ovog kataloga navest æu samo najbitnije karakteristike.
Opanci su bili
enska, muška i djeèja obuæa. Veæ je spomenuta osnovna podjela na
oputaše i kapièare. Prvi su bili dio domaæeg rukotvorstva dok su drugi bili zanatski
proizvod. Kako se izraðivao najjednostavniji opanak oputaš govori nam sredinom 19. stol-
jeæa Mijat Stojanoviæ, seoski uèitelj iz Babine Grede: "Naši su prostaci i opanèari. Oni su vješti
strojiti ko
u konjsku, volovsku i kravsku na opanke, a teleæu, svinjsku,
drebeæu na torbe i mestve, ovèu
na ko
uhe, maèju i jareæu na diple i gajde itd. Ko
u na opanke stroje ovako: istom zguljenu ko
u sa

ivine pospu pepelom i isprekièuju, pa ostave tako dan dva. Poslije ju rastegnu na pruæe i ostave na
kuæni tavan da se isuši, pa je poslije na dašèicu (kalup) izre
u na opanke i podijele meðu ukuæane.
Svako svoje opanke oèisti od dlake stru
uæi oštrim no
em i tad istom slo
e istrugane opanke prijesne
ko
e u kakvo korito ili badanj, gdje se prije ukvasi ova posoljena kora. Prostaci zovu to èreslenje i
poslije nekoliko dana kad veæ nabrekne kora u èrjeslu i oboji se crvenkasto, izvade je napolje i oputom
opletu putrance opanke, ili prave i pletenjake, i pri tom poslu trebaju samo: no
, probojac, šilo, a rade
ponajviše od oka bez mjere i kalupa" (Stojanoviæ, 1854).
Dakle, na otkrojeni komad ko
e uz rub bi se probušile rupe
kroz koje se provlaèila oputa, èesto zvana vrnèanica (trakovi meke ovèje ili kozje ko
e ili
usukana
ivotinjska crijeva) tako da se najprije svezao vrh a potom obamitalo kroz rupe
na rubovima toliko koliko se htjelo prekriti gornji dio stopala, te potom preplitalo. Znali
su se pomagati i drvenim kalupom istovjetnim za oba stopala što je olakšavalo oblikovan-
je opanka. Opletao se i povišeni zapetak (peta, stra
nji dio) i ostavljali du
i trakovi opute
kojima se opanak vezao oko gle
nja.
Za lakšu izradu te udobniju, trajniju èvršæu i mekšu obuæu ko
a se štavi-
la na razne naèine, no uvijek je prethodilo èišæenje ko
e. Da bi se došlo do tzv. golice, bilo

60
105 Opanci – enski opanci s kapi-
com, Remete, izmeðu dva svjets-
ka rata, EMZ 21312.

7 uta boja se dobivala od johine

kore, crvenkasta od 2/3 johine i 1/3
brezove kore (Hefele), a crna boja
tako da se plava galica namakala u
vodi i tom otopinom premazalo lice
ko
e (Cvetan, 1986:6) ili otapanjem
starog
eljeza (Šestan,1987:171).
8 Osim biljnim štavilima ko
a se
štavi i mineralnim. Jedna vrsta je
otopina stipse i kamene soli u kojoj
ko
a namakanjem postaje bijela.
Tako se štave kozja i ovèja ko
a pred-
viðene za galanterijsku robu. Druga
vrsta je štavljenje kromom èime se
dobiva boks iz raznovrsnih ko
a i
ševro iz kozje ko
e. Ko
e se moraju
bojati i mastiti prije sušenja. Glavna
prednost kromne ko
e je velika
otpornost na vodu, posebice na
kipuæu. Poznato je još i štavljenje
mastima, naroèito ribljim. Obièno se
uzimaju ko
e od teleta, ovce, jelena,
antilopa i sl. Ko
a dobivena masnim
èinom je vrlo mekana. (Stjepan
Gjurgan, Postolarstvo, Zavod za
unapredjenje zanatsta, Zagreb,
1937.).
9 Svi dijelovi ko
e nemaju jednaku
vrijednost. Najbolji dio su leða i
trbušina i vrat ali ne hrbat jer je
krhak, pa se ne smije preko njega
šivati ni kovati sa klincima. Prednje
noge i repnjak su nekvalitetni
(Gjurgan, 1937:120).
je potrebno odstraniti gornji i donji sloj ko
e. To se postizalo uranjanjem sirove ko
e u
vapno koje razara korijenje dlaka a donji dio se ostrugao od mesnih vlakanaca i vezivnog
tkiva. Dobivena golica se zatim umakala u solnu kiselinu razrijeðenu vodom da se
odstrani preostalo vapno i ko
a je bila spremna za štavljenje. Od vrste štavila ovisi boja i
otpornost ko
e na vodu. Obièno su se upotrebljavala biljna štavila.7 Treslovine ili tanini
kojima se štavilo, dobivani su iz kore hrasta, johe, pitomog kestena, akacije, lišæa ruja,
hrastove šišarke i dr.8 Kora bi se dobro osušila a potom usitnila u prah. U posudi u kojoj
se štavilo, prah bi se prelio kipuæom vodom koja se ohladila toliko da ruka mo
e izdr
ati
pa se u nju uranjala ko
a (u prevruæoj vodi ko
a bi pucala). Tu se namakala toliko dok ne
zavre druga voda. Zatim se ko
a vadila, voda iz posude odlila, a talog kore se ponovno pre-
lio vruæom vodom. U rashlaðenoj otopini ko
a se tukla da što bolje i ravnomjernije upije
tanin. Ovaj postupak se ponavljao tijekom desetak dana. Nakon toga se cijedila, i
imala
pomoæu dva štapa koja su dvojica uvrtala u suprotnim smjerovima. Zatim se ko
e napin-
jala i sušila u hladu u ljetno doba ili zimi u toploj radionici. Napola suhe se odla
u,
spremne za izradu obuæe.9
Postupak izrade opanka oputaša od uèinjene ko
e u osnovi je jednak
onom najjednostavnijem obliku. Prema Hefeleu razlikuju se dvije vrste oputaša – pre-
sukaši i prepletaši èiji se nazivi izvode prema oputi koja prolazi sredinom gornjeg dijela
opanka kroz koju se provlaèe trakovi, vrnèanice s jedne na drugu stranu. U prvima, presuku
èine dvije opute zasukane jedna oko druge ali tako da izmeðu njih prolazi vrnèanica, a kod
drugih one se nazivaju prijeplet, neusukane ravne vrpce od kojih se jedna po sredini
prorezuje a druga kroz nju provlaèi. Svrha i jednog i drugog naèina je da se vrnèanice
ravnomjerno razdijele i sredinom uèvrste da opanak bolje stoji, da se lakše obuva i izuva.
Izradba prepletaša je nešto slo
enija ali je krajnji rezutat tim ljepši. U Imotskoj krajini je

61
za izradbu sveèanog, misnog opanka bila potrebna velika umješnost. Za takve opanke kupo-
vala se debela goveða ko
a za potplat i 18 rastegljaja (du
ina vodoravno ispru
enih ruku)
ovèje opute bijele boje za naplet. Opanci izraðeni vrlo slo
enim naèinom preplitanja nazi-
vali su se pod veliku graðu, a najvrsnije u izradi bile su djevojke iz Donjih Vinjana (Toliæ,
1995:31). Obrtnièka vrsta prepletaša su tzv.
utaki,
enski sveèani visoki opanci nošeni u
nekadašnjim selima Zagrebaèkog prigorja. Prepoznatljivi su po
utoj boji i ukrasnim
provuèenim – fizovanim crvenim, zelenim i plavim ko
nim remenèiæima te na prednjem
dijelu uèvršæenom resom zvanom – brkovi, migica. Moguæa je i inaèica ove vrste opanka
koja umjesto remenèiæa na gornjem prednjem dijelu ima kapicu koja je šivana uz potplat.
Najraznovrsniji su opanci raðeni u Slavoniji gdje su bili vrlo tra
eni i
cijenjeni.10 Opanci sa pletenim gornjim dijelom, vrpèenjaci, proizvodili su se do pred kraj
19. stoljeæa (Toldi,1972) a poèetkom 20. izraðuju se kapièari, kajišari, remenjaši sa dugim

106 Opanèarski alat – šubak, kalamiri

za kapicu, gleter, Ivaniægrad,
1930-ih. EMZ.

107 Opanèarski alat – razlièita šila i

no. Vlasništvo Ivan Kruh-Vuk,
Ivaniægrad.

108 a) Vrpèenjaci, slavonski opanci

prepletaši, kraj 19. stoljeæa,
Slavonski Brod, EMZ 4854.

b) Opanèiæi djeèji, Pleternica,

Slavonska Poega, kraj 19. stol-
jeæa. EMZ 11383.

109 Panklin – opanèarski stol s

tronošcem, Ivaniægrad, izmeðu
dva svjetska rata. Vlasništvo
obitelji Kruh-Vuk, Ivaniægrad. Alat
iz fundusa EMZ.

62
remenjem za pridr
avanje uz nogu, tipièni za cijeli nizinski dio Hrvatske. Izraðivani su od 110 Gomaši – opanaci s potplatom
štavljene goveðe ili teleæe ko
e. Osnovni alat kojim se opanèar slu
io pri izradbi sastojao izraðenim od automobilske gume
a gornjište od pamuènog platna –
se od tupih i oštrih šila za provlaèenje, pletenje ili šivanje ko
nih traka, bode – no
a za kro- tele, Æilipi, sredina 20. stoljeæa,
jenje i proreze kroz koje se provlaèe trake, šubaka – drvene naprave sto
astog oblika kojom EMZ 17831f1,2.
se optucavaju rubovi, naprava raznih oblika od glatko obraðenog drveta s kojim se glade
rubovi – farkiš, gleter, kalamiri – drveni uzorci za poptplat i kapicu. 111 a) Opanci – enski opanci
kapièari, izradio opanèar Josip
Naziv kapièar potièe od kapice – gornjeg prednjeg dijela opanka Bariæ, Poega, 1935. EMZ 11220.
napravljenog od cjelovitog komada ko
e koji je prvotno oplitanjem spojen sa potplatom,
a kasnije šivanjem. Stra
nji dio opanka – zapetak mogao je biti vrnèan, oplitan remenjem, b) Brnjièari, natikaèe – muški
jednostruko za muške i višestruko za
enske opanke (npr. kupineèki). U mlaðim inaèica- opanci kapièari s kopèom – brnji-
com kojom se zatvaraju, Èazma,
ma kapièara, remenje je zamijenjeno kopèama, a zapetak je èinio takoðer cjeloviti komad izmeðu dva svjetska rata, EMZ
ko
e oko kojeg je prolazio remen koji se zakopèavao sa strane kopèom – brnjicom. U 18760.
Slavoniji su se nazivali brnjièari, prejièari, u Moslavini æotoši, kiptenjaci, u Lici karlovaèki
112 Remenjaš, enski opanak kapièar,
opanci. Da bi opanak što dulje trajao znalo se na prstima i peti potplata prikucavati èavli
nedovršen na kalupu, Palanèani,
– cveki ili su ih nosili kovaèima na potkivanje. Vrlo èesti ukras, osobito na sveèanijim prim- Èazma, izmeðu dva svjetska rata.
jercima bili su raznovrsni jezièci i rese – kalanðore, fucmani, kièini. Izraðivao se još cijeli niz EMZ 18763a,b1-4.
opanaka koji po svojim dijelovima, kroju i slo
enom naèinu izradbe stoje negdje na prije-

10 U Brodu su 1851. godine 52

opanèara èinili najbrojniji obrtnièki
stale
, a u Ðakovštini proizvodnjom
obuæe i radom s ko
om bavila se
polovina svih seljaèkih obrtnika
(Biæaniæ, 1936:31).

64
113 a) Šniraèi – opanci s rupicama i
vezicama za stezanje, Slavonski
Brod, izmeðu dva svjetska rata.
EMZ 4997.
b) Skapèani opanci – opanci s
kopèom kojom se zatvaraju,
Babina Greda, izmeðu dva svjets-
ka rata. EMZ 22522.
114 Sariènjaci – opanci kapièari sa
sarama, Kalinovac, Ðurðevac,
izmeðu dva svjetska rata. EMZ
13873a,b.
115 Gumaši – potplat izraðen od
gume, a gornjište od koe, izradila
Vedrana Maraèa, Šibenik, 2005.
EMZ 46341.
lazu prema cipelama – šnirani – ste
u se vezicama; skapèani,
abièari, s bagom, ideali, riglaši,
opanèiæi na cugove – ste
u se kopèom; saraši, sariènjaci – povišeni do gle
nja s vezicama; lako-
vani opanèiæi, sandale, sandaletne s kopèama sa strane itd. Takve je izraðivao i opanèar u
mirovini Josip Popiæ iz Otoka kod Vinkovaca. Prema njegovim rijeèima, u narud
bama

enskog svijeta iz Babine Grede ukras je uvijek morao izvesti u
utoj boji, kod Otoèanki
kapica je morala biti okrugla sa crvenim ukrasom, a kod upanjki špicastog vrha. Osim toga
svaka inaèica nošnje zahtijevala je i odgovarajuæu obuæu. Tako se uz najsveèaniju, zlatom
vezenu nošnju obuvala isto tako izvezena obuæa. Promjene u odijevanju podrazumijevale
su i promjene u obuvanju. Najmlaði tip opanaka su opanci gumaši koji su se poèeli nositi
izmeðu dva svjetska rata. Potplat je izraðen od gume a gornji dio mo
e biti od ko
e, gume
ili èvrstog pamuènog platna – tele. Gornjište se s potplatom spaja šivanjem, lijepljenjem i
prikucavanjem metalnim èavliæima. Obièno se zatvaraju remenèiæem s kopèom s vanjske
strane. Iako se gumaši nazivaju opancima, nemaju jednaki potplat, što je temeljna raz-
likovna karakteristika opanka i cipele. Naime, kod opanaka i prijelaznih oblika potplat ili
ðon savija se prema gore i preplitanjem, šivanjem ili prišivanjem spaja s gornjim dijelom,
dok je kod cipela potplat ravan i spajan s gornjim dijelom šivanjem, ljepljenjem ili zaku-
cavanjem.
65
 116 Postolari – Josip, Ivan i Igor
Kruh-Vuk, Ivaniægrad 2005.

117 Šivani opanèiæi – vezeni zlatom,

Gorjani, 2000. EMZ 29606

66
118 Škornje našvavane – èizme sa
našivenim ukrasom od utog
konca, sa cvekima i potkovom,
Kupineèki Kraljevec, izmeðu dva
svjetska rata. EMZ 4830.
119 Cipele na
nir, sjeverozapadna
Hrvatska, poèetak 20. stoljeæa.
EMZ UO 29.
U mnogim krajevima opanci su bili svakodnevna obuæa i u razdoblju
nakon Drugog svjetskog rata. Danas, na poèetku treæeg tisuæljeæa izraðuju ih tek rijetki.
Jedan od njih je i Ivan Kruh Vuk, postolar iz Ivaniægrada, koji zajedno sa sinom nastavlja
tradiciju svoga oca i djeda, no obrtnicu za zanimanje opanèara ne mo
e dobiti jer takav
obrt u obrtnièkom registru ne postoji. Njegovi kupci su èlanovi kulturno-umjetnièkih
društava, ne samo iz Hrvatske, nego diljem svijeta gdje djeluju folkloraši. Izraðuje sve
vrste opanaka i ostale tradicijske obuæe prema donešenim predlošcima bez obzira iz kojeg
su dijela Hrvatske. Nedavno sam imala priliku prisustvovati narud
bi mladih dizajnera iz
Pariza kojima æe opanci poslu
iti ne samo kao inspiracija u njihovom radu, nego i kao
lagana svakodnevna obuæa. Kao drugi primjer mogu poslu
iti postolari u primorskim
gradovima i mjestima u zaleðu. Jedna od njih je Vedrana Maraèa iz Šibenika koja je nasli-
jedila postolarski obrt svoga oca, te uz supruga i sina nastavila tradiciju "jer šteta je da
propadne". Iako se glavna djelatnost svodi na popravak obuæe, nerijetko sti
u narud
be za
izradu gumaša, koji su i danas vrlo aktualni meðu seoskim puèanstvom. No, kupuju ih i
gostionièari za konobare u konobama "koji su kao u nošnji". Izraðeni su od najtvrðe ko
e –
kravine koju kupuje u Zagrebu i Sloveniji.
67
120 a) Gondolete – cipele salonke sa
srednje visokom petom, Æilipi,
izmeðu dva svjetska rata, EMZ
16164i.
b) Kajserice, papuèe – enske
cipele, Æilipi, sredina 20. stoljeæa,
EMZ 16619.
Prethodna strana:
121 Postolarski stol s alatom -
man,
Sali, izmeðu dva svjetska rata,
EMZ 28881. Alat iz fundusa GMV.
11 Npr. holcrašpa, auzrašpa-strugalica,
glenštik-rubnjak, lasciger-kuka za
vaðenje kalupa, radl-kotaèiæ za kro-
jenje i ukras, šidl-šilo, štufer-dubac,
lohajzl-probijaè, cirkl-šestar, višišnajder-
izrezaè, glenkradl-gladilica, knaj-no
,
ampus-
egalica, abnemer-obrezaè, mus-
tre-predlošci.
12 Prvu struènu knjigu za postolarst-
vo napisao je 1890. godine majstor
Mirko Kunst iz Kri
evaca, a prva
struèna obuka za postolarstvo poèinje
1893. godine u Zagrebu koju je vodio
majstor Antun ibrat. Prvi struèni
list "Napredni postolar", èiji je ured-
nik bio Stjepan Gjurgan, izašao je u
Zagrebu 1920. godine. (Gjurgan,
1957:25-26)
CIPELE I ÈIZME
Posebnu cjelinu èine cipele i èizme koje su se, kao što je veæ spomenu-
to, ponajviše nosile u jadranskim i središnjim podruèjima Hrvatske. Njihova izradba je
zahtjevnija jer sadr
i više dijelova i drukèije tehnologije izradbe. Jednostavnije su raðene
na jednom kalupu za obje noge. Njima pripadaju cipele – kajserice, kondurice, firale izraðene
od fine kajser ko
e, uobièajene u primorskim podruèjima i za muškarce i
ene. Cipele tog
tipa izraðivane su u razlièitim bojama ko
e, a najèešæe u crvenoj, s ukrasnim gornjim
rubom i apliciranom mašnom na prednjem dijelu. Vrlo èeste su bile i gondolete niske
enske
cipele kao graðanska salonka s višom potpeticom izraðene s kalupom za lijevu i desnu
nogu (Benc-Boškoviæ, 1983:71). Nosile su se i gete – poluvisoke cipele s umetnutim raste-
zljivim dijelom sa strane, vrlo modernim krajem 19. stoljeæa u Europi (Gjurgjan,
1937:29). Cipele ili pojedini dijelovi potrebni za njihovu izradbu (pete, potplati) bili su
vrlo èesto u pošiljkama koji su stizali od rodbine iz Amerike (galjiæ 2001:80). Tipièna
obuæa sjeverozapadne Hrvatske bile su cipele na
niranje, šnoršure i èizme. Izraðivale su se
od goveðe, konjske i svinjske ko
e, a za potplate je slu
io najdeblji dio kravlje ko
e –
krupon. Njihova izradba zahtijevala je veæu struènost i iskustvo koje se sticalo kod majs-
tora s njemaèkog govornog podruèja. Stoga ne èudi mno
ina naziva vezanih uz postolars-
ki obrt koji imaju korijene u njemaèkom jeziku.11 Najveæi znaèaj u razvoju postolarske
struke imalo je 19. stoljeæe. Tada su se pojavili prvi strojevi za šivanje ko
e, prvi puta se
poèeo upotrebljavati desni i lijevi kalup, struèno se crtaju i kroje modeli, pojavljuje se
struèna literatura i obuka.12
Što se nosilo u Samoboru, poznatom postolarskom i èizmarskom centru,
piše Milan Lang: "Inaèe pak nose – i muško i
ensko – ponajviše èizme do koljena; na petama potko-
69
 122 Reklama postolarske radionice
Franje Suhodobnika, Zagreb,
1906. EMZ.

123
enska i muška cipela, izradio

postolar Franjo Suhodobnik,
Zagreb, 1906. EMZ.

70

124 Muška cipela, postolarska
radionica Boèak", Zagreb, 2005.
125
enska cipela, postolarska
radionica "Zvonimir", Zagreb,
2005.
vane i uz kraj potplata obite èavlima (cvekima). Djevojèice nose ljeti po nedjeljama i blagdanima cipele,
cokle, koji se sprijeda na luknjice "
norum ze
niraju (
niranci")...... Osim obiènih cipela ili coklov na

nirajne nose se i štiflete s visokim i niskim peticama, od crne i
ute ko
e....Èizme su morale imati visoke
i "glat" sare, morale su biti na "škrip" (da su u hodu škripale), pomno "zbiksane" i svijetle. Muške su
èizme bile od teleæe ko
e, a
enske od kordovana....Èizme su bile svagdanje i svetaène: "za svaki dan su
bile šivane na "vanjsku obrtu", a za svetac "na rom". Kod vanjske obrte bio je potplat s ko
om šivan
izvana tako, da je rub bio obrnut napolje....Potkove i èavliæe za èizme kovali su kovaèi; oni su i èizme
potkivali....Ni ko
e još nijesu èizmari tadašnji umijeli natezati; zato su èizme imale na "grlu" nabore
(Lang, 1911:170,171). Ovakve vrste obuæe, ali s mnogobrojnim lokalnim inaèicama
ukrasa i oblika bile su prisutne u cijelom središnjem dijelu Hrvatske.
Paradoksalno je da je proizvod opanèarskog obrta najstarija vrsta tradi-
cijske obuæe, dok je sam obrt najmlaði obuæarski obrt. Razlog tome le
i u èinjenici što su
opanci dugo bili proizvod seljaèkog rukotvorstva kojim su zadovoljavali svoje potrebe.
Dolaskom prvih rukotvoraca opanèara u gradove i veæa mjesta poèetkom 19. stoljeæa,
opanci postaju dio sajmene ponude. Sve veæom potra
njom raste i broj opanèara koji osni-
vaju i prve samostalne cehove. Postolarski i èizmarski obrt su starijeg datuma ali su nji-
hovi proizvodi dugo vremena bili namijenjeni iskljuèivo gradskim kupcima. Veæa
potra
nja za njima javljala se u onim podruèjima koji su bli
e srednjoeuropskom i medit-
eranskom krugu, ili su pak zavisili od blizine veæih centara. Industrijalizacijom i širenjem
trgovaèke mre
e obrtnièke proizvode zamjenjuju jeftiniji tvornièki a modna globalizacijs-
ka strujanja brišu razliku izmeðu seoskih i gradskih potrošaèa. Administrativno, opanèars-
ki obrt više ne postoji. Opanke izraðuju tek rijetki i to samo za potrebe folklornih druš-
tava kojima je tradicijska obuæa neizostavni dio scenskog kostima. Kako narodna nošnja,
koja ukljuèuje i obuæu, najizra
ajnije simbolizira nacionalni identitet potreba za izradbom
tradicijske obuæe postojat æe i u buduænosti. Opstanak postolara pak, zavisit æe od
konkurencije jeftine kineske uvozne obuæe koja polako osvaja široke svjetske prostore.
Njihova buduænost vjerojatno le
i u izradbi ekskluzivne, unikatne modne obuæe koja æe
kvalitetom i ljepotom zasjeniti serijski proizvedenu obuæu. Sreæom, primjera kvalitetne
postolarske cipele mo
e se naæi, bilo u radionicama koje nastavljaju višedesetljetnu tradi-
ciju, ili pak u radionicama mladih dizajnera koji se tek probijaju u svijet mode.
71
Aida Brenko
126 Mašlanci, sveèani enski opanci,
Babina Greda, Slavonija, oko
1930. MBP 1297.
Prethodna strana:
127 Obuæa seljaèkog stanovništva u
Hrvatskoj, konac 19. i poèetak
20. stoljeæa.
Obuæa i njeno znaèenje u seoskim
zajednicama u Hrvatskoj
U O V O M T E K S T U R I J E È J E O O B U V A N J U S E O S K O G S T A N O V N I Š T V A u Hrvatskoj od
zadnjih desetljeæa 19. do polovice 20. stoljeæa. U tom se vremenu naèin obuvanja se-
ljaèkog društvenog sloja znaèajno razlikovao od ostalog stanovništva u Hrvatskoj (Muraj,
1998: 109). Opanci, kao najstariji tip seoske obuæe, u mnogim su krajevima Hrvatske
ostali u uporabi do pedesetih godina 20. stoljeæa. Pod obuvanjem u etnološkom smislu
razumijevamo sve ono što se stavljalo na noge.
Obuæa se obièno spominje uz opise narodne nošnje. Kao njezin sastavni
dio, i ona se mijenjala i oblikovala u skladu s opæim civilizacijskim strujanjima. U muze-
jima je obuæa u odnosu na tekstilne predmete puno slabije zastupljena. Materijalnih
ostataka svakodnevne i radne obuæe ima vrlo malo jer se ona nosila dok se nije poderala,
a takoðer valja istaknuti da je seosko stanovništvo èesto bilo bosonogo. Osim toga, uz
obuæu se nisu vezali oni osjeæaji kao uz nošnje, koje su
ene od prve do zadnje niti same
izraðivale. Zato se ona rjeðe nasljeðivala ili èuvala kao dragocjenost.
U 16. stoljeæu budi se zanimanje za upoznavanje naèina odijevanja
razlièitih naroda, pa iz tog doba potjeèu i prva objavljena djela o odjeæi i obuæi u Europi.
Ilustracije odjeæe stanovnika naših krajeva nalazimo u djelu iz 16. stoljeæa pod naslovom
"Habiti antichi et moderni di tutto il mondo" èiji je autor Cesare Vecellio. Iz 17. stoljeæa
potjeèu bakrorezi Weikharda Valvasora koji predstavljaju stanovnike s podruèja Istre i
Primorja, umberka s prikazima puèke seoske i gradske odjeæe i obuæe. Tu bi se mogla
spomenuti i brojna svjedoèanstva što su ih ostavili Baltazar Hacquet, M. Breton, Fran
Carrara i mnogi drugi (Schneider, 1971). Osobito su Morlaci privlaèili pa
nju putopisaca
zbog njihova naèina
ivota, obièaja, odijevanja i obuvanja. Iz 18. stoljeæa datira knjiga
Alberta Fortisa "Viaggio in Dalmazia" (Fortis, 1774.) u kojoj nalazimo i bakroreze s prikaz-
ima odjeæe i obuæe. Zanimljivo je da se obuæa prikazana u tim knjigama u našim krajevi-
ma nosila još poèetkom 20. stoljeæa.
Tek se potkraj 19. stoljeæa pojavljuje šire i struènije zanimanje za sel-
jaèku odjeæu, a time i obuæu. Tada ujedno sazrijeva misao o narodopisu ili narodoslovlju
kao znanstvenoj disciplini. U Hrvatskoj je koncem 19. stoljeæa prouèavanje odijevanja i
73
74
 obuvanja seoskog stanovništva te sakupljanje etnografske graðe potaknuo Antun Radiæ.
Na temelju Radiæevih teorijskih postavki i uputa skupljena je vrijedna graða i o obuæi
pojedinih krajeva objavljena u Zbornicima za narodni
ivot i obièaje ju
nih Slavena. Ti se
podaci uglavnom odnose na kraj 19. i poèetak 20. stoljeæa pa predstavljaju temelj za
praæenje promjena koje su se pod utjecajem modernizacije dogaðale u nadolazeæim
desetljeæima. Opisi svakodnevnog
ivota u tim zbornicima vrlo su nam vrijedni i zbog
toga što preko njih doznajemo mnoštvo podataka o slo
enim društvenim odnosima
unutar zajednica, koji su svoj izraz nalazili i u naèinu obuvanja.
Regionalni stilovi obuvanja svoj su najveæi procvat do
ivjeli upravo u 19.
stoljeæu kada se gotovo svako selo isticalo nekom osobitošæu. No pomnijom analizom, te
razlièite oblike ipak mo
emo podvesti pod nekoliko osnovnih tipova. U etnologiji je uvri-
je
ena podjela na tri kulturne zone: panonsku, dinarsku i jadransku. To su podruèja s
ujednaèenim prirodnim uvjetima gdje stanovnici
ive na slièan naèin. Osim karakteristi-
ka obuæe koje proizlaze iz klimatskih uvjeta, vrste tla te osnovnih i prevladavajuæih grana
gospodarstva, obuæa se, kao uostalom i druge kulturne pojave, oblikovala i pod utjecajima
drugih kultura i mode viših društvenih slojeva (Muraj, 1998: 109).
Premda seoska obuæa na prvi pogled mo
e djelovati jednoliko, boljem
poznavatelju lokalnih prilika ona na simbolièan naèin izra
ava razlièite potrebe ljudi koji
je koriste, pokazuje njihove ideološke i moralne vrijednosti, izra
ava estetske forme, vjer-
sku, nacionalnu i klasnu pripadnost. Obuæa je osobito bila pogodna za isticanje gospo-
darskog polo
aja, zanimanja te spolne i dobne razlike (Bogatyrev, 1971). Ono što obuæu
kao predmet materijalne kulture èini posebno zanimljivom jest njezina izlo
enost pro-
mjenama. Bilo po svojim fizièkim svojstvima, bilo po funkcijama, obuæa se na prijelomu
19. u 20. stoljeæe rapidno mijenjala pa stoga predstavlja jedan od najoèitijih indikatora
promjena koje su se dogaðale u seljaèkim zajednicama.

128
ene u svakodnevnoj nošnji s

djecom, Luka, Pokuplje, 1923.
EMZ 269.

129 Costumi Dalmati e Morlacchi,

polovica 19. stoljeæa, litografija
kredom i perom, obojena.
HPM/PMH 32053.

75
 130 Nikola Arsenoviæ, muškarac iz
Rakovog Potoka, polovica 19.
stoljeæa, akvarel. EMZ 3596.

131 Nikola Arsenoviæ, ena iz Krapine,

polovica 19. stoljeæa, akvarel.
EMZ 3486.

132 Roberto Focosi. Otoèanka blizu

Zadra, prva polovica 19. stoljeæa,
litografija.

Sljedeæa strana:
133 utaki, opanci za djevojèicu, Šes-
tine, oko 1950. Opanèarski rad.
Koa. EMZ 27310.

134 Štunfe, sveèane èarape za dje-

vojke i mlade ene, Šestine, oko
1930. Pamuèni konac. EMZ

135 Obojci, enska radna obuæa,

Dugo selo, oko 1930. Lan, kono-
plja. EMZ 16096.

76

1 Èizma – od tur. çizme (HER,
2005: 230).
2 Cipela – od mað. cipellö (HER,
2005: 230).
3 Gornji dio opanka izraðen je od
tankih vrpca teleæe ko
e. Po sredini
prepleta ukrasno je izvedena
raznobojnom ko
om pletena šara, a
uz rub prednjeg dijela uèvršæena je
ko
nata kitica.
4 Gornji dio paèmi izraðen je od
širokih vrpca raznobojnog sukna koje
su se na kalupu ispreplele. Paème su
se nosile i same kao neke vrste
papuèa.
PANONSKA ZONA
Zbog velike kulturne raznolikosti, prikaz obuvanja u ovoj zoni podijelili
smo u nekoliko cjelina. Tipièna tradicijska obuæa za ovo podruèje razlièite su vrste opana-
ka i èizme.1 Uz opanke kapièare, kajišare, koji su se omatali oko nogu, nosili su se i noviji
oblici na kopèanje (brnjièari) i vezivanje (
niranci), a od sredine 19. stoljeæa i razlièite vrste
cipela.2
Prikaz zapoèinjemo selima zagrebaèkog Prigorja gdje se, unatoè blizine
grada i neprestana kontaktiranja i razmjenjivanja s njegovim stanovnicima, zadr
ao u
uporabi tip opanka jedinstvenog u panonskoj zoni, i to gotovo do šezdesetih godina 20.
stoljeæa. Radi se o opancima koji su se nazivali
utaki.3 Buduæi da se danas taj tip opanka
èesto koristi u suvenirskoj ponudi, on na neki naèin i simbolizira zagrebaèki identitet.
ene su ih obuvale na bijele pamuène èarape, štrumfe, koje su se ispod koljena vezale vrp-
cama, podve
njakima. utaki su se prete
no nosili uz sveèaniju odjeæu, dok su se dnevno
uz rad obuvali opanci od tamne ko
e s punim gornjim dijelom. Preko opanaka,
ene su
ranije nosile paème,4 vrstu papuèa s pojaèanim potplatom,
koje su izraðivale domaæe
ene zvane paèmerice. Mlaðe su

ene zimi nosile i visoke cipele, koje su sezale do pola lista
noge, najèešæe od svijetlo-smeðe ko
e, koje su se sprijeda
vezivale (Benc-Boškoviæ, 1987: 256-257).
Do poèetka 20. stoljeæa Prigorci nisu
nosili èarape, veæ su noge omatali u obojke, kvadratne krpe
od domaæeg platna. Kao obuæa slu
ili su razni opanci
kapièari koje su izraðivali domaæi i gradski majstori
opanèari. Tako su se nosili opanjki s remenom od crne ko
e
77
koji su na kapici imali resu zvanu fucman. Spominju se i vlaški opanci od crne ko
e s 136 Poène, papuèe za starije ene,
punim prednjim dijelom. Oni su se nabavljali u Vlaškoj ulici u Zagrebu, odakle im i naziv Markuševec, oko 1950. Vuna,
pamuk. EMZ 18055.
(Benc-Boškoviæ, 1987: 259).
Osobito karakteristiène za ovo podruèje bile su èizme od crne ko
e 137 Opanci moslavaèki, enska
tvrdih visokih sara koje su sezale do koljena. Nosile su se na suknene hlaèe, a izraðivali obuæa, Ivaniæ Grad, oko 1930.
su ih domaæi ili gradski majstori. Opanèarski rad. Koa. MMK
1033.
I u drugim selima zagrebaèke okolice naèini obuvanja slijede sliène
obrasce. Radnim su se danom obuvali opanci kapièari, a uz sveèano ruho škornji, crne èizme 138 Škornji, enske èizme, Frkanovec,
i graðanske cipele. Posjedovanje škornji ujedno je bio dokaz boljih imovinskih prilika. Meðimurje, oko 1930. Postolarski
U selima ju
nog dijela Zagreba u vremenu izmeðu Prvoga i Drugoga rad. Koa. MMÈ E 1843.
svjetskog rata uz sveèanije ruho
ene su obuvale šlape na bezec,5 prijelazni oblik izmeðu 139 Opanci vezovaki, radna obuæa,
opanaka i cipela. Ðurðevac, Podravina, 1942.
Povezanost sa srednjoeuropskim panonskim prostorom osobito je vidlji- Izradio ih je Jozo Pintar. Kora bri-
va u obuæi Podravine i Meðimurja gdje su se umjesto opanaka nosile èizme ili cokli,6 jesta. EMZ 13879.
visoke cipele na vezivanje. Naravno da su se i u tim krajevima ranije nosili opanci tipièni
za cijelu panonsku regiju, no u 20. stoljeæu u uporabi su najèešæe bili kao radna obuæa. S
podruèja Podravine, Etnografski muzej takoðer posjeduje opanke vezovake ispletene od
5 Takva je obuæa bila izraðena od
kore veza (vrsta brijesta).7 Takve opanke ljudi su izraðivali za vlastite potrebe i koristili smeðe ko
e s umecima od crnog laka.
kao radnu obuæu. Imale su malu potpeticu, a kopèale
su se uskim remenèiæima. Nabavljale
Zanimljivo je da se èizmice karakteristiène za selo Koprivnièki Ivanec
su se kod opanèara u Zagrebu.
danas na smotrama folklora predstavljaju kao obuæa tipièna za cijelu Podravinu, premda
se zna da su preci današnjih stanovnika na prostor Podravine doselili iz sjeverne Ugarske 6 Od latinske rijeèi soccus, talijanski
zoccolo, drvena cipela (Skok, 1973:
za vrijeme Austrougarske Monarhije. To su èizmice od meke, tzv. kordovanske ko
e,8 271).
ukrašenih sara. Njihova popularnost ogleda se i u pjesmama.
Vrlo iscrpan opis obuæe i naèina njena nošenja na prijelomu 19. i 20. sto- 7 Opanke pletene od kore nalazimo
takoðer na širem panonskom
ljeæa s podruèja jaskanskog Prigorja daje nam Vatroslav Ro
iæ, srednjoškolski profesor podruèju. U muzejskom fundusu
rodom iz Sv. Jane: "Deca, deæki, cure i mlaje
ene idedu dema navek èez ljeti bosi, a nedelju i svetak nalaze se i pleteni opanci iz Poljske.
obujedu deæki èizme ali opanjke, a cure i
ene èizme; o
enjeni ljudi i starci i starije
ene, èe si premare-
8 Fino uèinjena ko
a, ko
a iz špan-
du kupiti, nesidu navek èi
me, a èe nimaju èi
am, unda ideju si raše bosi, nek da bi opanke nisili, a èe jolsko-arapske Kordove (Skok, 1973:
ki stari èovek nesi opanke, to je zlamene, da je sirocki." (Ro
iæ, 2002: 67). 153).

78
79
 Materijalne moguænosti pojedinaca ogledale su se u posjedovanju èizmi,
jer su se one nabavljale kupovinom pa su svjedoèile o boljim imovinskim prilikama nji-
hovih posjednika. Pojavom druge vrste obuæe, opanci su se poèeli prezirati ne samo kao
izraz siromaštva, veæ i primitivnosti pa su ljudi radije hodali bosi nego li u njima.
Opanke su svakodnevno najviše nosila djeca, momci i mlaði muškarci
kao radnu obuæu, dok ih neki ljudi iz bogatijih kuæa nisu nikad obuli. To su bili opanci
tipa kapièara s remenjem. U opanke su obuvali velike obojke, kojima su omatali nogu do
gle
nja, a zimi i listove. Svakodnevna
enska radna obuæa bile su cokle koje su izgledale
poput èizmi bez sara, a nosile su se na golu nogu bez obojaka.
Èizme su na peti bile potkovane velikim èavlima, a potplati su bili cveka-
ma (èavlima) pocvekani. Nosile su se s obojcima naèinjenim od starih krpa ili gaæa. Opanci
i èizme kupovali su se na sajmu u Jastrebarskom (Ro
iæ, 2002: 67-68).
"enske èi
me su kod gizdavih ozad pete
utim koncem preštepane i visokih peta, a
sad si daju ozgor vræi na sare i lak i
utim koncem iscifrati; stari ljudi i stare
ene ne nesidu tak
iscifrane èi
me. Denes ni takve èi
me nisu dost lepe za gizdave
ene i cure i deæke, denes se ka je mlaje
nesi štrfetline na cug ali na gumbe ali kak drugaè, baš tak kak i purgarice. I mali deci sad kupujedu štr-
fetline i ne obuvaji ji na obojke nek štumfe, a muški ne, uni još nesidu obojke; muški i štrfetline na nesidu
140 Gomboši, enske cipele i kukica
tuliku kak
ene i cure." (Ro
iæ, 2002: 67).
za kopèanje, Gorièan, Meðimurje,
Premda je èizme posjedovao velik broj seljana, ipak su pojedini ukrasni 1932. Postolarski rad. Koa,
elementi još više isticali društvene razlike, što uostalom i èini va
nu funkciju sveèane metal. MMÈ E 1618.
obuæe. Vidimo da su mlaðe
enske osobe prve prihvatile gradsku modu. Sveèana obuæa
141
enske cipele, Pisarovina, konac
za razliku od svakodnevne vrlo jasno naglašava i dobnu razliku. Što je starosna dob viša,
19. stoljeæa. Postolarski rad.
estetska i društvena funkcija obuæe slabi. Za starije
ene bilo je manje va
no da se Koa, vuna, raznobojni konci,
dokazuju s ciljem da se nekom svide. Obuæa ne zadovoljava samo praktiène potrebe i metal. EMZ 6619.

80

142 a) Kopice, èarape za udovice i
stare ene, Pisarovina, oko 1930.
Lanena preða, pamuk. EMZ
16532.
b) Sremske kopice, èarape za
udovice i stare ene, Donja
Kupèina, Pisarovina, oko 1930.
Lanena preða, vuna. EMZ 18817.
143 a) Kopice, sveèana obuæa za dje-
vojke i mlaðe ene, Reèica,
Pokuplje, konac 19. stoljeæa.
Sukno, srma, perlice i jasprice.
EMZ 897.
b) Kamašlini, enska radna
obuæa, Reèica, Pokuplje, poèetak
20. stoljeæa. Domaæe laneno pla-
tno, vuna, staklena puceta. EMZ
17029.
osobni ukus nositelja, ona otkriva okolinu i
zadovoljava njezina moralna shvaæanja: "Starci ne
nose èi
me na biks ni štrfetline z velikimi petami."
(Ro
iæ, 2002: 189). Na drugom mjestu opet
mo
emo proèitati: "Deæko denes nesi nabiksane
èi
me, èe si premare kupiti … deækom se šika lepa opra-
va, o
enjenim se ne šika, pak bi im se špotali." (Ro
iæ,
2002: 162).
Obuæa je, dakle, bila normi-
rana za pojedine dobne skupine. Njen naèin
nošenja povlaèio je za sobom individualne i
društvene posljedice. Potèinjenost mladih
snaha, što je pojava tipièna za patrijahalni naèin

ivota u zadrugama, ogledala se i u djelokrugu
poslova koje su obavljale. Jedan od njih bio je i
pranje nogu svekru i svekrvi: "Predi su snee svekru
i sekrvi nege prale sake sibote; denes se veæ ne èuje, da još
ka kemu pere." (Ro
iæ, 2002: 166). U veæini je
naših krajeva èišæenje obuæe prema podjeli na
muške i
enske poslove pripadalo
enama.
Buduæi da se u veæini zajednica njezin rad manje
cijenio, a i sama
ena èesto se smatrala neèistom,
ne èudi da su poslovi pranja i èišæenja bili
iskljuèivo u njenoj domeni: "Po zimi, kad se
ena
jutri stane (a mora se uvek prva stati), najpredi zakuri
peæ, a unda mora èi
me brisati i sna
iti sebi i mu
u i
drugima, s kemi
ivi skup." (Ro
iæ, 2002: 168).
U Pisarovini, kao uostalom i na cijelom panonskom podruèju, ljudi su
èesto hodali bosi. Zimi su se u ovim selima nosile èizme, škornje koje su prije imale meke
sare, a u 19. stoljeæu prevladavale su obiène vojnièke èizme koje su pod utjecajem mode
prešle iz vojne uniforme u civilnu mušku i
ensku obuæu. Obuvši èizme, muški su gaæe
zadijevali u visoke sare. Ipak su kao najèešæa obuæa slu
ili opanci kapièari, uz koje su se
gaæe vezivale uz gle
anj, nešto iznad obojaka. Njih su s malim lokalnim razlikama izraði-
vali majstori opanèari, kojih je bilo u svakom selu, a opanèarskim zanatom bavili su se uz
ratarske poslove. ene su i u opancima navlaèile vunene èarape, kopice, ispletene u prste-
nastim prugama razlièitih boja, a u novije vrijeme bilo ih je i s cvjetnim ornamentom u

ivim bojama. Te su kopice plele Romkinje iz stalnih naselja na rijeci Kupi. Uz sveèaniju
opravu
ene su nosile i visoke cipele. To su bili štrfetlini na
nir koji su kao u susjednoj
Posavini znali biti našivani (vezeni) šarenom svilom (Gušiæ, 1976: 58).
Prikaz obuæe koji daje Milan Lang, srednjoškolski uèitelj u Samoboru, u
znamenitoj monografiji o
ivotu u Samoboru na poèetku 20. stoljeæa, izvrsno oslikava
tadašnje ekonomske i kulturne prilike: "Djevojke nose danas svake vrste cipela, što su u modi.
Neko vrijeme nosile su
ene modre sametaste cipele. Osim obiènih cipela ili coklov na
nirajne nose se i
štiflete s visokim i niskim peticama od crne i
ute ko
e … Nekoæ su djevojke ljeti obuvale otprte izrezane
ko
nate cipeliše. Na svakom kraju cipeliša bio je gore prišit 'panklek', koji se 'naskri
' vezao oko gle
nja.
Zimi su djevojke i
ene nosile èizme. Inaèe su i
ene ljeti nosile isto onakve cipeliše, kao i djevojke, ali
bez pankleka za vezanje. U takvim su cipelama išle i na bal" (Lang, 1911: 169-170). Posljednje
nam reèenice otkrivaju kako ponekad nošenje jednog elementa (u ovom sluèaju vrpce,
pankleka) mo
e ukazivati na drugaèiju statusnu pripadnost.
81
 Obuæu koja se nosila u Samoboru poèetkom 20. stoljeæa uglavnom su 9 To se postizalo tako da se izmeðu
potplata i ðona umetala kreda ili se
izraðivali domaæi majstori èi
mari i šoštari, a kupovale su se i gotove cipele po duæanima. pak ko
a stavljala licem na lice pa je
Lang uopæe ne spominje opanke. Glavna muška obuæa za sva godišnja doba bile su èizme. u hodu škripala. Ka
u da takve èizme
No postojala je razlika izmeðu svagdašnjih i svetaènih. Svetaène èizme morale su imati nisu bile za beæare.
visoke i glat sare, morale su biti na škrip (da su u hodu škripale),9 pomno zbiksane i svije-
tle. Muške su èizme bile od teleæe ko
e, a
enske od kordovana (Lang, 1911: 170).
Nekoæ su
ene i djevojke nosile u èizmama obojke, no u doba pisanja
monografije veæ su se uobièajile bijele štumfe koje su se vezivale nad koljenom trakom ili
lastikom. Dok još
ene nisu bile vješte pletenju, kupovale su èarape u duæanu. No
poèetkom 20. stoljeæa plele su ih same ili kupovale (Lang, 1911: 169 -170).
Starci i starice nosili su zimi po kuæi poène kakve se nose i u zagrebaèkom
Prigorju. Sliènu obuæu, filce, nosili su obrtnici koji su prodavali po sajmovima. Bila je
napravljena od pusta, a izraðivali su je klobuèari.
U prošlosti se jedan od glavnih razlikovnih elemenata meðu etnièkim
skupinama u umberku ogledao i u tipu obuæe koja se nosila. Razlika u obuvanju izmeðu
starosjedilaèkog šokaèkog stanovništva rimokatolièke vjere i vlaških doseljenika koji su se 144
enske èizmice, Pisarovina,
poèetak 20. stoljeæa. Postolarski
s vremenom okupili oko grkokatolièke crkve, a koji su na prostor umberka došli u 16. rad. Koa, metal, svila, pismo.
stoljeæu, izgubila se relativno brzo. Iz starijih se zapisa vidi da su Vlaji nazuvke i opanke pre- Nosile su se uz èarape. EMZ
pletaše karakteristiène za dinarsku zonu prestali nositi veæ u prvoj polovici 19. stoljeæa. 16382.
Trag im je saèuvan u uzreèici "Nije mu ni do oputa!" u smislu da neka osoba nije dorasla
145 Škornji, enske èizme, Zaprešiæ,
drugoj (Muraj, 1976: 67-88). U istoènom umberku nazuvci se spominju pod nazivom oko 1930. godine. Postolarski
èarape, dok su u starijoj literaturi zabilje
eni pod nazivom hlaèice, koje su mogle biti rad. Koa, metal. EMZ 23837.
izraðene od sukna, a uvijek su bile izvezene vunom. Razlike meðu Šokcima i Vlajima
vidljive su i u nazivima pojedinih dijelova obuæe.
Najraširenija obuæa do razdoblja izmeðu Prvoga i Drugoga svjetskog rata
bili su opanci tipa kapièara. I Šokice su kao i Vlainje na èarape, što su ih same plele
 pomoæu pet igala od vunene preðe, obuvale opanke, zvane katkada i opanki remenci ili
opanki z remenjem. Kupovali su se na sajmovima u Jastrebarskom, Samoboru i Karlovcu.
Osim èarapa koje su kod Vlaja pleli i muškarci, veæ su se tijekom cijelog 20. stoljeæa nosile
i dugaèke kupovne èarape, koje nazivaju štunfe i koje su katolkinje ranije unijele u odjeæu
od unijatki.
Osim opanaka, imuænije su
ene nosile i niske cipele od crne ko
e, tzv.
postole ili mestve, a na prijelazu u 20. stoljeæe i visoke cipele na vezanje, postolarske
proizvodnje koje su nazivale èizmice (Muraj, 1976: 67-88).
Opanci vrbèenaki bili su najstariji tip opanaka u Posavini. Vrbèenake su
izraðivali muškarci za vlastite potrebe i potrebe obitelji, "… same je dole na potplatu noge bila
ko
a, a druge su bile vrbce gore meste kapice" (Jajnèerova, 1898: 139). To su vjerojatno bili
opanci slièni dinarskim prepletašima. Zatim su došli opanci remenaši ili kajšari u Mosla-
vini. To su bili opanci kapièari. Nosili su se s obojcima i laèicama, èetvorinama lanenog
platna koje su se omatale oko noge od koljena do gle
nja. Postojala je razlika izmeðu
muških i
enskih opanaka. enski su po sredini kapice bili prepleteni, a pod keèkom su
imali još jednu keèku od narezanog remenja. Kod tih je opanaka petni dio ðona povuèen
nagore i opleten remenjem, tako da na peti nije bilo zapetka. To se nazivalo vrnðanje. Kod
muških je bilo jedno pletenje, a kod
enskih dvostruko ili trostruko. U jugozapadnom
dijelu Moslavine prednji dio ukrašavao se fucmanom, razlièitim jeziècima ili resama.
Fucman je na
enskim opancima bio du
i nego li na muškim.
Druga su vrsta bili klipetnjaci u Posavini, a skipetnjaci u jugozapadnoj
Moslavini ili æotaši u sjeveroistoènoj Moslavini. Sprijeda su imali kapicu, a odostrag
zapetak visine 6 cm. Kod muških je opanaka oko zapetka prolazio remen koji se provlaèio
preko kapice i kopèao sa strane. enski su opanci na kapici imali prorez, a sa strane niz
rupica kroz koje se provlaèila duga ko
na vrpca,
nora. Za sveèane prigode takvi su opan-
ci bili ukrašeni rupicama, a zvali su se
nirani ili
nijerani opanci. Oni su se nosili na kopice,
èarape (Moslavac, 1989: 4).

146 a) Laèice, enske èarape,

Bratina, oko 1930. Pamuk, vuna,
lanena preða. EMZ 16570.

b) Laèice, enske èarape, Reèica,

Pokuplje, oko 1930. Pamuk,
vuna. EMZ 17078.

147 a) Opanjek, muški opanak, Donja

Kupèina, oko 1930. Opanèarski
rad. Goveða koa. EMZ 21876.

b)
enski opanak, Pisarovina, oko

1950. Opanèarska zadruga. Koa.
EMZ 16547.

83
84
148 Sveèane enske èizme, okolica
Siska, konac 19. stoljeæa. Koa.
EMZ 3/ 864.
149 a) Opanci remenjaši,
b) opanci petaši,
c) opanci skipetki,
Moslavina, prva polovica 20. sto-
ljeæa. Opanèarski rad. Koa. MMK
1030, 1031, 298.
Prethodna strana:
150 a) Cipele, Sisak, Posavina, poèe-
tak 20. stoljeæa. Brokat, koa, vu-
na, srma, pamuk. EMZ ZGZ 178.
b) Cokule, sveèane enske cipele,
okolica Petrinje, poèetak 20. sto-
ljeæa. Postolarski rad. Koa, svila
vune. EMZ 17860.
10 Od njemaèke slo
enice
Buntschuh/Puntschuh (Skok, 1973:
77).
Kata Jajnèerova, autorica monografije o Trebarjevu, selu kraj Siska piše:
"A klipetnakov je na saku felu: za mlade sneje i dekle su s èrlenu ko
u cifrani sekud i sredi se navaða-
ju kakti pujnðe (visoke cipele); a za stare
ene su, ki se ne navaðaju, same se z remenjem ve
u; i pak je
èrne ki se navaðaju" (Jajnèerova, 1898: 138).
Crvena je boja kao boja mladosti i vitalnosti obièno rezervirana za mlaðe
dobne skupine.
Razni opanci tipa cipele zvali su se u Moslavini još i pleteni, prišiti, laki-
rani ili svetaèni opanci. Bili su oblikovani prema nozi s peticom od pola do pet centimetara.
Saraši su pak bili poput visokih cipela, sprijeda sapeti ko
nom vrpcom tzv. šivaèem.
Premda smo vidjeli kako su razlièiti obuvni predmeti rezervirani za
odreðene dobne skupine, imuæniji su ipak nosili obuæu koja nije uvijek odgovarala ustal-
jenim normama vezanim za odreðenu dob i prigodu. Jajnèerova ka
e da su bogati stariji
ljudi nosili èizme i cipele svakodnevno što je izazivalo komentare ostalih suseljana:
"Gledaj se zna bogatuš! Ki ima, – te i nosi! A naj i nosi, kad more zmoèi, i more mu biti!" (Jajnèerova,
1898: 137).
ene su rijetko nosile obuæu svakodnevno. Bez obzira na materijalne
moguænosti obuæa se do
ivljavala kao vrsta mu-
èenja za nogu: "A dekoja se po celu zimu ne obuva, ne èe
je se s tim boriti …" (Jajnèerova, 1898: 137). ene su
ljeti u sveèanim prigodama pod kraj 19. stoljeæa
nosile pujnðe (vrsta cipela),10 a po zimi visoke
pujnðe koje su se nazivale mestve. Ljetne pujnðe
mogle su biti platnene, suknene ili od baršuna. Za
odlazak na misu oblaèile su se èizmice od crvene
ili
ute ko
e. U opisu mladenkinog ruha iz 19.
stoljeæa spominju se i èizmice od
ute ko
e. Ka-
snije su u modu došle lemije (cipele vezene svi-
lom): "O ta je bogata, ta ima lemije!" (Jajnèerova
85
 151 a) Visoke enske cipele,
1898: 139). Ta se vrsta obuæe mogla vidjeti samo u crkvi za vrijeme mise: "To je bile tak b) djeèje cipele, Potok,
Moslavina, poèetak 20. stoljeæa.
preštimane, ki je to v prevše vreme imel! Sme si je v rupèece prematale, kad smo k mešice išle, same sme Koa, lan, pamuk. MMK 314,
ji pri crkve obule, i pak zule i bose domom" (Jajnèerova 1898: 138). Taj nam primjer govori o 316.
statusnoj, društvenoj ulozi obuæe koja je va
nija od stvarne, fizièke.
Kasnije su lemije nosile mnoge
ene. Kao izrazito sveèana obuæa prešle 152 Drvenjak, muška radna obuæa,
Babina Greda, poèetak 20.
su i u obrednu pa je zabilje
eno da su se sredovjeène
ene (45 godina) pokapale u lemi- stoljeæa. EMZ 27069.
jama, a mlaðe u pujnðama, naravno, ako su bile imuænije jer ni pogrebna obuæa nije bila
lišena društvene i ekonomske funkcije. Obuæa za najveæu
alost bili su opanci z remenjem i
obojci što je stariji tip obuæe ovog kraja. Tek u drugoj fazi
alovanja, kad se poèelo pre-
našati mogle su se nositi pujnðe.
Muškarci su zimi nosili èizme i štifetline, a ljeti štifetline. Crne muške
ko
nate èizme sredinom 19. stoljeæa još su rijetkost, pa nalazimo podatke da se po
pedeset momaka vjenèalo u istim èizmama (Jajnèareva, 1898: 195).
Opisujuæi
ivotne prilike potkraj 19. stoljeæa u Slavoniji, Josip Lovretiæ,
sveæenik u Otoku kraj Vinkovaca, nabraja obuæu koja se tada nosila: cipele, opanke,
èizme, èorape ili natikaèe. Ove posljednje nazivale su se i èalampure. To su vunene èarape s
ko
nim ðonom bez opetaka. Plele su ih same
ene ili Romkinje od raznobojne vune, a
æurèije su ih podstavljali i opšivali tankom crvenom ovèjom ko
om. Sva se navedena obuæa
nosila ili na bosu nogu ili se omatala èetverocipnim (tkanim u èetiri nita) obojcima od
šarene vune, no u vrijeme pisanja Lovretiæeve monografije veæ su poneki nosili i
pamuène. Tradicionalno su obojci uvijek bili od
bijele i crne vune:"... tek dišto se miša
uta i crvena.
Kad se omota obojak oko noge, gornje tri strike su crveno,

uto i crno mišane" (Lovretiæ, 1990: 70). Drvnjake ili
klompe što je najèešæe radna obuæa, zimi su nosila
i siromašna djeca. enska su djeca cipele obuvala
ili na bosu nogu ili na štrinfle. Nosila su i natikaèe ili
èorape, a ljeti su radnim danom najèešæe bila bosa.

86
 Pojedini modaliteti obuæe, s èime smo se veæ susreli, normirani su za
razlièite dobne skupine. Najveæa je opreka izmeðu mladih koji prihvaæaju nove stilove i
starijih koji i dalje nose obuæu svoje mladosti. Potkraj 19. stoljeæa muškarci su bili obu-
veni u opanke, a momci u opanke ili cipele. Starci nikada nisu nosili cipele. Svakodnevna,
'lošija' odjeæa nosila se u kombinaciji s opancima. Izraðivali su ih opanèari, a u starija vre-
mena ljudi su ih za vlastite potrebe sami pravili po kuæama. To su bili opanci tipa preple-
taša. U vrijeme pisanja monografije još su uvijek sami krpali svoje opanke kad su se poder-
ali.
Muškarci veæ poslije nekoliko godina braka nose samo opanke: "Sramota
je da se o
enjeni lipo opremljaju, jer seljani vele, da su taki ljudi odviše za kolom, a premalo za
poslom." (Lovretiæ, 1990: 70). Zimi su za odlazak u crkvu o
enjeni muškarci obuvali
èizme. Najprije su se morale navuæi dugaèke šumarske štrinfle, tako da vire iz èizama.
Ljetna su obuæa bile niske i visoke cipele. Lovretiæ se sjeæa da su ranije muškarci uvijek
bili u èizmama, no otkako su u selu zidane staze, poèeli su nositi samo cipele. Ljudi iz
bogatijih kuæa, nosili su i u starosti èizme umjesto opanaka. Iz posljednjeg primjera vidi-
mo da poneki element obuæe u jednom sluèaju mo
e oznaèavati dobnu pripadnost, a u
drugom taj isti element mo
e otkrivati imovinski i društveni status.
Otoèanke su radnim danom uglavnom bile bose. Za odlazak u polje,
slièno kao u Posavini,
ene i djevojke omatale su noge u laæce, èetvrtaste komade platna,
koje su ih štitile od ozljeda. Djevojke su ponekad za odlazak u susjedstvo obuvale natikaèe,
natakne papuèe ili cipele. U sveèanim prigodama nosile su cipele s pamuènim ili vunenim
štrinflama. Stare
ene bile su u natikaèama i radnim danom i svetkom,11 a
ene i djevojke
samo zimi, u korizmi i koroti, ili su ih nosile kao radnu obuæu za polje. Vidimo kako isti
obuvni element ima razlièito znaèenje, ovisno o tome nosi li ga djevojka ili
ena.
enski stil
ivota više je bio odreðen privatnom sferom (obitelj, susjed-
stvo), pa je i
ensko ponašanje bilo više podvrgnuto strogim neformalnim sredstvima
društvene kontrole (obièaji, Crkva, obitelj). Zato je
ena više izra
avala
alost od muškar-
ca što je bilo vidljivo i u naèinu obuvanja. Nošenje ili nenošenje obuæe moglo je upuæivati
na statusne i srodnièke odnose s okolinom. Tako su odrasle djevojke u znak najdublje

153 Štrimfa na èi
mu, muška sveèana

obuæa, Otok, Slavonija, poèetak
20. stoljeæa. Vuna, perlice. EMZ
13046.

154 Laèke, sveèana obuæa za mlaðeg

muškarca, Ðakovo, oko 1930.
Vuna i perlice. EMZ 23561.

155 Pantafule, obuæa enska, Gorjani,

Slavonija, oko 1920. Vuna, gov-
eða i ovèja koa. EMZ 8879.

11 "U Otoku nije sramota uz fino odilo

èorape obuti, osobito ako je to veæ
ena, a
ne divojka. Da se nose èorape uz svilu, vidi
se, jer pivaju:
'Èalampure i crvena svila,
Ujeo se za laloku Fila,
a ne mo
e pogodit da svira.'" (Lovretiæ,
1990: 87-88).

87
88
156
enske cipele, Slavonija, konac
alosti za pokojnikom ljeti hodale bose. No Lovretiæ
19. stoljeæa. Postolarski rad. primjeæuje da u njegovo vrijeme Otoèanke dok iskajava-
Koa, konac, svila. EMZ 5/35.
ju, za razliku od Privlaèanka, nedjeljom obuvaju natikaèe
157
enske cipele, Gorjani, Slavonija, (Lovretiæ, 1990: 398).
prva polovica 20. stoljeæa. Pišuæi o lijekovima magijskog karak-
Opanèarski rad. Koa, baršun, tera koji su se koristili u Slavoniji, Lovretiæ spominje
zlatna i srebrna nit. EMZ 17008.
obièaj da se
eni koja teško raða daje piti iz mu
evog
opanka kako bi lakše rodila (Lovretiæ, 1990: 331).
Vjerojatno se radi o prijenosnoj magiji gdje opanak sim-
bolizira mušku snagu koja æe pomoæi
eni pri porodu.
Dva desetljeæa poslije objavljivanja
158 Laèki za noge, enska radna
obuæe, Otok, Slavonija, poèetak monografije o Otoku izašla je knjiga o Varošu, selu kraj
20. stoljeæa. Lan, konoplja. EMZ Slavonskog Broda koju je napisao Luka Lukiæ. Kao i
12792. drugi pisci monografija, on detaljno opisuje mušku i
ensku obuæu s posebnim napome-
nama za odreðene dobne skupine. Takoðer razlikuje sveèanu i radnu obuæu, a istièe i raz-
159 a) Hlaèice, enske èarape,
Kupinec, Pokuplje, poèetak 20. like izmeðu ljetnog i zimskog modaliteta.
stoljeæa. Pamuk, preða. EMZ Preplitanje starijeg i novijeg tipa obuæe vidi se veæ u obuvanju djece.
6745. Ima primjera gdje djeèja obuæa br
e prati gradsku modu pa se tako u nekim sredinama
b) Èarape za curu, Pleternica,
mlade
oblaèila tradicijski, a djeca koja su tek krenula u školu po uzoru na gradsku modu.
Slavonija, oko 1930. Pamuk. EMZ U Varošu muška djeca do 16 godina nisu nosila cipele, veæ samo opanke.
11191. Po zimi, kad su išli za stokom, obuvali su suknene obojke i opanke. Sukneni obojci koje
nose djeca zvali su se ogrljatci.12
c) Èarape za starice, Pleternica,
Slavonija, oko 1930. Lanena enska su djeca do 15. godine najèešæe hodala u opancima, a u sveèan-
preða. EMZ 11188. im prigodama, u cipelama. Od te dobi veæ je bilo va
no kako æe se djevojka pojaviti u selu.
Obuæa je kao pokazatelj imovinskih prilika igrala va
nu ulogu u Slavoniji, osobito za
djevojke do udaje. Ako kuæa nije mogla svaku djevojèicu opskrbiti cipelama, onda su
majke kupovale kæerima cipele vlastitim novcem.13
Vrlo je uobièajena pojava da stariji tip obuæe na nekom prostoru kasnije
postane radna obuæa. Momci, djevojke i
ene do 35 godina radnim su danom hodali u
opancima i obojcima. ene su uz obojke navlaèile još i pamuène èarape, a zimi suknene
da im bude toplije. Obojke su smatale preko èarapa. Za blagdane koji su padali u zimsko
12 To su bili obojci koje su roditelji doba momci su navlaèili kupovne vunene èarape, preko kojih su omatali obojak i onda
nosili jednu zimu pa kad su se na
peti razderali, opkrojili su ih i dali obuvali èizme. Muškarci su pak u tim prigodama nosili cipele na cug, s bijelim pamuènim
djeci. kupovnim èarapama, a zimi vunene plave èarape i visoke podstavljene cipele. Muške
èizme i cipele kao i
enske zimske cipele bile su potkovane. U vrijeme pisanja monografi-
13 Osobito se u vremenu izmeðu dva
rata
elja djevojaka za gizdanjem isti-
cala u tisku kao glavni uzrok bijeloj
kugi, jer majka koja rodi jedno ili
dvoje
enske djece više ne
eli raðati
bojeæi se da ih neæe moæi opremiti
prema ondašnjim zahtjevima.
Ulaskom novca u seoska gospodarstva
od temelja se poèeo mijenjati stav i
prema obuæi. Nekad je bila sramota
da djevojka nosi ono što nitko nije
imao, jer nije htjela biti drugaèija od
drugih. No sada su se djevojke u selu
poèele nadmetati u kupovini da ih
"kakvagod šuša ne prestigne". Zato se i
pjevalo:
"Prodaj dado i kravu i tele
Pa mi kupi lakane cipele." (Sremac,
1940: 15).

89
90

160 Muške èarape, Vinkovci,
Slavonija, 1921. Pletena i valjana
èarapa proizvod su prve
slavonske tvornice vunene robe.
EMZ 1259.
161 Sandale, enska obuæa, Bizovac,
oko 1930. Postolarski rad. Koa.
EMZ 27731.
162 Èarape sa zrnjicama, Otok,
Slavonija, oko 1930. Koa, vuna,
staklene perlice. EMZ 12715.
Prethodna strana:
163 a) Obojci, muška obuæa,
Slavonski Brod, oko 1930. Vuna,
pamuk. EMZ 21695.
b) Obojci, muška obuæa, Babina
Greda, Slavonija, oko 1930.
Vuna. EMZ 15636.
c) Obojci, muška obuæa,
Slavonski Brod, oko 1930. Vuna.
EMZ 21696.
164 Djeèak sveèano odjeven, okolica
Slavonskog Broda, poèetak 20.
stoljeæa. MBP.
je bile su moderne niske bijele cipele koje su mogle biti lastinske (platnene) ili ko
ne pa
su ih djevojke i mlade
ene nosile ljeti u sveèanim prigodama. U to su doba djevojke i
mlaðe
ene blagdanom poèele nositi i papuèe u kombinaciji s èarapama. Cipele su
ene
obuvale za sveèanije zgode sve do pedesete godine, a neke su ih nosile i do kraja
ivota.
Starci su inaèe hodali u opancima i obojcima. Uz opanke koji su se uz nogu uèvršæivali
pomoæu remenja postojali su, kako ka
e Lukiæ, i mali opanci od crne i crvene ko
e. Ti su
se opanci stezali alèicom (tip opanaka brnjièara). Tako su, na primjer, u malim crnim
opancima
ene ljeti išle u Brod (Lukiæ, 1919: 96-98). Prestankom nošenja opanaka
kajišara prestali su se nositi i obojci.
Na podruèju upanje stariji tip obuvanja, koji se veæ bio izobièajio u raz-
doblju izmeðu Prvoga i Drugoga svjetskog rata, zadr
ao se kao vrsta svakodnevne, osobito

enske obuæe za vrijeme poklada. Radilo se o suknenim kariranim obojcima, u be
i
smeðoj boji i opancima kajišarima. Kasnije su, kao i u drugim podruèjima, prevladali opan-
ci brnjièari s ukrasnom metalnom kopèom bagom zvani idealima, ili s jezikom kalanèorom.
Uz rajtozne hlaèe uvijek su se nosile èizme visokih sara.
U muškoj obuæi toga kraja osobito su se isticale fusekle, èarape od valjane
vune s ukrasom koji je predstavljao jedanaest raznobojnih vodoravnih valovitih pruga.
Pruge su bile znak raspoznavanja nekadašnje Vojne krajine buduæi da je upanja bila
središte 11. kumpanije – Elferije. Za taj kraj bile su karakteristiène i vunene èarape tam-
nocrvene boje ukrašene bijelim zrncima poput narukvica šticli. Ta se vrsta èarapa nosila
do polovice 20. stoljeæa (Bušiæ, 2005: 155-156).
U
enskoj vunenoj obuæi takoðer nailazimo na èarape s upletenim stak-
lenim zrncima, zatim pletene èièkane èarape i rijetko saèuvane fuseklice koje su za razliku od
muških imale šaru na jabuèice. Najdulje su se u uporabi zadr
ale tamnocrvene èarape s guli-
cama (vunene kuglice kao dio reljefnog ukrasa na èarapama), najèešæe ru
ièaste boje
(Bušiæ, 2005: 157).
91
 165 a) Èarape šite, sveèana obuæa za
djevojke i mlade ene,Topolje,
Baranja, oko 1930. Vuna, stak-
lene perlice. EMZ 8343.
b) Sveèane èarape za djevojke i
mlade ene, Duboševica, Baranja,
oko 1930. Vuna, staklene perlice.
EMZ 16326.
c) Štrimfe, èarape za djevojke i
mlade ene, Bizovac, Slavonija,
oko 1930. Vuna. EMZ 19236.
d) Štrimfe, èarape, za djevojke i
mlade ene. Bizovac, Slavonija,
oko 1930. Vuna. EMZ 21521.
e) Štrimfe bobane sa zrncima,
èarape za djevojke i mlade ene,
Bizovac, Slavonija, oko 1930.
Vuna, perlice. EMZ 19223.
f)
enske èarape, Gradište,
Slavonija, oko 1930. Vuna. Obuæa
za djevojke i mlade ene. EMZ
22489.

92
 Najlon-èarape takoðer su se kombinirale s tradicijskim naèinom odije-
vanja. Tako su
ene ljeti na nogama nosile tanke najlonke-kajzerice, a za hladnijih dana flor
ili glotiferket-èarape, sve u be
boji. Uz sveèano ruho nosile su se crne ko
ne sandale s
remenèiæem ili lakirane, koje su izraðivali majstori opanèari u upanji. Do dvadesetih
godina 20. stoljeæa
ene su zimi nosile visoke šnirane cipele, zatim su u modu došle gojz-
erice (visoke crne cipele na vezanje) (Bušiæ, 2005: 160).
U obuæi koja se nosila u Baranji najviše se istièu vunene èarape pletene
crvenom ili višebojnom vunom. Dosezale su do koljena, a pleli su ih muškarci, na pet igala.
Uz raznobojnu vunu koristio se i bijeli pamuk. Èarape su se nazivale po motivima po koji-
ma su izraðene: èorape na jabuèice, na zvizde, na grane, èorape na ru
marine, èorape na konje, na
crvke i sl. Postojale su i èorape šite, dodatno ukrašene vezom i èorape rogane, pletene u više-
bojnim prugama. Mlaðe su osobe nosile èarape svjetlijih tonova, a starije
ene podmrke,
èarape tamnih boja, prete
no zelene i plave boje. U vrijeme
alovanja nosile su se bijele
èarape s crnim prugama. Vidimo kako boja obuæe mo
e otkrivati dob nositelja ili upuæi-
vati na stupanj
alosti za pokojnikom.

166 Èarape, enska radna obuæa,

Topolje, Baranja, oko 1920.
Vuna, pamuk, koa. Nosile su ih
djevojke i mlaðe ene. EMZ
11642.

167 Èarapci,
enska obuæa, Topolje,

Baranja, oko 1920. Vuna, pamuk,
koa. EMZ 8500.

168 Komošne, cipele za djevojke i

mlaðe ene, Topolje, Baranja,
poèetak 20. stoljeæa. Koa,
baršun, srma, mjed. EMZ 8474.

93
 U vrlo su širokoj uporabi bile èarape sa stopalom opšivenim debljim
domaæim platnom ili ko
om. Srodna vrsta takvoj obuæi bile su èarapke, odnosno æose,
papuèe ispletene od raznobojne vune i bijelog pamuka, sa stopalima najprije opšivenim
debljim domaæim platnom, a kasnije ko
om. Izraðivale su ih
ene same.
Poène ili poèni,
enske su papuèe od crne valjane vune s ko
nim pot-
platom. Radili su ih majstori i prodavali na sajmištima. Èarapke i poène nosile su se ljeti
na bosu nogu, a za hladnijih dana s èarapama.
U sveèanim prigodama nosile su se cipele komošne, što je vrsta polucipela
na petu, od crnog baršuna s vezenim cvjetnim uzorkom i perlicama.
Zimska obuæa bili su i opanci kapièari s remenjem za vezivanje i brn-
jièari, a u novije vrijeme kupovne cipele od mekše ko
e na šniranje. Najrašireniji oblik
opanka bili su kajišari s velikim jezikom ukrašenim tehnikom na proboj koji se preklapao
preko lica opanka. Uz takve opanke nosili su se vuneni obojci. Kao radna obuæa slu
ile su
klompe. I muškarci su nosili èarapke, klompe te crne kajišare. Momci i mlaði muškarci
nosili su cipele povrh šarenih vunenih èarapa, dok su stariji najèešæe ostali vjerni opanci-
ma. Uz sveèano ruho, mlaði su muškarci nosili èizme èvrstih sara s petom do 4 cm,
najèešæe ukrašenom kovnim èavliæima (Maglica, 2003: 158-162).

169 Muške èizme, Topolje, Baranja,

poèetak 20. stoljeæa. Postolarski
rad. Koa, metal. EMZ 8473.

170 Opanci kajišari, muški sveèani

opanci, Topolje, Baranja, oko
1930. godine. Opanèarski rad.
Teleæa koa. EMZ 7851.

94
 DINARSKA ZONA
Radi boljeg razumijevanja opisane graðe, najprije iznosimo opæe karak-
teristike obuæe dinarskog podruèja u skladu s uvrije
enom tipologizacijom u našoj
etnologiji (Gušiæ, 1955; Radauš-Ribariæ, 1974). Ovdje se osobito uoèava povezanost
obuæe s osnovnom granom gospodarstva. Veæina sirovina za izradu obuæe dobivale su se
od ovce.
Obilje
je dinarske kulturne zone u obuvanju u prvom su redu vunene
èarape raznih oblika koje su mogle dopirati do koljena, do pola lista, iznad gle
nja ili su
samo prekrivale prednji dio stopala, a oblaèile su se u nekoliko slojeva. Bjeève, biève14 naj-
donji su unutarnji sloj. To je vrsta obuæe bez stopala. Obièno su pletene od bijele vune
jednostavnim pletivom na pet igala. Na bjeève se navlaèe èarape, èorape, koje se katkad
nazivaju grliæi, po gornjem dijelu, ili po turski – terluci, trluci. Njen donji dio sa stopalom
pleten je od bijele ili koje druge boje vune, èesto prošaran pletenim uzorkom. Kod
ena
dose
e do pregiba pod koljenom, gdje se podvezuje podvezama, a kod muških do sredine
listova. Gornji dio – grliæi, veoma je ukrašen veæ u samom pletivu, a povrh toga još je
navezen i opšiven graðom, vezenim apliciranim ukrasom. Na muškoj obuæi grliæi su koji
put od sukna, s unutarnje strane zatvaraju se kopèama, kovèicama. Kao treæi sloj, na èarape
se oblaèi kratka obuæa do gle
nja, razlièito nazivana i u razlièitim varijantama. To su nazu-
vci, nazupci, priglavci ili natikaèe. Kratki nazupci u ju
nom primorju oblaèe se samo na
no
ne prste, a priglavci u planinama dose
u i povrh gle
nja, pa i sami imaju ukrašene
grliæe, iako ni
e od onih na èarapama. Na ovu pletenu obuæu dolaze opanci (Gušiæ, 1955:
171). Dinarski opanci oputaši najèešæe su od sirove goveðe ko
e, a za siromašnije,
ene i
djecu èesto i od svinjske ko
e (Kutleša, 1993: 124). No nosili su se i u skladu s vremen-
skim prilikama – od svinjske ko
e za suha vremena, a od goveðe po kiši (Forjan, 2002:
126). Nabijeni su na kalup i opleteni oputom od ovèjeg crijeva. Takve su opanke èesto
plele
ene same, a u manjim gradskim središtima izraðivali su ih majstori opanèari. U

171 Opanci prepletaši, Kijevo, oko

1970. Goveða koa, ovèje crijevo.
EMZ 29018.

14 Rijeè raširena na ju
noslavenskom

podruèju od Jadrana do Bugarske, kao
ostatak iz balkanskog latiniteta.
Prvobitno znaèenje bilo je nogavica,
odjeæa za nogu. To je znaèenje
su
eno na èarapa. Tu rijeè potiskuju
na istoku turcizam èarape, i na
zapadu italijanizam kalcete (Skok,
1973: 146).

95
 172 a) enska obuæa, terluci, Vrlika,
konac 19. stoljeæa. Vuna, pamuk,
metal. EMZ 18602.

b) Muška obuæa, terluci, Vrlika,

konac 19. stoljeæa. Vuna, sukno,
pamuk, metal. EMZ 15923.

c) enske èarape, Poljica, poèe-

tak 20. stoljeæa. Vuna. EMZ
a) e) 16540.

d) Terluci, muška obuæa,

Bukovica, poèetak 20. stoljeæa.
Vuna, sukno, svila, pamuk. EMZ
2280.

e) Priglavci, obuæa za prste,

konac 19. stoljeæa. Vuna, pamuk.
EMZ ES 560.

f) Nazupci, muška obuæa, Vrlika,

konac 19. stoljeæa. Vuna, pamuk.
EMZ 15697.

g) Nazupci, enska obuæa,

Benkovac, konac 19. stoljeæa.
b) f) Vuna, sukno. EMZ 17955.

h) Nazupci, muška obuæa,

Benkovac, konac 19. stoljeæa.
Vuna, sukno. EMZ 24085.

c) g)

d) h)

96
173 Potkoljenjaèe, remenje koje dri
biève, Vrlika, poèetak 20.
stoljeæa. Koa, kositar, staklene
perlice. EMZ 15540
174 Biève, muška obuæa, Kosore,
Vrlika, oko 1930. Pamuk, vuna.
EMZ 15789.
15 U etnološkoj literaturi oni se
obièno navode kao primjer savršene
prilagodbe kraškim vrletima. Èak i
lijeènici tridesetih godina 20. stoljeæa
vrlo pohvalno pišu o njima. Buduæi da
je ta vrsta opanaka bila karakteristiè-
na za cijelo balkansko podruèje, èesto
se spominje kako su u Prvome svjet-
skom ratu Srbi puno br
e napredovali
u opancima, nego austrougarska vojs-
ka u teškim vojnièkim cokulama.
16 "Govori se: kad je lip obojak, stoji lipo
opanak ili obojak ljubi opanak. Djevojci
koja lijepo ne obuje opanke i obojke pjeva
se za porugu:
Opanèiæi klapaju
Obojèiæi padaju
A panciri zveèe
Da te momci neæe." (Ivaniševiæ, 1905: 67).
17 Okrajak ko
e, što se stavlja u
proderane opanke da ne nabije nogu.
18 Tako je juretna obuæa bila od
crvene ili modre èoje. Postojala je i
srmana, koja bi se našila i iskitila
"srmom i paran, svakakvim pulijan,
da bi se sjala i svitlila nogu".
19 Oni kod kojih je peta od crne
vune, a potplati prstiju bijeli, zvali su
se crnopetiæi, a potpuno crni crnavci.
Lici, kao i u nekim drugim podruèjima dinarske zone, umjesto opute slu
io je bijeli kanap
(u
e) (Gušiæ, 1955: 171). Ti su opanci veoma pogodni za hodanje po kamenom terenu.
Uz vunene èarape opanci se tijesno pripijaju uz nogu i veoma su elastièni, te na taj naèin
omoguæuju prilagoðavanje stopala i najmanjim neravninama.15
Ovaj opis daje opæenit pregled obuvanja u dinarskoj zoni na
prijelomu 19. i 20. stoljeæa premda su u praksi, naravno, postojala regionalna odstupanja
ne samo u nazivima i kolièini predmeta, veæ i u naèinu nošenja dijelova obuæe normirane
za pojedine dobne i spolne skupine. Tako se u Poljicima navlaèci i natikaèe zovu 'muška
obuæa', a èarape i natikaèe '
enska obuæa' (Ivaniševiæ, 1903: 334). Slièno je bilo i u Lici
(Krèmariæ, 1905: 316). Iz opisa vrlièke tradicijske odjeæe, o kojoj piše Sanja Ivanèiæ, doz-
najemo da je knji
evni izraz obuæa u vrlièkoj tradicijskoj terminologiji oznaèavao predmet
koji danas nazivamo èarapa. Na obuæu su se navlaèili obojci, pletena obuæa stopala bez
pete (Ivanèiæ, 2000: 84). U Poljicima obojkom16 zovu okrajak ili komad krpe, što se stavlja
u opanak kao i prièalina17 (Ivaniševiæ, 1905: 67). U sliènom znaèenju obojak se pojavljuje
i u Lici (Krèmariæ, 1905: 316).
Sjeæajuæi se starinske obuæe koja se u Poljicima nosila u 19. stoljeæu,
Frano Ivaniševiæ, sveæenik iz Poljica, nabraja više vrsta takve obuæe.18 Takoðer napominje
da se gotovo nitko više tako ne obuva, a ako i obuva, stavlja je ispod hlaèa da se ne vidi
(Ivaniševiæ, 1903: 328).
U vrijeme pisanja monografije o Poljicima muški su nosili biève od crne
ili bijele vune, a neki i od pamuka. Na njih su oblaèili terluke pletene od crne vune,
raznobojno ukrašenih prstiju i peta.19
Biève vrlièkih muškaraca pletene su kao najsveèaniji detalj obuæe
bijelom pamuènom niti, na pet igala, prozraènim èipkastim bodom. Iznad njih, ako se
nose, ve
u se potkoljenjaèe, remenje ukrašeno sitnim olovnim i kositrenim granulama i
metalnom kopèom za stezanje (Ivanèiæ, 2000: 84).
enska je obuæa u Vrlici vrlo slièna muškoj, razlikuje se samo u velièini
i rasporedu vezenih motiva, dok su obojci i opanci posve isti (Ivanèiæ, 2000: 87). enske
èarape u Poljicima bile su pletene od bumbaka (pamuka) i modre vune, s gornjim dijelom
naroèito ukrašenim crvenim, modrim i crnim koncem (Ivaniševiæ, 1903: 322). U Lici su

enske natikaèe bile kraæe od muških. Ali ponegdje su se još poèetkom 20. stoljeæa nosile
97
i graðene, to jest vezene natikaèe. Graðene natikaèe nosile su samo djevojke i mlade
ene uz
bijele èarape (Krèmariæ, 1905: 318-319).
U dinarskoj zoni statusna razlika izmeðu
ene i djevojke oèitovala se i u
obuæi. Tako djevojke umjesto bièava nose klašnje. Klašnje su obuæa bez stopala. U Bukovici
djevojaèke klašnje pletene su bijelocrvenom vunom u uzorku, pod petom ih dr
i potpetn-
jak, a pod koljenom su vezane ispletenim gajtanom, podvezom, struèicom. U Vrlici su
ispletene domaæom vunom u tonovima modre, zelene i crne boje s geometrijskim motivi-
ma sliènim onima kljeèanim (tkanim). enske su biève pak od modrog stupanog sukna.
Stra
nja strana, list
enskih bièava ukrašen je graðom, a po sredini ima raspor s kukama i
sponama za kopèanje (Ivanèiæ, 2000: 87).
Obuæom se takoðer mogla istaknuti vjerska i nacionalna razlièitost.
Nogavice, biève u hrvatskoj nošnji Bukovice krojene su od modre ili crne tkanine. Èesto
su krojene na klin, biève klinaèe, ali najèešæe se na listu noge apliciraju tri uzdu
ne pruge
od crvene i zelene èohe, izvezene šarenom vunom, svilom ili pamukom i opšivene bije-
lim gajtanom. U Velebitskom podgorju biève su ispletene od modre domaæe vune, a na
listu noge kao ukras uèvršæena je kitica od frkane modre vune, vrk (biève s vrkom).
Srpske nogavice, bjeève, krojene su takoðer od modrog ili crnog sukna, ali 175 a) Bièva, enska obuæa Hrvatice,
na listu noge od donjeg ruba prema gore prorezane su i tu zakopèane nizom parova kopèi- Benkovac, konac 19. stoljeæa.
ca, spunjama i kukcima. Oko tog proreza, još su ukrašene unaokolo prugama izvezene èohe Sukno, pamuk, vuna. EMZ
17953.
u obliku grèkog slova p. Pletene ili suknene nogavice dr
i pod petom potpetnjak koji je
pleten èvršæom vunom ili je to pruga èvršæeg sukna. b) Bjeèva, enska obuæa Srpkinje,
I uz
enske nogavice obuvaju se niski nazupci (u hrvatskoj nošnji) ili Bilišane, konac 19. stoljeæa.
èarape (u srpskoj nošnji). Razlikuju se po izboru boja vezenog ukrasa kao i po motivima Sukno, vuna, pamuk, metal. NMZ
685
veza (Oštriæ, 2005: 16).
U Lici su Srpkinje (Vlainje) du
e od Hrvatica (Bunjevki) zadr
ale c) Biève, enska obuæa, Vrlika,
graðene natikaèe, a i na "... momku æeš Vlahu vidjeti katkad graðene natikaèe, a na kranjcu sad veæ kraj 19. stoljeæa. Sukno, vuna,
ama baš nikada." (Krèmariæ, 1905: 320). pamuk, metalne kukice. EMZ
18600.
Prikazujuæi
ivot u Smiljanu u Lici na poèetku 20. stoljeæa, Krèmariæ
piše: "Ranije su se nosili i nazupci koji su sad izašli iz mode. Nazupci su bili nešto kraæi od natikaèa. d) Curske biève, enska obuæa,
Na natikaèe se obuvaju karlovaèki opanci s ko
nim kapicama ili oputaši, prepletaši. Njih zimi nose Vrlika, oko 1930. Vuna. EMZ
25037.
samo oni koji ne mogu kupiti karlovaèke opanke. U sveèane dane nose cure i mlade
ene cipele."
(Krèmariæ, 1905: 316).

98
176 Djevojka iz Ravnih Kotara, 18.
stoljeæe.
177 Djevojka iz plemena Kokoriæa,
okolina Vrgorca, 18. stoljeæe.
178 Muškarci iz Smiljana, Lika, 1905.
20 Nestve ili mestve balkanski turcizam
perzijskog podrijetla, mes-ko
a.
Doèetak -va u mestva došao je unakrš-
tavanjem s bjeèva (Skok, 1973: 414).
21 Prema tur. yemenli "iz Jemena",
šarovita obuæa, tip plitke obuæe; isto
što i filare (Skok, 1973: 773).
Iz ovih primjera vidimo da stariji tip obuæe nose još samo starci i ljudi
skromnijeg imovinskog stanja, dok mlaðe generacije (momci i djevojke) poèetkom 20.
stoljeæa lakše prihvaæaju novije tipove obuæe.
Opanke prepletaše koji su stariji tip opanaka poèeli su poèetkom 20.
stoljeæa i u drugim dinarskim krajevima istiskivati opanci kapièari: "Danas mlaðarija kupu-
je u gradu novu vrstu opanaka od vine ko
e. To su zatvoreni opanci sa uzicom. Zovu ih riški opanci
jer su se najviše kupovali u senjskoj Rici, ili krovati jer su okrojeni kako u 'Rvaskoj nose seljaci'."
(Ivaniševiæ, 1903: 329).
U skladu sa svojom temeljnom funkcijom, opanci prepletaši u Imotskoj
su krajini mogli biti nosni i misni. Nosni su bili za svakodnevnu uporabu i najèešæe su ih
izraðivali u kuæama za vlastite potrebe, a sveèani, misni, nabavljali su se kod seoskih majs-
tora opanèara. Osobito su glasoviti bili šantarovci, koji nose ime po majstoru opanèaru iz
Vinjana. Druga vrsta bili su gumavci, kod kojih je ðon bio od gume, a treæa opanci od robe,
èiji je ðon ko
nat, a ostali djelovi platneni (Kutleša, 1993: 124).
Nestve,20 niske ko
nate cipele, poèetkom 20. stoljeæa nosile su još samo
starije
ene. Potplat im je bio od debele ko
e, a gornji dio, tumera, od tanke ko
e s crven-
im rubom. I mala djeca od 5-6 godina nosila su nestvice na uši, koje su se vezivale da im ne
ispadaju s nogu. Od ko
nate obuæe nosile su se još ðemelije,21 a u starija vremena neki su
muškarci nosili i èizme. Ðemelije su bile poput nestava, samo ljepše izraðene i izvezene
(Ivaniševiæ, 1903: 334). Zanimljivo je da Ivan Lovriæ u svojim "Bilješkama o putu po
Dalmaciji" (1776.), komentirajuæi Fortisove navode i zapa
anja, ka
e da kod Morlaka
nema one strogosti o kojoj govori Fortis koja bi i djevojkama zabranjivala nositi drugaèiju
obuæu, ma koliko njihove porodice bile bogate, veæ je upravo obrnuto. Nošenje turskih
papuèa ili jemelija (jemenlija) koja su druga vrsta obuæe, ovisi o tome, koliko tko mo
e
potrošiti (Lovriæ, 1848: 101).
99
 Vidimo, dakle, kako je razlièita socijalna diferencijacija unutar zajednice
dopuštala pojedincima veæa odstupanja od uvrije
enih formi. Bolje imovinske prilike
omoguæavale su pojedincima nošenje osobitih dijelova obuæe, koji su drugima bili nedos-
tupni. Poèetkom 20. stoljeæa jemenlije ili, kako ka
e Ivaniševiæ, ðemelije nosile su još samo
starice dok su u ranijim vremenima bile statusna oznaka bogatijih djevojaka. Opis obuæe
koju daje Ivaniševiæ vrlo nam je znaèajan jer svjedoèi o tome kako se moda i ranije mijen-
jala te da je dinamika tih promjena bila vezana uz procese koji su se dogaðali na širem
kulturnom planu, pa preko njih mo
emo stvoriti puno dinamièniju sliku seoske kulture
od one na koju smo navikli.
Postole22 su se nosile u najsveèanijim zgodama, a poèetkom 20. stoljeæa
nosili su ih svi osim male djece i staraca koji su i dalje ostali vjerni obuæi svoje mladosti.
Ivaniševiæ se sjeæa da ih je potkraj 19. stoljeæa nosio samo pop za vrijeme mise, ali za po
dvoru i on je nosio opanke ili nestve. Starije postole bile su duguljaste i uzdignute sprije-
da. Zvale su se na škarpune, a zatvarale su se uzicom, revnikom. Poèetkom 20. stoljeæa
poèele su se nositi gete, zatvorene cipele na laštik. Postole i nestve kupovale su se u gradu.
Slièno je bilo i u Ravnim Kotarima i Bukovici gdje su
ene i djevojke nosile vilare, crnu
ko
nu obuæu sa èvrstim ðonom (Oštriæ, 2005: 16). Stav ljudi u Poljicima prema miješan-
ju novijih i starijih stilova obuvanja vrlo dobro oslikava sljedeæi navod: "U Postrani starije

ene mišaju robu starijeg i novijeg kroja: '… pregljaèa i saketina, postoli i opanci … pa im se rugaju
da su po miša, a po tiæa, ili da nisu ni pirka ni kanjac'." (Ivaniševiæ, 1903: 325).
U dinarskoj zoni za razliku od panonske ljudi su rijetko hodali bosi. To
je bilo samo u osobitim situacijama, primjerice, pri izvršenju zavjeta, sudjelovanju u pro- 179 Gete, enske cipele, Split, konac
cesiji ili blagoslovu polja. Bosonogi su bili samo najveæi siromasi. 19. stoljeæa. Koa, guma. EMS.
Putopisci koji su u 18. stoljeæu prolazili Dalmacijom donose i svoja
zapa
anja. Opisujuæi odjeæu i obuæu Morlaka, stanovnika unutrašnjosti Dalmacije, Albert
Fortis 1774. godine piše da ona predstavlja simbol njihovog identiteta: "Kod njih postoji 22 Postola-cipela, prasl.* postolq
poslovica da tko mijenja haljine mijenja i vjeru." (Lovriæ, 1948: 94). Takoðer ka
e kako se (HER, 2005: 165).

100
 pripovijeda da se neki Morlak razljutio kad nije u Mlecima našao opanaka, i kako je izgr-
dio kao lašce one, koji su ga uvjeravali, da u Mlecima ima svega.
Status odraslog muškarca oznaèavala je i njegova obuæa. Odstupanje od
norme koja simbolizira muško oèituje se u podrugljivom tonu kojim se muškarac èije van-
jske oznake identiteta ne zadovoljavaju okolinu usporeðuje s neèim što je s društvenog
stanovišta manje vrijedno, a to je
ena i njezin identitet: "Teško Morlaku, koji bi na nogama
nosio èarape! Taj bi bio siguran, da bi postao ruglom svih svojih zemljaka. Èarape su im odvratne, i
to zato, što ih nose
ene, a oni neæe ni za što da budu slièni
enama." (Lovriæ, 1948: 94).
Patrijahalni odnos izmeðu muškarca i
ene jednako je izra
en još i u 20.
stoljeæu. Opisujuæi
ivot u obitelji u Bukovici, Vladimir Ardaliæ, pismeni seljak iz Ðevrsa-
ka ka
e: "Najbolje se vidi da je ona njemu prisvojita i pokorna kad je na njemu roba èista i ušæupe-
na, kad mu ostru
e od blata opanke, te kad on le
e, osuši s ostalom obuæom nad vatrom." (Ardaliæ,
1906: 18).
Preko obuæe koja se u sklopu svadbenih obièaja dariva, saznajemo
mnoge va
ne podatke o mre
i društvenih odnosa unutar zajednice i obitelji. Ti su pok-
loni podrazumijevali obveze i legitimitet nove veze. U donjim Poljicima bio je obièaj na
Materice pred Bo
iæ da vjerenik svoju vjerenicu posjeti i na dar joj donose obuæu (postole
ili nestve), a ona njemu sljedeæe nedjelje na Oèiæe košulju, biève i terluke ili navlakuše
(Ivaniševiæ, 1905: 67). Kad je djevojka bila isprošena, svekrva ju je darivala bièvama i ter-
lucima (Ivaniševiæ, 1905: 67). Takoðer je bio obièaj da se, u nedjelju na veèer prije
vjenèanja kad se išlo kod djevojke po robu, nose darovi svim ukuæanima: svakom muškom
èlanu kuæanstva postole, a
enskom nestve, te mladoj postole, britvu i pancire. Djever i
ðuveglija dobivali su biève i terluke (Ivaniševiæ, 1905: 71).
Obuæa se u svadbenom obredu javlja i u kontekstu magije. Buduæi da je
svadba prijelaz iz statusa djevojke i mladiæa u status
ene i muškarca, oni su u tom
trenutku prema tradicijskom vjerovanju bili više izlo
eni utjecaju zlih sila. Da bi se od
njih zaštitili, morali su zamijeniti jednu od bièava koju bi naopako obukli. Okretanje robe
naopako, kao zaštita od negativnih utjecaja, i danas je prisutno (Luliæ, 2005: 139).
Kao što smo vidjeli na prethodnim primjerima, èarapa je èesto vezana uz
darivanje, ali mo
e poslu
iti i da se u nju stavi dar. Tako se, npr., u dinarskom podruèju
na Sv. Nikolu djeci stavlja dar u èarapu (Luliæ, 2005: 139).

180 Natikaèe, muška obuæa, poèetak

20. stoljeæa. Donji Lapac, Lika.
Vuna. EMZ 23445.

101
 JADRANSKA ZONA
Jedna od karakteristika u odijevanju pa tako i obuvanju ruralnog 181 Papuèe, enska obuæa, Novi
stanovništva ovog podruèja jest rano nestajanje muške tradicijske odjeæe pa i obuæe. To Vinodolski, poèetak 20. stoljeæa.
se objašnjava èinjenicom da su muškarci, osobito pomorci, zbog zapošljavanja izvan seoske Koa, vuna, sukno. EMZ 4/897.
sredine preuzimali graðanski naèin odijevanja. S druge strane, kao posljedica migracija
182 Škarpini, enska radna obuæa,
stanovništva koje je iz jadranskog zaleða bje
alo pred Turcima u obuvanju se vidi prepli- otok I, prva polovica 20. sto-
tanje s dinarskim tipom obuæe. ljeæa. NMZ 1760.
Pletene vunene èarape jednake su na jadranskom i na dinarskom
podruèju. Meðutim, dinarski naèin podrazumijeva nošenje bjeèvi (nazuvci, èarape, priglav- 183 Natakaèe, udovièka obuæa, Olib,
1976. Vuna, koa, pamuk. NMZ
ci i sl.) i u nekoliko slojeva, od kojih su neke vrste ukrašene ili raznobojnim pletivom, ili 2741.
graðom, vezenim apliciranim ukrasom od raznobojna sukna i metalnim kopèama.23
Jadranske su vunene biève (hoveje, kalcete i sl.) uvijek jednobojne i bez ukrasa, a ukrasnim
pletivom ukrašene su tek one od pamuka (Muraj, 1981: 201).
ene su ih same plele s pomoæu pet igala od bijele prepredene vune.
Osim stopala, biève pokrivaju cijeli potkoljenièni dio noge, a na gornjem rubu mogu imati 23 Sliènu dvodjelnu obuæu nalazimo i
vrpce kojima se ve
u ispod koljena, ili ih
ene prièvršæuju vrpcama od gaæa. Odlazeæi na na podruèju Jadranske zone, prim-
posao u polje,
ene su èesto navlaèile i po dva para bièava. Uz sveèanu ljetnu odjeæu oblaèile jerice, oko Novigrada i Pakoštana
gdje se obuæa sastojala od suknenih
su umjesto vunenih biève ispletene od kupovnog pamuka (bumbak). Udovice su pak nosile dokoljenica, bièava i niskih vunom
biève ispletene od crne vune. Prije uvoðenja crnine koja je u nekim našim krajevima prih- pletenih nazubaka s metalnim kopèi-
vaæena poèetkom 20. stoljeæa, u
alosti za bli
njima dijelovi su se nošnje èrvili to jest bojali. cama, sponjama (Oštriæ, 2005: 67). U
Istri su se uz vunene èarape oko
Tako je u Gornjim Petrèanima
ena na nogama u vrijeme
alosti nosila tzv. kajaèke nazubke gle
njeva stavljale i bijele suknene
s grliæem od tamnocrvenog pana, vrste mekoga kupovnog sukna (Luliæ, 2005: 146). gamaše.
 Djevojke za udaju nastojale su
biti što bolje obuèene, i to u odjeæu svjetlijih tono-
va. Èesto su djevojke u jadranskoj zoni nosile
crvene èarape. Etnografski muzej posjeduje takve
èerljene hoveje s Krka. Pletene èarape
arkih boja oso-
bito su bile upadljive na otoku Susku gdje se nošn-
ja s vremenom skratila pa su noge postale puno
vidljivije.
Za vrijeme rada u polju ili zimi, na
Zlarinu su se preko dokoljenica obuvale još i kratke
èarape škapune, pletene debljom vunom. Slièan tip
obuæe, škofune,24 zabilje
ene su i na Pagu (Muraj,
1981: 177) i Pašmanu. Na Pašmanu je bio obièaj da, dolazeæi u posjetu kæerci poslije
vjenèanja, mladenkini roditelji donesu i radnu obuæu. Uz oruðe, donijeli bi joj i škofune
(Luliæ, 2005: 144). Kao radna obuæa slu
ile su i biève od najgrublje vune èije je stopalo
opšiveno ko
om. Na Zlarinu su to bile škrpete.25 Na Olibu su za rad u polju slu
ili zavojci,
izraðeni od gruboga pamuènog platna sliène vrste kao onog za jedra. Sezali su do koljena,
a potplati su im bili od sirove ko
e. Niska
enska radna obuæa krojena od modre tele s
ðonom od usoljene ko
e na I
u se naziva škarpini. Najèešæe su je izraðivale same
ene.
Na gotovo cijelom podruèju jadranske zone, od Istre do Pelješca i
Konavala, te na mnogim otocima (Rabu, Pagu, Krku, Zlarinu, Braèu, Lastovu i Mljetu) još
su u 20. stoljeæu kao svakodnevna radna obuæa slu
ili domaæi opanci, panki, upanki, upenki
od sirove ko
e. Nošenje i izraðivanje opanaka na Zlarinu odr
alo se još i u drugoj polovici
20. stoljeæa (Muraj, 1981: 204). To su bili opanci tipa prepletaša, kojima je donji dio, pot-

184 a) Kalcete, enske èarape, otok

Susak, oko 1920. Pletene na
stroju. Vuna. EMZ 15089, 15204.

b) Hoveje, èarape za djevojke i

mlade ene, Vrbnik, otok Krk, kraj
19. stoljeæa. Vuna. EMZ 14523,
b.b.

185 Èarape, enske papuèe, otok

Susak, oko 1920. Domaæa izrada.
Tvornièko sukno, pamuk, svila,
vuna. EMZ 25935, 15204, 15089,
15210.

24 Od starotalijanskog scaffone, èara-

pa, bjeèvica (Skok, 1973: 397).

25 Od talijanskog scarpa, cipela

(Skok, 1973: 399).
plat, bio izraðen od goveðe ko
e, a gornji dio isprepleten od uskih ko
nih vrpca (pute), 186 Muški opanci, Istra, poèetak 20.
usukanih od ovèje ili kozje ko
e. Kasnije su u uporabu ušli opanci tipa kapièara, koji su se stoljeæa. Koa. EMZ, inv. br. ES
517.
u Istri nazivali i hrvacki opanci, a nabavljali su se u Rijeci (Radauš Ribariæ, 1997: 53).
Dok su se opanci još nosili, postojala je razlika u naèinu nošenja novije i Sljedeæa strana:
starije obuæe. Opanci, kao stariji tip obuæe, uglavnom su se obuvali sa suknenom odjeæom 187 a) Biève, enske sveèane èarape
i vunenim èarapama, za svakodnevne poslove, dok su se cipele nosile u sveèanijim prigo- s uzorkom na kose, Istra, oko
1930. Pamuk. EMZ 14953.
dama u kombinaciji s pamuènim èarapama koje su najèešæe bile ukrašene šupljikavim
uzorkom u pletenju. Jelka Radauš Ribariæ u knjizi "enska narodna nošnja u Istri" daje b) Bjeève lavurane, enske
vrlo slikovit primjer iz kojeg se vidi stav ljudi prema miješanju stilova. Ako se koja sirota èarape, Konavle oko 1930.
Pamuk. EMZ 17831.
opremila sveèano, a obukla opanke, mogla je èuti kako joj dobacuju: "A zaludo da imaš sedlo,
a nemaš potkove." (Radauš Ribariæ, 1997: 68). Ovdje govorimo o opæenitim tendencijama 188 a) Bijele dokoljenice, muška
premda je u praksi bilo moguæe i drugaèije kombiniranje novijih i starijih elemenata. sveèana obuæa, Konavle, poèetak
Poslije napuštanja opanaka u Istri,
ene su za svakodnevnu kuænu 20. stoljeæa. Sukno, svila, met-
alne kukice, tvornièko platno.
uporabu šile papuèe sa suknenim potplatom i gornjim dijelom zvane natake, škrpuce ili
EMZ 16503.
èavate u Liburniji. One su još donedavno bile glavna radna obuæa (Radauš Ribariæ, 1997:
27). Kao i u nekim drugim našim krajevima u Istri se kao radna obuæa spominju i klompe, b) Crvene dokoljenice, muška
copuli u Labinštini ili cokule u okolici minja (Radauš Ribariæ, 1997: 42). sveèana obuæa, Konavle, poèetak
20. stoljeæa. Sukno, svila, me-
Nošenje laganih plitkih cipela, koje su postolari izraðivali od mekane, talne kukice i ploèice. EMZ 1162.
èesto obojene ko
e (a bile su jednake i za desnu i za lijevu nogu), tipièno je za cijelo jad-
ransko podruèje. Poznate su po staroj praslavenskoj rijeèi postole, iako susreæemo i druge 26 Naziv sugerira njihovo porijeklo iz
nazive, npr.: tronkete ili šèopelice u Orebiæu, levantine26 u srednjoj Dalmaciji, kondure ili papuèe istoèno mediteranskih zemalja.

104
105
u Konavlima, injulke na Braèu (Muraj, 1981: 204), crevlje u Peroju u Istri. Slavenski naziv 189 a) Postoli, cipele za mladenku,
crevlje za tu vrstu obuæe spominje se od 13. stoljeæa u našim ju
nim primorskim krajevi- Olib, poèetak 20. stoljeæa.
Postolarski rad. Koa, metal,
ma (Radauš Ribariæ, 1997: 212), premda je taj tip obuæe najpoznatiji po nazivu firale, filare platno. NMZ 2163.
ili vilari.27 Kasnije su došle u modu filare koje su imale popreèni remenèiæ za zakopèavan-
je. Izraðivali su ih domaæi postolari u obli
njim gradovima. b)
enske cipele, Orebiæ, konac
U Istri se cipele uvode tek oko sredine 19. stoljeæa. Kao sveèana obuæa 19. stoljeæa. Koa, svilena vrpca.
EMZ bb.
slu
ile su cipele, postole, škarpete, gondolini na tak. To su niske otvorene cipele s peticom,
ponekad s ukrasnom vrpcom ili kopèom (Radauš Ribariæ, 1997: 42). Na podruèju Istre 190 a) Firale, djeèja obuæa, Preko,
spominju se i postoli na uši, niske cipele koje su sprijeda imale ukrašen jezik (Radauš Ugljan, 1963. Firalarski rad. Koa.
NMZ 1731.
Ribariæ, 1997: 53).
Autor monografije o Vrbniku na Krku, Ivan ic, ka
e kako ima boljih i b) Papuèice, djeèja obuæa, Èilipi,
lošijih postola: "Stare su za 'seki dan, veæi del dobro okrpani i pokerpani, kerpa do kerpi; a boje su oko 1930. Postolarski rad. Koa.
celi i neokerpani, ali pek imaju samol po jenu kerpicu, i to malu, da je ni jako vidit." (ic, 2001: 40). EMZ 16529.
ic takoðer razlikuje cipele po kroju i ka
e da muškarci uz široke brageše
(hlaèe) nose plitke cipele i na puntu (na vezanje), a uz duge uske hlaèe visoke na škornjicu
(na
niranje). Mladi deèki nose u sveèanim prigodama laštiki.28
Od
enskih cipela osobito se istièu plitke postole iz 19. stoljeæa,
najèešæe izraðene od od bijele ko
e, premda su mogle biti i u drugim bojama (ic, 2001:
46) te ukrašene crvenom vrpcom. Nosile su naziv napingane, što znaèi bojane.29
U Dubrovaèkim su krajevima za bolje zgode slu
ile papuèe od crvene
kajser ko
e. Etnografski muzej posjeduje, uz lastovsku nošnju, i papuèe od crvenog sukna
s kojim su se ukrašavali i dijelovi nošnje.
U obuæi Konavljana jasno se uoèavaju dinarski i jadranski elementi. U 27 Turcizam Filar, filare, nepletene
dinarske mo
emo ubrojiti obuæu u nekoliko slojeva i opanke prepletaše, a u mediteranske cipele od ko
e (Skok, 1973: 516).
niske cipele od crvene ko
e. Do pred Drugi svjetski rat za svakodnevnu obuæu slu
ile su 28 To su cipele koje dose
u do
vunene bjeève i kratke do iznad gle
nja èarape s grlom, koje su se zatvarale kopèama. Bjeève gle
nja, a sa strana imaju rastezljivo
su se izraðivale od prirodne bijele domaæe vune, ali se koristila i vuna od crnih ovaca sa platno, u nekim drugim krajevima
nazivaju se gete.
smeðim runom za radnu obuæu. Konavoke su ljeti umjesto vunenih dijelova obuæe
navlaèile bjeève od pamuka. 29 I dubrovaèki izvori iz 15. stoljeæa
govore o bojanoj obuæi (Gušiæ, 1955:
117).

106
191 a) Papuèe, enske obuæa, Babino
polje, Otok Mljet, oko 1930.
Postolarski rad. Koa, svila. EMZ
21645.
b) Vilari, niska kona obuæa,
Benkovac, oko 1950. Koa. Rad
domaæih obuæara. NMZ 2817.
192 Postoli pingani, enske cipele,
Vrbnik, Otok Krk, oko 1930.
Postolarski rad. Cipele su
izraðene prema uzoru na
starinske. Koa, pamuk, svila.
EMZ 14525.
Na strani 108:
193 Dva muškarca iz Konavala,
akvarel, F.B. Doubek. EMZ 26.
Na strani 109:
194 Muškarac iz Klisa, akvarel, F.B.
Doubek. EMZ 49.
Za sveèanije prigode bjeève su imale upleteni uzorak, sitnu ukrasnu
pletenicu, tzv. lavur, po èemu takve bjeève nose naziv lavurane bjeève. Bijele bjeève nosile su
se do vremena izmeðu Prvoga i Drugoga svjetskog rata, i to ljeti i zimi. Od tog doba u
uporabu su ušle crne bjeève. Uz bijele bjeève i èarape s grliæima i nazuvcima nosili su se
opanci oputaši ili opanci kljunaši. Zatim su se poèeli izraðivati opanci èiji je gornji dio bio od
èvrstoga bijeloga pamuènog platna, tzv. tele, s potplatom od gume. To su tzv. gumaši.
Usporedo s èarapama, muškarci su nosili i dokoljenice (obuæa bez stopala)
od bijele èohe koje se uz nogu uèvršæuju gustim nizom kopèi. Bijele su se dokoljenice
nosile do Prvoga svjetskog rata u sveèanijim prigodama, i to uz crvene papuèe. I
ene su
u sveèanim prigodama nosile papuèe ili kondurice. Zanimljivo je da su Konavoke uz nakit i
odjevne predmete pri vjeridbi dobivale od strane momkove kuæe i crvene papuèe od kajs-
er ko
e. Ti se pokloni nazivaju malo obilje
je.
U najsveèanijim prigodama, uz zlatnu ili svilenu robu, muškarci su nosili
crvene dokoljenice od fine crvene svite (èohe). Izraðivali su ih majstori terzije. Za te dokolj-
enice ka
e se da su srebrom okovane, a nazivaju se i toke, po ukrasnim ploèicama. Nosile
su se do Prvoga svjetskog rata na raznim skupovima i u svatovima, a imale su ih samo
bogatije kuæe.
Poslije Prvoga svjetskog rata, umjesto papuèa, uz mušku konavosku
nošnju ušle su u uporabu niske crne graðanske cipele, koje se i danas nose (Benc-
Boškoviæ, 1983: 55-56). ene su pak poèele nositi gondolete, niske cipele poput graðanske
salonke s višom potpeticom. I gondolete se rade od crvene kajser ko
e, ali u paru, za lijevu
i desnu nogu (Benc-Boškoviæ, 1983: 71).
Još valja spomenuti obièaj rasprostranjen u cijeloj jadranskoj zoni. Uoèi
Sv. Luce ostavljala se bièva obješena na rašljastu granu na kominu. Djeca vjeruju da Sv.
Luce dolazi noæu kroz dimnjak i stavlja dar u èarapu.
107
108
109
Aida Brenko Obuæa u dvadesetom stoljeæu
Vesna Zoriæ
195 Salonke, oko 1901. Secesijski
stil, Bally.
196 Salonke,1915. Koa, rips. MUO
16750.
197
enske èizme, Varadin, kraj 19.
stoljeæa. Koa. GMV KPO 12436.
198 Kamašli, konate potkoljenice,
Plemenšèina, Hrvatsko zagorje,
poèetak 20. stoljeæa. GMV E
44315
199 Salonke, poèetak 20. stoljeæa.
Koa, rips. MGS 3589.
200 Trnica u Zagrebu, 1933.
1 Podaci o svjetskim trendovima
obuæe u 20. stoljeæu, u ovom prikazu,
oslanjaju se jednim dijelom na
podatke iz teksta objavljenog na
internetu: Shoes, Centuries and
Decades (http://eng.shoe-
icons.com/museum/select_age.htm)
R AZDOBLJE 1900.-1920. Poèetkom 20. stoljeæa najomiljeniji modeli iz
prethodnog razdoblja zadr
ali su se u modi do poèetka Prvoga svjetskog rata.1
U izboru cipela materijal je bio va
niji od njihova oblika. Visoke èizme
na kopèanje ili vezanje, crne ili neutralnih svijetlih boja i dalje su najraširenija obuæa do
dvadesetih godina.
Niske salonke u modi su do 1910. godine. Noga još uvijek ne smije biti
otkrivena. Iznimka su kuæne natikaèe izraðene od svile, satena, baršuna i brokata
ukrašene vrpcama, èipkom i pomponima. Postupno se ti ukrasni elementi poèinju
pojavljivati i na svakodnevnoj obuæi.
Prvi svjetski rat utjecao je na razvoj cipela na mnogo naèina: od
proizvodnje i prodaje, do izgleda i materijala od kojeg su napravljene. U tom razdoblju
suknje postaju kraæe, pa se noga sve više otkriva. Unatoè teškim vremenima, obuæa posta-
je svjetlija, a
enske èarape prozirnije i zavodljivije. Rat donosi promjene i u društvenim
odnosima, uloga
ene postaje istaknutija više no ikad.
Puèka obuæa koja svoje korijene vuèe još iz prethistorije, oblikovala se
tijekom povijesti pod utjecajem mode pojedinih razdoblja. Te su se promjene sporo odvi-
jale i uvijek su kasnile za zbivanjima u elitnoj kulturi. Intenzitet i brzina promjena odvi-
jali su se u skladu s ukljuèivanjem pojedinih zajednica u globalne tokove, kao i u odnosu
na njihove moguænosti,
elje i potrebe za prihvaæanjem vanjskih utjecaja. Stoljeæima su
cipele bile luksuz, privilegija povlaštenih, no poèetkom 20.
stoljeæa pojavom tvornica one postaju jeftinije i dostupnije.
Rat je uvelike smanjio kupovnu moæ naše-
ga seoskog stanovništva. Zbog oskudice i siromaštva ljudi su
imali samo jedan par cipela koji se nosio dok se ne podere.
Uobièajeno je bilo da djeca prve cipele dobiju pred polazak
u školu ili ih naslijede od starije braæe. Posjedovanje èizama
ukazivalo je na bolje imovinske prilike. Postolari su vrlo
èesto na stare sare prišivali novi donji dio. Cipele i èizme
višekratno su se krpale kako bi trajale što du
e.
111
D VADESETE GODINE vrijeme su optimizma, originalnosti, one predstavlja- 2 Art deco bio je prvi estetièki pokret
20. stoljeæa. Èvrsto ukorijenjen u svi-
ju prvo 'moderno' desetljeæe. U Americi i velikom broju europskih dr
ava
ene po prvi put jet vizualne umjetnosti obuhvaæao je
imaju pravo glasa, mogu javno pušiti i piti. apstrakciju, jednostavnost, geo-
metriju i kontrastne boje. Pokret je
Dizajn cipela u ovom razdoblju predstavlja potpuni prekid s tradicijom zapoèeo u Parizu 1925. godine poslije
što se osobito ogledalo u izboru boja, materijala i obilju ukrasnih elemenata. Suknje su se velike svjetske izlo
be Exposition
skratile gotovo do koljena pa obuæa dolazi u središte pa
nje. Sada postaje va
no kako usu- Internationale des Arts Decoratifs Indu-
strieles et Modernes koja je velièala
glasiti boje odjeæe i cipela. Postojala je tendencija da boja cipela bude u kontrastu s bojom "
ivot u modernom svijetu" (Peder-
odjeæe. sen, 2005: 46). Etnografski muzej u
Moda više nije privilegija elite, trgovine su pune novih modela dostup- Zagrebu, na poziv Ministarstva trgo-
vine i industrije, takoðer je sudjelo-
nih širokim slojevima društva. Mnoge su
ene, osobito mlaðe, posjedovale i po nekoliko vao na toj velikoj svjetskoj izlo
bi s
pari cipela u skladu s odjeæom i namjenom – cipele za šetnju, tenis, golf, posjete ili ples. predmetima vezanim uz narodnu
Najomiljenija aktivnost u dvadesetim bio je ples pa su cipele morale biti dovoljno èvrste umjetnost (Gjetvaj, 1989: 21).

da izdr
e
estoki ritam fokstrota, šimija i èarlstona. Osobito su popularne èarlston cipele 3 Pietro Yantorny (roðen 1890. u
s ukri
enim remenèiæima ili remenèiæima postavljenim u obliku slova T, šiljastih vrhova, Italiji) bio je prvi svjetski priznat
visokih peta. Sredinom dvadesetih godina sandala postaje va
an dio
enske garderobe. dizajner obuæe. Njegove su cipele bile
nevjerojatno raskošne, uzbudljive i za
Gola noga više ne izaziva sablazan. Orijentalne motive popularne poèetkom 1920-ih, veæinu nedosti
an predmet
elje.
zamjenjuju geometrijski, karakteristièni za art deco2. Buduæi da mu je za izradu jednog
para trebalo dvije godine, ne èudi da
Pojavljuju se novi proizvoðaèi cipela. Postolarske proizvode sve više
je smatran najskupljim svjetskim pos-
istiskuje industrijski proizvedena obuæa. No usprkos takvim tendencijama, talentirani tolarom. Sve je na cipelama moralo
postolari postaju znameniti kao i krojaèi. To je doba kad zapoèinju djelovati slavni diza- biti savršeno pa tako i kalupi koje je
izraðivao od islu
enih violina. Premda
jneri ekskluzivnih cipela: Pietro Yantorny3, Charles Jourdan, Salvatore Ferragamo i André ga Manolo Blahnik, kao i drugi danas
Perugia. Krajem 1920-ih bijelo-smeðe i bijelo-crne kombinacije ne izazivaju èuðenje. poznati dizajneri navode kao inspi-
Poèetkom 20. stoljeæa globalna modna strujanja zahvatila su i naše raciju, nitko zapravo ne zna što se s
njim dogodilo (Pedersen, 2005: 32).
seoske zajednice što se oèitovalo u sve br
im promjenama stilova obuvanja. Tako su se u
isto vrijeme nosile dvije ili više vrsta obuæe. Mlaði èlanovi zajednice lakše su prihvaæali
novi stil, dok su stariji prete
no nosili obuæu svoje mladosti. U mnogim dijelovima
Hrvatske sveèana obuæa za mlaðe
enske osobe uopæe se nije razlikovala od gradske.
Radna obuæa i dalje su opanci, a
ensko je stanovništvo svakodnevno najèešæe bosonogo.

112
201
enske sandale, 1929. Salvatore
Ferragamo. Tutankhamunova
grobnica otkrivena je 1922.
godine i od tada poèinje fasci-
nacija Egiptom koja je svoj izraz
našla i u modi. Cipele tog vreme-
na, dizajneri su poèeli ukrašavati
zlatom, što je podsjeæalo na
faraonovo bogatstvo i raskoš.
202
enska cipela, Zagreb, 1920-ih.
Koa i brokat. Vlasništvo Mire
Wolf.
203 Epidemija charlestona - I
Zagrepèanka
ivi za charleston,
pleše charleston i sanja o
njemu... I Zagreb je 1920-ih slije-
dio svjetske trendove. 1926.
204 Grosmama, mama i kæi nekad i
danas... Slikovni komentar novih
modnih strujanja, 1926.
205 Posljednje novosti firme Bata,
1927.
206
enska cipela, Zagreb, 1920-ih.
Koa. Vlasništvo Zore Prpiæ.
207 Knjiica savjetuje seljaèko
stanovništvo kako se valja odije-
vati u cilju oèuvanja nacionalnog
identiteta i gospodarstva.
Socijalna diferencijacija unutar zajednice dopuštala je pojedincima veæa odstupanja od
uvrije
enih dobnih normi. U samoj proizvodnji obuæe prisutna je sve veæa specijalizacija.
U tom razdoblju na selu se zamjeæuje relativno slabljenje utjecaja tradicije, koje se oèitu-
je u prihvaæanju elemenata karakteristiènih za gradski, zapadnoeuropski naèin odijevan-
ja i obuvanja. Tradicionalni
enski poslovi, izrada tekstila, uzgoj peradi i vrtlarstvo u
novim uvjetima nastalim poslije Prvoga svjetskog rata pru
aju i
eni priliku za zaradom i
potrošnjom (Supek, 1995/1996: 259-266) pa osobito u
enskom odijevanju dolazi do zam-
jene elemenata (bluza umjesto opleæa,
cipele umjesto opanaka i sl.).
Nezaobilazna organizaci-
ja koja se bavila kulturnim radom i prosv-
jeæivanjem na selu u tom vremenu bila je
Seljaèka sloga, koju je politièki usmjeravala
Hrvatska seljaèka stranka. Usporedo s
promjenama koje su se dogaðale na
društvenom, gospodarskom i kulturnom
planu, Seljaèka sloga u mnogim je seoskim
sredinama pokretala obnovu nošnji za na-
stupe na smotrama. Nošnja za nastupe
valjala je biti obnovljena po uzoru na vrstu
odjeæe i obuæe koja se na selima nosila
prije utjecaja modernizacije.
113
T RIDESETE GODINE Poslije ekonomske krize 1929. godine vladala je osku- 208 Iznad duge, enska sandala,
1938. Pluto, jareæa i antilop koa.
dica i siromaštvo. Luksuzna obuæa zamjenjuje se praktiènom èemu doprinosi i opæenita Izradio Salvatore Ferragamo.
kulturna klima – kubizam, art deco i funkcionalizam kao vodeæi pravac u arhitekturi. Moda Ferragamo je 1930-ih zapoèeo
postaje umjerenija i više se pa
nje posveæuje zdravlju i kvaliteti materijala. Buduæi da je proizvodnju cipela koristeæi
udobnost postala primarna, šiljati uski vrhovi zamjenjuju se širim i zaobljenim, peta tehnike masovne proizvodnje i
obrtnièku vještinu. Ovu je san-
postaje ni
a i stabilnija, a poslije 1934. potpuno je išèezla na sandalama i sportskoj obuæi. dalu izradio za holivudsku zvije-
Sportske cipele s gumenim potplatom i platnenim gornjištem postale su moderne i zdu Judy Garland.
pokazale se vrlo praktiènima. Sandale, prvotno obuæa za pla
u, postaju svakodnevna i
209
enske cipele, Zagreb, 1930-
sveèana obuæa. Klasiène salonke dobivaju otvore na prstima i peti. U drugoj polovici
1935. Koa. MUO 44520.
desetljeæa javljaju se cipele debelih potplata – platforme i cipele s punom petom. Antilop Dvobojne salonke nosile su se uz
ko
a najraširenija je za gornjišta i èesto se kombinira s prirodnom i lakiranom ko
om ili suknju koja je sezala malo ispod
tkaninom. Sveèane cipele izraðene su od svile i satena, no još su uvijek najelegantnije koljena. Od cipela se oèekivalo
da traju više od jedne sezone.
cipele od jareæe ko
e. Izraðuju se i cipele od zmijske i krokodilske ko
e koje simbolizira-
ju bogatstvo i sjaj. Smeða, crna i pastelne boje karakteristiène su za svakodnevnu obuæu. 210 Reklama za Batinu obuæu, 1933.
Premda je crna bila boja desetljeæa, uoèi rata iznenada se javljaju i druge boje – crvena,
zelena, plava. Èizme izlaze iz muške mode, a uspješni poslovni ljudi nose lohane cipele. U 211
enska cipela, Zagreb, oko 1930.
Koa. Vlasništvo Mirjane Randiæ.
muškoj modi po prvi put pojavljuju se mokasine.
U Hrvatskoj, seoska odjeæa i obuæa takoðer do
ivljavaju razlièite prom- 212 Reklama za Batinu obuæu, 1935.
jene, ne toliko u obliku koliko u vrsti materijala i ukrasu. Uz sveèane nošnje ukrašene
svilom, karakteristiène za panonsko podruèje, nosili su se sveèani opanci, cipele ili san- 213 Svetaèni opanci, sveèana enska
obuæa, Moslavina, oko 1930.
dale koje su izraðivali seoski ili gradski opanèari. No sveèani opanci ukrašavali su se u
Koa. MMK ET 1034, ET 5792.
skladu s tadašnjom modom. Bili su izraðeni od razlièitih vrsta ko
e. Osobito su omiljeni Sveèani opanci koje su nosile
bili oni na peticu s umecima od lakirane ko
e u kontrastnim bojama. Od ukrasa na djevojke i mlade ene bili su
opancima istièu se kopèe i mašne. Zato upravo u ovom razdoblju Seljaèka sloga pokreæe niz izraðeni po uzoru na gradsku
modu.
aktivnosti za oèuvanje narodne kulture u èistom obliku. Namjera je bila ne samo oèuvati
starinsku odjeæu i obuæu, nego i vratiti ih u funkciju, oèišæene od stranih i modnih utje- 214 Reklama za Batine gumene
caja koji su smatrani jednim od najveæih društvenih poroka (Sremac,1978: 100). èizme, 1933.

114
4 Bata Tomaš (1876.-1932.) bio je
èeški industrijalac, koji je poduzeæa
za proizvodnju obuæe "Bata" uteme-
ljio gotovo po èitavom svijetu. Oko
1931. godine Bata je u Hrvatskoj, dva
kilometra ju
no od sela Borovo,
zapoèeo gradnju tvornice obuæe i
gumene robe te industrijskog naselja.
Tvornica je poslije Drugoga svjetskog
rata nacionalizirana u Borovo, jugo-
slavenski kombinat gume i obuæe. Ta
je obuæa tijekom socijalistièkog raz-
doblja bila jedna od najprepoznatljivi-
jih na prostoru bivše Jugoslavije, a
neki su modeli postigli i kultni sta-
tus. Unatoè razaranju i šteti koju je
pretrpilo tijekom Domovinskog rata,
Borovo posluje i danas.
U skladu s tada progresivnim ideja-
ma o zdravstvenom prosvjeæivanju seoskog stanovništ-
va, èesto se raspravljalo i o seoskoj obuæi. Za razliku od
konzervativnih èlanova društva koje je osobito zabrin-
javala nova seoska moda obuæe od "razne vrsti najfini-
jih ko
a i raznih oblika sa drvenim petama presvuèen-
im ko
om i lakovane" (Briški, 1937: 10) jer se tako
napušta tradicija i gubi nacionalni identitet, ideje
lijeènika bile su ponešto drugaèije. Oni su u prvom
redu smatrali da su cipele, osobito niske, nepraktiène
za seljaèko stanovništvo jer u njih ulazi voda, blato i
prašina. Opanci su po njihovu mišljenju bolji jer su
izdr
ljiviji i elastièniji od tvrdih cipela, pa tako i zdrav-
iji za nogu (Chloupek, 1938: 164). Ipak, kao radnu
obuæu seoskom stanovništvu preporuèuju gumene
Batine4 èizme, jer se one mogu prati.
Bata se svojim proizvodima pri-
lagoðavao potrebama i seoskog i gradskog stanovništ-
va pa je tako u svoju ponudu uvrstio i razne modele
gumenih opanaka, ali i onih sveèanijih, na nisku
peticu s prepletenim gornjištem. U to se vrijeme nas-
tojalo narodne motive koristiti kao ukras na gradskoj odjeæi i obuæi pa je tako i Bata
proizvodio cipele i sandale s platnenim gornjištem ukrašenim vezenim motivima.
115
 215
enska sandala, 1946. Koa.
È ETRDESETE GODINE Unatoè ratu, moda nije išèezla. Modni magazini pre-
Salvatore Ferragamo.
poruèivali su
enama da brinu za svoj izgled u cilju podizanja borbenog duha i morala
narušenog ratnim zbivanjima. U Europi i SAD-u doneseni su i propisi koji su ogranièavali 216
enska obuæa, 1940. Drvo, špaga,
potrošnju sirovina potrebnih vojsci. Tako se ko
a smjela koristiti iskljuèivo za izradbu platno. Tvornica obuæe Bata. Zbog
nestašice materijala, osobito koe,
vojnièkih èizama. Ono što je ostalo civilnom stanovništvu bio je pust, grubo platno, drvo,
tijekom ratnih i poratnih godina,
pluto, guma i ostaci sintetièkih i ko
nih proizvoda. U skladu sa spomenutim odredbama, obuæa se izraðivala od jeftinijih i
visoka i puna peta zamijenjena je ravnim potplatima. U takvim uvjetima i modni èasopisi dostupnijih sirovina.
zagovaraju novu vrstu elegancije koja se temelji na praktiènosti. Osobito se potièe ideja –
217 Crtanje nata. Nestašica sirovina za
sam svoj majstor, odnosno kako od starih stvari napraviti nove, dodavanjem ukrasnih detalja. izradbu èarapa nadomještena je
Revoluciju u modi napravio je Christian Dior 1947. godine svojom inovativnom uporabom kozmetike.
kolekcijom New Look. Ponuðeni modni stil odmah su prihvatile
ene širom Europe i SAD
jer je odgovarao
elji da se zaborave ratna stradanja i ponovno poène u
ivati u zabavi, 218 Opanci, 1940-ih. Guma, gumirano
platno. Tvornica obuæe Borovo. U
modi i
enstvenosti. Masivne platforme i pune pete zamijenjene su salonkama i sandala- poratnim je godinama Borovo
ma. Talijanski i francuski dizajneri obuæe nastojali su suziti petu do krajnjih granica proizvodilo posebnu liniju obuæe
naglašavajuæi eleganciju i krhkost nove
enske siluete: istaknute grudi i uski struk. namijenjenu seoskom
stanovništvu.

219 Muška visoka cipela, 1942. Drvo,

gumirano platno. Tvornica obuæe
Bata. Za izradbu cipela tijekom rata
èesto su se koristili drveni potplati
pojaèani metalnom potkovom.

220
enska cipela, 1944. Drvo, gumira-

no platno. Tvornica obuæe Bata.

enska se moda takoðer prilagodila
teškim ratnim prilikama.

221 Model New Look kolekcije,

Christian Dior, Pariz 1947.

116
 Prema saèuvanim uzorcima cipela u tvornici Borovo, vidi se da je
proizvodnja nastavljena i za vrijeme rata. U skladu s ratnim prilikama, ta je obuæa imala
debele drvene potplate, dok su gornjišta najèešæe izraðivana od grubih tkanina i ko
nih
umetaka.
Ubrzo nakon Drugoga svjetskog rata, u novim uvjetima uz pomoæ vlasti
o
ivljava rad Seljaèke sloge i njezinih ogranaka. Njegovanje folklorizma bilo je ideološki
povezano s nizom kulturnih pojava koje su nastale poslije 1945. godine, što je dovelo do
njegove etatizacije. Nisu se više isticale vrednote patrijarhalnog društva iz predindustri-
jskog vremena, veæ je folklor dobio va
nu
ulogu u izgradnji socijalizma, bratstva i jedin-
stva i stvaranju novih odnosa na selu kao
rezultatu agrarne reforme. Poslije treæe
Glavne smotre Seljaèke Sloge odr
ane 1948.
godine, Marijana Gušiæ piše: "Umjetnost koju
je selo èuvalo vjekovima, ono danas radosno
predaje èitavom narodu, jer æe naše kulturno
blago u slobodnoj domovini postati svojina
èitavog naroda, postat æe zaista narodnom
umjetnošæu", ali i upozorava: "Narodno stvar-
alaštvo
ivi i danas ... Na glavnoj smotri u
Zagrebu nije dovoljno došlo do izra
aja stvar-
alaštvo naroda o našoj društvenoj stvarnosti."
(Gušiæ, 1948: 10).

117
PEDESETE GODINE Utjecaj stila New Look nastavio se i u pedesetima. Gospodarsko 222 Salonke Marilyn Monroe, SAD,
1957-1959.
èudo poslijeratnog razdoblja dovodi do poboljšanja svakodnevnog
ivota. Nova tehnologi-
ja oslobodila je
enu teških kuæanskih poslova. Pedesete su godine u prvi plan stavljale 223 Salonka, Francuska, 1950. Koa.
obiteljske vrijednosti, dom i posao. Uspješnost muškarca i njegovu financijsku stabilnost Charles Jourdan. Godine 1957.
odavao je
enin izgled. Cipela je bila izrazito
enstvena, profinjena i luksuzna. Za svaku Jourdan je otvorio butik u Parizu i
ubrzo postao tako popularan da
priliku i doba dana postojala je odgovarajuæa obuæa. Talijanski i francuski dizajneri lansir- su klijenti èekali u redu ispred
ali su petu stiletto koja se pripisuje èuvenom Rogeru Vivieru. U drugoj polovici epohe, njegove radnje. Christian Dior
stiletto zamjenjuju ni
e pete i ravni potplati. Elegantni,
enstveni stil holivudskih glumi- uveo ga je u svijet visoke mode
davši mu svoju licencu.
ca utjeèe i na izgled cipela. Zahvaljujuæi Audrey Hepburn, u modu ulaze balerinke.
Èuvene filmske dive najavile su i modu šezdesetih. U tom razdoblju javlja se i prezir 224 Modeli cipela Christiana Diora iz
prema potrošaèkom društvu i njegovim vrijednostima što osobito dolazi do izra
aja u 1963.
'buntovnièkom' stilu koji utjelovljuju Marlon Brando i James Dean. Premda se moda
225 Audrey Hepburn na snimanju
d
insa, t-shirta, antilop cipela s debelim potplatima u poèetku èinila radikalnom, odras-
filma Sabrina, 1954. Uz stiletto
tanjem njezinih zagovornika, ona postaje svjetski trend. pete, u ovom se razdoblju nose i
cipele na nisku petu s oblim
vrhom koje je osobito popula-
rizirala Audrey Hepburn.

226
enske vjenèane sandale,

Ivankovo, Slavonija, 1957. Koa.
EMZ 29905.

227 Muška sandala, 1950. Koa.

Tvornica Borovo.

228 Zepe, enska obuæa, 2005. Pust,

guma. Tvornica Borovo. EMZ
46364.

118
 Pedesetih godina u jugoslavenskoj politici i ideologiji prevladava
shvaæanje o konzervativnoj seoskoj kulturi kao koènici industrijskog razvoja i modernog
preobra
aja društva. Taj stav trajao je do šezdesetih godina. U skladu sa spomenutom
politikom, tradicijski kulturni obrasci postupno se napuštaju, a usvajaju nova vrijednosna
usmjerenja. Ukljuèivanje seljaštva u industrijsko društvo dovodi do priliva stanovništva u
gradska i industrijska središta, što znaèi promjenu njihova dotadašnjeg zanimanja. Koliko
su opanci simbolizirali seljaèki naèin
ivota, vidi se i u pogrdnoj izreci "da je netko prebr-
zo iskoèio iz opanaka u cipele", u smislu da promjena stila obuvanja ne znaèi i usvajanje
odgovarajuæeg ponašanja.
Osnovne karakteristike tadašnjeg naèina obuvanja ogledaju se u upora-
bi kupovnih predmeta i gubljenju regionalnih obilje
ja, a pojavljivanje tradicijske obuæe
u obredu govori o gubljenju njezinih praktiènih vrijednosti. Tvornièka obuæa izraðivana
za široke narodne slojeve lako se prihvaæa i na selima jer oblikom donekle podsjeæa na
tradicijsku. Kod starijih
ena u svim regijama osobito su popularne bile crne pustene
papuèe podstavljene gumom – zepe5, koje je proizvodila tvornica Borovo. Starije generaci-
je nastoje zadr
ati svoje navike i shvaæanja koja potjeèu iz ranijih razdoblja, a mlade gen-
eracije lakše prihvaæaju kulturu koja tek nastaje, u ovom sluèaju masovnu, industrijsku.

5 Sredinom osamdesetih proširile su

se kao školska obuæa, a zatim i miste-
riozno postale modnim hitom meðu
tinejd
erima. Tada su se nosile u
kombinaciji s bijelim sportskim èara-
pama po uzoru na Bruce Leeja u
kung-fu filmovima (Leksikon YU
mitologije, 2004: 432).

119
 229
enske poluèizme, Velika
ŠEZDESETE GODINE Poèetak šezdesetih u odijevanju, glazbi i društvenim odnosima Britanija, 1967. Plastika. Mary
više je podsjeæao na pedesete nego na buntovnièke šezdesete. Stiletto pete kasnih pedesetih Quant. Upravo je ovaj model
postaju ni
e, a vrhovi èetvrtasti, koji se ubrzo blago zaobljuju. postigao najveæi uspjeh.
No, nastojanja nove generacije koja je
eljela promijeniti svijet, rezultirala
230 Originalni crtei Mary Quant, bri-
su korjenitim promjenama u društvu i neizbrisivim tragovima u kulturi. Borba protiv klas-
tanske dizajnerice koja je mini
nih, rasnih i spolnih predrasuda, seksualna revolucija, okretanje orijentalnoj filozofiji, paci- suknjom izazvala revoluciju u
fizam, samo su dio slike kulture 1960-ih godina. modnom svijetu.
Jedan od prvih naèina iskazivanja neslaganja s postojeæim prilikama oèito-
231 Èizma Johna Lennona, 1960-e.
vao se u naèinu odijevanja i obuvanja. Èuvena reèenica Briggite Bardot "Visoka moda je za Koa, gumirano platno. Beatlesi
odrasle!" na mnogo naèina oslikava ovo razdoblje. Imid
'male djevojèice' kreira Mary Quant, ponovno vraæaju u modu tip
a ne francuske modne kuæe. Šesnaestogodišnja Twiggy postaje ideal
enstvenosti. Sre- èizme kakav se nosio krajem 19.
dinom 1960-ih, mini suknja s go-go èizmama postaje simbol
enske mode. Modna odjeæa i stoljeæa.
obuæa kupuje se na Carnaby Streetu i King's Roadu. Zbog toga se vrhunski modni dizajneri 232 Barbarella, film Rogera Vadima
okreæu jeftinijoj pret-a-porter odjeæi. snimljen 1968. godine prema
Courregesov Moon Girl Collection predstavlja
enu èija je odjeæa jednos- popularnom stripu. Jane Fonda,
tavnih geometrijskih linija, svjetlucavih materijala psihodeliènih boja i neizostavnih sin- koja glumi glavni lik, ima na
nogama karakteristiène futuris-
tetièkih èizama ravnih potplata i èetvrtastog vrha. Buduæi da je cijena ko
e u to doba bila tièke èizme.
vrlo visoka, dizajneri koriste tekovine moderne
tehnologije, odnosno, sintetièke materijale (najlon, 233 Go-go enske èizme, Francuska,
PVC i sl.). Razvoj raketne tehnologije, istra
ivanja 1964. Plastika. André Courreges.
Èizmice su bile inspirirane izgle-
svemira i spuštanje èovjeka na Mjesec potaknuli su i dom astronautskih èizama.
druge dizajnere da predstave svoje futuristièke kolekci- Nosile su se uz mini suknje i bile
je. Cipele stiletto 1950-ih i ranih 1960-ih gotovo su išèe- najprodavanija obuæa desetljeæa.
zle. Utjecaj etno, kantri i hipi stila promijenio je izgled
pete koja s vremenom postaje sve masivnija te vodi do
nastanka legendarnih platformi 1970-ih.
U Hrvatskoj je najraširenija obuæa i
dalje ona koju su proizvodile domaæe tvornice cipela,
ponajprije zbog prihvatljivih cijena. Ljudi koji su mogli
odvojiti više novca za udobnu i kvalitetnu cipelu kupo-

120
 vali su ih kod gradskih postolara od kojih su neki u
ivali poseban ugled. U to su doba
zapoèeli i odlasci u šoping u Trst, kojeg se mnogi i danas prisjeæaju sa sentimentom. U
Trst se odlazilo radi kupovine sezonske odjeæe i obuæe na smjeni godišnjih doba kao i
one za proslavu svih znaèajnijih dogaðaja u
ivotu – roðendana, uspješnog završetka
školske godine, maturalnog plesa, upisa na fakultet, diplome i sl. Sve je poèelo šezdese-
tih godina, kada su šuškavci i traperice bili mnogo više od odjevnih predmeta. Po obuæu
i odjeæu odlazilo se svim moguæim prijevoznim sredstvima, a po statistièkim podacima
trošilo se više nego što se smjelo. Sedamdesetih i osamdesetih pa i devedesetih, još uvi-
jek se odlazilo u Trst iako je on bio jedan od triju najskupljih gradova u Italiji.6
234 "Reklama borosane iz šezdesetih. Šezdesetih godina budi se i zanimanje za folklor. Aktivnost koja je
Naziv Borosane izveden je od ime-
bila svedena na lokalne i regionalne okvire ponovno o
ivljava. Obnavljaju se smotre i
na Borovo Naselje, gradiæa kraj
Vukovara, gdje se nalazila tvornica festivali te osnivaju novi, a prati ih ponovno o
ivljavanje i pojaèana aktivnost seoskih
koja ih je proizvodila, a oznaèava, grupa, sada pod nazivom kulturno-umjetnièkih društva (Sremac, 1978: 109).
visoke, platnene, navodno ortope-
dske enske radne cipele s pot-
peticom, otvorenim prstima i pe-
SEDAMDESETE GODINE Ovo desetljeæe donijelo je pravu revoluciju u svijetu
tom, najèešæe radnièko plave boje,
dio obavezne uniforme svake èis-
taèice. Bile su vrlo udobne, ali, zbog
svoje, da tako kaemo 'socijalne
komponente', izrazito uncool"
(Leksikon YU mitologije, 2004: 057).

235 Reklama za enske èizme za

sezonu 1968/69.

236 Reklama najnovijih proljetnih

modela cipela za sezonu 1968.

237 Šoping u Trstu, od odlaska na

kavu do kupovine cipela.

6 Celevska, Ivanèica: Trst je bio naš

http://arhiv.slobodnadalmacija.hr

121
 238 Platforma, èuvena èizma Eltona
Johna, 1974-1976.

239 Platforme, enske sandale,

Njemaèka, 1990-ih. Skaj, lame,
plastika. Vlasništvo Matije
Vujice. U 1990-im u modu
mode. Sloboda samoizra
avanja najistaknutija je znaèajka ovog razdoblja. Sve je dop- ponovno ulazi obuæa koja se nosi-
ušteno i sve se miješa – rok, disko, retro. Isprepliæu se 'prirodnost' kao tekovina hipi- la 1970-ih.
pokreta, izvještaèenost disko stila i agresivnost panka u drugoj polovici 1970-ih.
Manjinske zajednice i brojne supkulture odigrale su va
nu ulogu u modnim strujanjima. 240
enska sandala, Pariz, 1973.
Koa, lakirana koa. Pierre Cardin.
Platforme su bile obuæa desetljeæa. Podjednako su ih nosili i muškarci i
ene. Zvijezde Vlasništvo Mire Wolf.
roka poput Eltona Johna, Davida Bowiea i Garyja Glittera pojavljuju se na pozornici s
visokim petama, blještavom odjeæom i šminkom, pomièuæi granice muške seksualnosti. 241 Kaubojske enske èizme, Španjol-
ska, 1975. Vlasništvo Mire Wolf.
Koncem desetljeæa pojavljuje se elegantnija visoka peta na salonkama,
ali i niska sandala. U modu takoðer ulaze espadrile i špagerice. Osobito su popularne i èizme 242 Reklama za enske cipele, 1972.
na vezanje koje su sezale iznad koljena, najèešæe nošene uz vruæe hlaèice. Omiljeni su bili
prirodni materijali, osobito ko
a. 243 Platforma, enska cipela, 1973.
Moda postaje sve 'specijaliziranija', u skladu sa zahtjevima razlièitih Koa, plastika. Tvornica Borovo.

društvenih i kulturnih zajednica. Sredinom 1970-ih javlja se pank. Èizme Dr. Martens 244 Platforme, enske sandale, Za-
postaju kultna obuæa glazbenika, simbol panka i gotik stila kao i drugih pokreta vezanih greb, oko 1975. Tvornica Alpina.
uz kulturu mladih. Vlasništvo Nataše Trinajstiæ.
Vivienne Westwood uspjela je od panka napraviti modu. Njezin sado-
245 a) Espadrile, Zagreb, oko 2000.
mazohistièki stil priskrbio joj je titulu 'šok kraljice'. Platno, špaga. Vlasništvo Mirjane
Dobrostojeæa srednja klasa ponovno se okreæe dizajnerima. Ideja da Randiæ. b) Špagerice, Trst, 1979.
odjeæa nije samo izraz individualnosti, veæ instrument za postizanje uspjeha u
ivotu i Platno, špaga. Vlasništvo Ines
Brenko. Špagerice i espadrile
napredovanja u karijeri još æe se više razviti u nadolazeæim godinama. Mladi i uspješni
najèešæe su se nosile uz suknje
poslovni ljudi sve više pa
nje posveæuju zdravom naèinu
ivota što dovodi do popular- od gaze. Kasnije su ih usvojili i
izacije fitnesa i sportske mode u 1980-ima. šminkeri. Nedostatak: ne smiju se
Sva ta zbivanja i modni trendovi prate se i u Hrvatskoj, ali u modu ulaze smoèiti!
s malim zakašnjenjem. Pod utjecajem hipi pokreta mladi ljudi unose u odijevanje folk- 246 Sajmonice, Zagreb, 2000. Antilop
lorne elemente iz razlièitih kultura: indijske sandale, japanke, espadrile, pa èak i domaæe koa, guma. Vlasništvo Zlatka
opanke. Buduæi da je glazbena scena u to doba oblikovala kulturu mladih, mnoge su Mileusniæa. Popularnosti sajmoni-
cipele postale popularne zahvaljujuæi pop i rok glazbenicima. Jedne od takvih su i legen- ca pridonijela je èuvena fotografi-
ja s poleðine ploèe Gratest hits
darne sajmonice nazvane po Paulu Simonu koji je, zajedno s Artom Garfunkelom, bio oso- Simonea & Garfunkela.

122
 bito popularan na prostoru bivše Jugoslavije.
Pojavom panka i novog vala krajem 1970-ih godina u modu ulaze èizme
Dr. Martens koje se u nas nisu mogle nabaviti. Zamjena za njih bile su èizme Amigo7 koje
je proizvodio Peko. U Zagrebu su bile poznate pod nazivom hašice. Naime, u to je vrijeme
postojala podjela na hašomane i šminkere koja se oèitovala i u izboru obuæe. Za razliku od
spomenutih hašica, šminkeri su se najviše prepoznavali po koled
icama.8
Potkraj 1970-ih godina ponovno se osjetio porast kulturnih aktivnosti
kojima je podloga njegovanje i razvijanje tradicijskog folklora. Regionalne i opæinske
zajednice za kulturu pokazivale su veæe razumijevanje i interes za razvoj kulturnih oblika
koji mogu simbolizirati prošlost odreðenog kraja i na taj naèin ponuditi identitet staros-
jediocima i pridošlicama u njihove regije (Rihtman-Auguštin, 1979: 18).

O SAMDESETE GODINE Nikad se nije pridavala tolika pa
nja imenima i etiketa-

7 "Prirodno, Amigo èizme samo su

ovlaš podsjeæale na 'martinke', ali bile
su dovoljno visoke, dovoljno patkaste,
i
nirale su se dovoljno èvrsto uz no-
gu da su ipak mogle da zamene taj ne-
dosti
ni predmet
elja, taj konzu-
mentski fetiš jedne samoproklamu-
juæe kontrakulture – prave Doc
Martens èizme." (Leksikon YU
mitologije, 2004: 038-039).

8 "Nosili su ih šminkeri. Najšmin-

kerskija vrsta bile su one bordo boje.
Obavezna je bila platnena markica na
njima da bi se znalo da su originalne
jer su se nakon nekog vremena pojav-
ile i domaæe replike." (Leksikon YU
mitologije, 2004: 193).

123
 ma na proizvodima kao u 1980-im. 'Odjeæa za uspjeh' i dizajnerski 247 Omotnica kompilacijske LP ploèe
brendovi postali su najjednostavniji i najefektniji naèin da se najpopularnijih grupa novog vala
s podruèja bivše Jugoslavije.
poka
e financijska moæ i društveni status. Japiji su postali glavna Omotnicu je dizajnirao Mirko Iliæ.
kategorija stanovništva kojoj se obraæa modna industrija. Njihova
poslovna odjeæa izra
ava 'autoritativni' stil koji se temelji na 248 Starke. 2004. Vlasništvo Nine
klasiènom kroju kostima i izboru boja, s naglašenim ramenima, jed- Kolar. "Starke – Skraæeno od All
Stars. U nas njihovo vrijeme
nakim za
ene i muškarce. Salonke su najraširenija obuæa za
ene. poèinje poèetkom osamdesetih,
Dizajner Manolo Blahnik ponovno je popularizirao stiletto. Za raz- èime završava vladavina adida-
liku od 1950-ih, kad su predstavljale
enstvenost, krhkost, neza- sica. Kao i veæina tenisica
proizvode se u dvije verzije: tzv.
štiæenost, sada simboliziraju dominaciju, autoritet i seksualnu
'niske' i 'visoke' ... Bitna ideološka
agresivnost. razlika: niske su obuæa šminkera,
Usporedo s cipelama stiletto, uz poslovne kostime mlade poslovne
ene koji su ih nosili na bose noge, dok
nose sportsku obuæu. Pojam ljepote u 1980-im podrazumijevao je tijelo savršenog oblika visoke nose 'alternativci'. Ranih
osamdesetih 'starke' postaju dio
u punoj kondiciji. Tako je sport popularizirao i potaknuo izradu nove dizajnerske imagea novovalne rock scene"
sportske obuæe. (Leksikon YU mitologije, 2004:
Nova glazbena i plesna kultura takoðer je doprinijela popularizaciji 369).
sportske obuæe. Tenisice – Adidas, Nike, Reebok i Puma, postale su fetiši zahvaljujuæi
249
enske èizme iznad koljena,
izvoðaèima hip hopa, rapa, housa i break dancea. Austrija, oko 1985. Koa.
Dizajneri su takoðer prepoznali potencijal èizama Dr. Martens, dovevši Vlasništvo Mire Wolf. Taj tip
ih na modne piste. èizama postao je osobito popu-
Problemi okoliša i pojava novih bolesti potkraj 1980-ih doveli su do laran nakon filma Pretty woman
snimljenog 1990.
jaèanja ekološke svijesti koja je našla svoj izraz i u modi.
U Hrvatskoj je poèetak 1980-ih na kulturnom planu obilje
en pojavom 250 Hreliæ, sajmište kraj Zagreba,
novog vala. Neki autori koji danas analiziraju tadašnja dogaðanja smatraju da novi val u nas mjesto alternativne trgovine.
Tamo su u sijeènju 2006. godine,
nije zapoèeo kao glazbeni pokret, veæ da je bio potaknut oslobaðanjem medija posred-
za potrebe izlobe kupljena 3 para
stvom omladinskog tiska. Za Hrvatsku i Zagreb osobito je bio znaèajan Polet, glasilo soci- cipela za 23 kune.
jalistièke omladine. Premda je to još uvijek bilo vrijeme socijalizma, mnogi slu
beni
stavovi više nisu bili tako èvrsti. Svi relevantni svjetski èasopisi, od modnih do glazbenih,

124
251 Salonke, oko 1980-ih. Escada. U
ovom razdoblju na amerièkom
trištu javljaju se i prve pisane
instrukcije temeljene na
znanstvenim istraivanjima, o
tome kako ena moe odijeva-
njem i izgledom stvoriti eljeni
imid u poslovnom svijetu.
252 Koled
ice, Trst, oko 1990.
Vlasništvo Liljane Radmiloviæ.
"Zagrebaèke šminkerice nosile su
ih uz bijele èarape i tajice.
Takoðer su se kombinirale s
trapericama kroja "mrkva" i ves-
tama ispod kojih se nosila sport-
ska majica, ali s obaveznom
kragnom preko ovratnika veste"
(Yu mitologija, 2004: 193).
253 a)
enske èizmice, Zagreb, oko
1985. Antilop koa. Postolarska
radionica Zvonimir. b)
enske
glenjaèe, Graz, oko 1987. Koa i
antilop koa. Vlasništvo Mire
Wolf.
254 Nedjeljna Dalmacija 23.11.1987.
Dokumentacija Vjesnika.
9 Kostelnik, Branko: Pop kultura i rock
glazba u Studentskom centru
http://www.sczg.hr/default.php?id=k
at&katID=185
èitali su se i u nas. Glazbenici, pisci, likovni, filmski i kazališni izvoðaèi mislili su na slièan
naèin i pokrenuli nešto što je postalo kulturološki fenomen. Posljedica je bila uklapanje
naše scene u meðunarodni trend New Wave. No, èini se da novi val u nas nije bio pobuna
protiv društva i poretka, veæ veliko otvaranje i oslobaðanje kreativnih potencijala.9
Premda se dio mlade
i oblaèio prema stranim uzorima, veæi dio
stanovništva kupovao je domaæu industrijsku obuæu. U to se vrijeme polako poèinje lib-
eralizirati uvoz stranih cipela. Brendovi postaju sve tra
eniji, no ipak je, s obzirom na
cijenu, samo manji broj stanovnika mogao kupovati takvu robu. Plagijati cipela s etiketa-
ma mogli su se nabaviti i po nekoliko puta jeftinijoj cijeni na sajmištima. U Zagrebu je
1980-ih osobito popularno kupovanje na Hreliæu, gdje su se uz švercane cipele mogle kupi-
ti i rabljene. Hreliæ je s vremenom dobio kultni status èije je znaèenje nadilazilo puko
trgovanje.
Rad seoskih i gradskih kulturno umjetnièkih društava i dalje se inten-
zivira. Sredinom 1980-ih, Kulturno prosvjetni sabor Hrvatske pokrenuo je niz publikaci-
ja pod nazivom Biblioteka Narodne nošnje Hrvatske u kojima se savjetuje kako se mo
e
rekonstruirati narodni kostim. Ona je bila namijenjena amaterskim društvima
koja se bave njegovanjem folklornog nasljeða ne samo u Hrvatskoj,
nego i u inozemstvu. Tako i danas postoje postolari
specijalizirani za izradu tradicijske obuæe
koju koriste kulturno-umjet-
nièka društva za
scenske nas-
tupe.
D EVEDESETE
I POÈETAK
125
 2000- IH GODINA Poèetkom devedesetih u modnoj industriji 255
enske sandale, 2003. Jimmy
vladaju dva stila – ekološki i minimalistièki. Jednostavnost i funkcional- Choo. Omiljeni dizajner bogatih i
slavnih. Na dodjeli Oskara 2003.
nost, neutralne boje, prirodni i hi-tech materijali karakteriziraju obuæu godine, na crvenom tepihu pojav-
ovih trendova. Sandale i cipele Birkenstock od razlièitih zamjenskih ilo se 45 pari njegovih cipela.
materijala za ko
u i recikliranih sirovina omoguæavale su stopalu da 'diše' (Choo, too?)
i postale obvezni dio garderobe. Trend 'prirodnosti' u muškoj obuæi
256
enske sandale, New York, 2000.
predstavljale su èizme i mokasine Timberland, Caterpillar i sl. Manolo Blahnik. Vlasništvo
Razlièiti oblici obuæe u 1990-im posljedica su kom- Snjeane Mehun. Manolo Blahnik
biniranja 'nespojivog' i posuðivanja elemenata iz razlièitih kultura. Kreiranje vlastitog stila zapoèeo je svoju karijeru u 1970-
im. Danas je jedan od najpozna-
ponovno je u modi. Sve se nosi, od stiletta, platformi i èizama do sandala.
tijih dizajnera èije su cipele
Grupa Nirvana poèetkom je 1990-ih potaknula novi glazbeni trend – èuvene po vrhunskoj izradbi, lje-
grunge. Za razliku od buntovnièkih stilova prijašnjih razdoblja, grunge je više indiferentan poti i seksipilnosti. Njegove su
prema svemu. Grunge ponovno dovodi u sam vrh mode Converse All Stars tenisice i èizme Dr. cipele jednako poznate kao i
osobe koje ih nose.
Martens.
Mnogi dizajneri obuæe koji su nastavili raditi tradicionalnim tehnikama 257 Muška mokasina, 1992. Patrick
postigli su svjetsku slavu. Uz Manola Blahnika, svjetski su poznati Jimmy Choo, Patrick Cox. Ove Wannabe mokasine
Cox, Christian Louboutin i dr. Va
no je istaknuti i talijanske dizajnere koji vješto kombini- bile su najpopularnije cipele
1993. godine. Patrick Cox jedan
raju neuobièajeni dizajn i anatomske forme kao što to rade Pollini, Rossi, Casadei i dr. je od najpoznatijih današnjih
Jedan od najnovijih trendova u modnoj industriji suradnja je poznatih dizajnera.
svjetskih dizajnera s tvrtkama za masovnu proizvodnju. Pro
imanje elitne i masovne mode
trend je koji æe obilje
iti tijek mode u sljedeæem razdoblju. Modni dizajneri poput Stelle 258
enske sandale, 2005. Gucci.
Gucci brand simbol je trend-
McCartney i Yohjija Yamamota prihvatili su ponudu Adidasa da naprave liniju sportske seterske elite.
obuæe. Svoje razloge Yamamoto je objasnio rijeèima: "Veæ dugo
elim dizajnirati sportsku
obuæu za osobe poput mene." Puma takoðer najavljuje suradnju s engleskim dizajnerom
Alexandrom McQueenom (Bartlett, 2005: 82).
Ovo desetljeæe u Hrvatskoj su obilje
ile duboke promjene: propast soci-
jalizma, raspad Jugoslavije, rat i njegove posljedice, gospodarska, politièka i socijalna tranzi-
cija. Rat je ostavio velika razaranja, ljudske
rtve, brojne prognanike i izbjeglice, ljude bez
doma, imovine i zaposlenja. Hrvatska postsocijalistièka tranzicija, u prvom redu pretvorba i
privatizacija bivšega društvenog vlasništva, produbila je gospodarsku i socijalnu krizu,

126
259
enske sandale, 2003. Christian
Loubotin. Èuveni francuski dizaj-
ner poznat po crvenim potplatima
svih svojih modela.
260 Èlanice KUD-a Gorjanci u ophod-
nom obièaju Ljelje snimljene na
Duhove 2003. u Gorjanima,
Ðakovo.
10 Puljiz, Vlado: Mirovinski sustav i
socijalna skrb (http://www.hrvats-
ka21.hr/mirovins.htm)
uzrokovala pad zaposlenosti i porast siromaštva, poveæala socijalnu diferencijaciju i frustracije
stanovništva.10 Nastao je novi sloj bogataša s novim ukusom i potrebama u kulturi. Kultura je
do
ivjela znaèajne promjene. Industrija zabave razvija forme poput televizijskih sapunica i
realityja, a estradu je preplavio val istoènih narodnjaka.
Stvaranjem nove hrvatske dr
ave, folklor je opet dobio ulogu isticanja
nacionalnih osjeæaja. Na svim skupovima i dogaðanjima povezanim s aktualnom politikom
pojavljuju se i folklorni simboli, èesto istrgnuti iz konteksta, izmišljaju se nove tradicije.
Pojavljivanje i povezivanje folklora s novim estradnim oblicima svodi ga na kiè. S druge
strane, u ratu su spaljena sela i prognani njihovi stanovnici. Suoèeni s gubitkom zavièaja,
stradalnici rata veliku va
nost pridaju obnovi svoje tradicijske kulture kao uporištu vlastita
identiteta. Etnografski muzej u Zagrebu èesto poma
e folklornim društvima s podruèja
zahvaæenih ratnim razaranjem da rekonstruiraju svoje zavièajne nošnje èiji primjerci posto-
je još samo u muzeju.
Razvoj trgovaèke mre
e i dostupnost robe stranih proizvoðaèa omoguæuje
kupovinu u skladu s vlastitim potrebama, financijskim moguænostima i ukusom. Otvaranje
velikih trgovaèkih lanaca smanjio je odlazak ljudi u kupovinu u inozemstvo. Globalna moda,
osobito kod mladih, dobiva svoj lokalni stil, pa neki modeli cipela postaju osobito popularni.
S vremenom, funkcija tradicijske obuæe postaje reprezentativna i danas se
najèešæe koristi uz nastupe folklornih grupa. Svijest o posebnosti folklora pojedinih zajed-
nica èesto se temelji na elementima tradicijskoga seljaèkog
ivota iz predindustrijskog
doba. Samo oni dijelovi obuæe koji pokazuju tendenciju da se bar u nekim svojim pojedinos-
tima ne mijenjaju, osjeæaju se kao nerazdvojni element zajednice. Obuæu podvrgnutu brzim
promjenama mode zajednica ne osjeæa kao sebi blisku. Tako opanci (ili druga vrsta tradici-
jske obuæe) u svijesti pripadnika seoskih zajednica imaju samo još simbolièko znaèenje.
Obuæa se, dakle, oblikovala u skladu s praktiènim, estetskim, društvenim, ekonomskim i
politièkim idejama u odreðenoj zajednici, a njezino znaèenje promjenjivo je u vremenu.
127
 tenisice Boticelli
kwonice Nataše Vezmar

konversice

najkice Draena Petroviæa

dizelice

starke

startasice

128

100 godina tenisica:
261 Sportske enske cipele za tenis.
1905. Antilop koa MUO 18271.
262 Chuck Taylor. All star Specialty.
2005.
263 Adidas_1 Intelligence level: 1.1
2005. Prve inteligentne tenisice.
264 Tenisica Puma. 2006. Vlasništvo
Petre Zoriæ.
265 Y-3 sprint. 2006. Yamamoto
kreacija za Adidas.
266 Reper Nas u najkicama.
Prethodna strana:
267 Tenisice.
12 Engl. to sneak, šuljati se, jer su ih
gumeni ðonovi èinili neèujnim.
13 Sportske cipele 'plimsoll' preteèa
su današnjih tenisica. Obuæa s
gumenim potplatima i platnenim
gornjištem poèela se izraðivati 1830.
godine kao obuæa za pla
u. Poèetkom
20. stoljeæa postojali su razlièite vrste
obuæe 'plimsoll' za odreðene sportove.
14 Prve domaæe tenisice startasice
proizvodila je tvornica Borovo. "U
poèetku su se prodavale samo bijele, a
kasnije su se pojavile i roza,
ute i svi-
jetlo plave" (Leksikon YU mitologije,
2004: 369).
"Prije pojave startasica na podruèju
bivše Jugoslavije bile su popularne
šangajke – jeftine, platnene tenisice
kineske proizvodnje èiju je plavo-
bijelu varijantu proizvodilo Borovo"
(Leksikon YU mitologije, 2004: 378).
TENISICE Premda su se ljudi sportom bavili veæ tisuæama godina, tek se po-
èetkom 20. stoljeæa poèela ostvarivati ideja o pravim sportskim cipelama. Amerièka
tvrtka za proizvodnju gume (US Rubber Company) 1916. godine izradila je i pustila
na tr
ište Keds sportske cipele reklamirane kao 'sneakers'.12 Bile su udobne i diza-
jnirane upravo za sport, te neka vrsta nasljednica sportskih cipela 'plimsoll'.13
Godine 1917. dizajnirane su i prve tenisice Converse All Stars. Sve
do osamdesetih godina kada su se pojavile hi-tech tenisice poput Nike Air, one su bile
glavna obuæa košarkaša. All Stars, poznate i kao Chuck Taylors, otkako je 1923. slavni
košarkaš stavio na njih svoj potpis, takoðer su bile kultna obuæa mladih, ljubitelja
glazbe i umjetnosti. Nosile su ih gotovo sve poznate pank zvijezde od sredine
sedamdesetih (dovoljno je pogledati omote LP-a grupa poput Ramones, Blondie,
Television) do Kurta Cobaina i drugih grunge glazbenika devedesetih.
Godine 1924. braæa Adolph (Adi) i Rudolph Dassler utemeljili su
tvrtku sportske obuæe koja je odmah do
ivjele nevjerojatan uspjeh jer su je poèeli
nositi svjetski poznati atletièari. Na olimpijskim igrama 1936. godine u Berlinu
mnogi su atletièari nastupili u sportskim cipelama braæe Dassler. Premda su igre
odr
ane u nacistièkoj Njemaèkoj, Afro-Amerikanac Jesse Owens osvojio je èetiri
zlatne medalje i ujedno postao jedan od prvih slavnih sportaša koji promovira
sportske cipele.
Rivalstvo izmeðu braæe Dassler dovelo je do njihova razila
enja pa
je Rudolf 1948. godine osnovao Pumu (nazvanu po najbr
oj divljoj maèki). Pumu je
osobito proslavio legendarni Pele, igrajuæi u pumicama na svjetskom nogometnom
prvenstvu 1970. godine. Adi je svoju tvrtku nastavio voditi pod nazivom Adidas,
dodavši na proizvode tri pruge koje i danas njegov brend èine prepoznatljivim.
Na kraju desetljeæa, u post-pank vremenu nošenje tenisica14
odreðene vrste i marke bio je va
an naèin stjecanja statusa na ulici, u školi i meðu
prijateljima. Usporedo s razvojem dizajnerske sportske obuæe rasle su i cijene pogo-
tovo onih modela koje su potpisivale slavne osobe. Tako je Michael 'Air' Jordan
dobio od tvrtke Nike 1989. godine 1,5 milijuna dolara za reklamiranje njihovih
proizvoda. Adidas je za svoju promociju anga
irao hip-hop grupu Run – DMC-a.
Mnogi slavni hip-hoperi i reperi danas imaju vlastite brendove sportske obuæe.
Dizajn tenisica danas se osobito brzo mijenja zbog sna
ne konkurencije pa novi
modeli predstavljaju i napredak u tehnologiji.
129
130
268 Omotnica LP ploèe London call-
ing, The Clash. Najpopularnijih LP
1980-ih.
269 Skinhedsi, Velika Britanija, oko
1970.
270 Reklama za Dr. Martens èizme
namijenjena enskoj populaciji,
1990-tih.
271 Panker, London, oko 2004.
272 Prizor iz rok opere Tommy u kojoj
Elton John glumi u Dr. Martens
èizmama visokim 137 cm. Na
aukciji u Londonu 1988. èizme su
kupljene za 4 milijuna £. Danas
su izloene u muzeju obuæe u
Northamptonu.
273 Dr. Martens, model 1460.
274 Martensice Vivienne Westwood,
dizajnirane 1970-ih.
15 Skinheads Against Racial
Prejudice, dakle onih koji su protiv
rasnih predrasuda.
16 Prva britanska supkulturna
skupina koja je svojim stilom rad-
nièke omladinske potkulture izvršila
velik utjecaj na industriju masovne
zabave, glazbe i mode.
È IZME D R . M ARTENS ušle su u povijest mode kao jedan od najveæih paradoksa.
U poèetku su prodavane kao radnièka obuæa namijenjena poštarima, policajcima,
graðevinskim i tvornièkim radnicima po cijeni od samo 2 funte. Pojavom skinhedsa 1960-
ih i panka sredinom 1970-ih, èizme Dr. Martens poèinju se vezati uz pripadnike razlièitih
kontrakultura. Najpoznatiji model bio je 1460 s osam rupica za vezice koji je naziv dobio
po datumu svog nastanka (1.4.1960). Klasièni modeli èizama Dr. Martens bili su prepoz-
natljivi po boji (u poèetku su to bile crna i boja višnje), broju rupica za vezice koji je vari-
rao od 6 do 20, te izbrazdanom dvobojnom gumenom potplatu sa zraènim jastukom.
Martensice su prihvatili pobornici ideološki razlièitih skupina koji su se
razlikovali i po bojama vezica na èizmama. Dok se u Hrvatskoj nošenje bijelih vezica sma-
tra simbolom rasizma, u New Yorku su simbol SHARP-a.15 Jednak je sluèaj i s crvenim
vezicama, koje se u nas povezuju uz pankere i anarhizam, a u Americi ih neonacistièki
skinhedi istièu kao simbol krvi prolivene za svoju rasu. S druge strane, u Engleskoj je
prosjeèni skinhed nosio vezice u skladu s bojama omiljena nogometnog kluba. Pa
nja koju
skinhedi pridaju boji vezica svojevrsno je nasljeðe modsa,16 koji su veliku pozornost pri-
davali detaljima odjeæe i obuæe.
Zanimljivo je da su u meðusobnim obraèunima i pripadnici ideološki
razlièitih skupina i policajci koji su ih razdvajali ipak imali nešto zajednièko – èizme Dr.
Martens (Pedersen, 2005: 89).
U 1980-im èizme Dr. Martens globalno su prihvaæene kao obuæa mladih.
Njihovoj popularnosti osobito su pridonijeli glazbenici pank i grunge bendova koji su u
njima nastupali i èije se fotografije nalaze na omotima LP-a i CD-a.
Poznati svjetski dizajneri obuæe inspirirani martensicama, dali su vlastite
kreacije klasiènih modela i tako ih doveli na modne piste.
131
 Introduction
translated by Mirjana Randiæ
WITH THE EXHIBITION "WHAT GOOD SHOES!: A Walk Through
the History of Footwear", we wanted to present the develop-
ment of footwear from prehistoric times till today. Having the
task of protecting the foot from bad weather conditions or
dangerous grounds, footwear has throughout history become
an integral part of human life. In other words, the history of
footwear also reveals a part of the human past. The type and
the name of the material used for making footwear, its shape
and decoration, or the way of its manufacture, give us a series
of data for the understanding of the cultural, economical and
political circumstances of that particular period of time.
Owing to its outer signs, footwear became
a symbol of identity - of sex, age, religion, profession or eth-
nicity. Therefore, during the past, many regulations were
given about footwear concerning particular categories of the
population, in the form of legal proceedings or informal ones
approved by the community. Their basic aim was to preserve
class, religious and national differences, or those of age and
sex. A great number of regulations about footwear were based
upon economy as well, like those from the group called leges
sumptuarie, or "against luxury." With the first bourgeois rev-
olutions, the governing bodies of the previous social systems
became irrelevant, while the denotation of differences ado-
pted other forms. The social elite could realize its exclusive-
ness only with top quality merchandise and seasonal changes
of fashion. The recent development of industry and design,
together with the development of a trade network, have
opened options wide for everyone to choose footwear accord-
ing to one's own needs, in concordance with his/her econom-
ic possibilities, age, social status and aesthetic criteria.
The exhibition presents the historical
development of footwear, from archaeological findings,
through different eras of style, to modern design, as well as
the development of footwear from the viewpoint of its man-
ufacture. We consider here the way of production of footwear
for one's own needs or the needs of the nuclear family, to the
appearance of craftsmen and footwear makers' guilds, to its
manufacture and industrial production.
Important examples of footwear owned by
the Ethnographic museum, which belong to the turn of the
20th century, are also present. It was precisely footwear,
which became one of the main indicators of economic, social
and cultural changes happening in the rural communities at
that time. Available material from outside of Europe has
been presented as well.
It is important to point out that the first
industrially produced footwear in Croatia, was made by
"Borovo", which owed its origin to the nationalization of the
pre-World War II shoe factory, "Bata". Throughout the 20th
century, this footwear was of the most relevance not only in
Croatia, but also in the territory of the whole former
Yugoslavia. The exhibition presents specimens representa-
tive of the widest social strata.
Because of its highly varied features, foot-
wear has been divided into several parts and presented in a
chronological sequence, where its functions have also been
pointed out. The role of footwear in the strengthening of
social relations and in the creating of social identity and va-
lues is visible even today, which is confirmed therewith
through the exhibited footwear of particular alternative
groups from the second half of the 20th century.
A part of the exhibition has been dedicated
to the symbolic nature of footwear. In many cultures, the
relation towards the shoe and the foot is linked with
fetishism. Imelda Marcos has been hiding in many women,
while to the appearance of a woman wearing high heels, men
react with an almost conditional reflex. The symbolic mean-
ing of footwear is delightfully presented in fairy tales, where
magical footwear usually signify the medium for entrance
into another world.
Considering the ampleness and complexity
of the theme, we did not exhaust everything which footwear
represents, but we wanted to point out its role and meaning
through history.
132
Zlatko Mileusniæ On Traces
translated by Sanja Novak
THE QUESTION WHAT PREHISTORICAL PEOPLE did and used
to protect their feet from the cold, dampness or rough
ground cannot be answered without provoking another
question or two. Although it seems easier to define the
time when this happened, is equally complex and is even
today a true interdisciplinary adventure. Historical disci-
plines have had different approaches to these questions,
resulting in likewise different answers. This overview will
deal with footwear, its forms, changes, they ways in which
the footwear styles emerged and replaced each other in the
long course of footwear history. There are two types of
sources to be drawn upon in this process. One type contains
information from pictorial representations and written
records. The other type of source is the body of findings of
footwear remnants, original testimonies containing even
answers to questions yet to be posed, which – subjected to
present-time analyses with the application of contemporary
scientific procedures – change the perception of its place in
the history of culture.
In pictorial representations made by
humans, footwear has been discernible as early as in the
period of Palaeolithic, approximately 15000 years ago. With
respect to the tools used by the Stone Age man, it was sim-
ple and practical footwear made of hides of skinned ani-
mals. It was fastened to the foot by leather belts; straps
running between the toes and fixed to the sole, or else by
straps drawn through slots along the upwardly bent edge
and wound around the lower-leg above the ankle. This
widespread type of the simplest one-piece footwear also
includes our opanci (strapped soft-soled footwear) which
have persisted in numerous subtypes to the present day.
However, such footwear dates back to
even earlier times, which is not attested by its material
traces, but by traces it has left on the foot of the contempo-
rary man. The American anthropologist Erik Trinkaus, pur-
suing the comparative research of fossil human remains and
interpreting variations in the anatomy of the human foot,
133
concluded that the weakening of the toe bones was not a
phase in human evolution as believed so far, but rather a
consequence of wearing footwear and that it had started as
early as 26-30000 years ago or much earlier in the colder
regions of Eurasia.
According to this period, material rem-
nants of the oldest footwear are relatively young. The earli-
est ever finds of early human footwear originates from the
northwest of the North American Continent, with an age
estimated between 9000 and 11000 years. The mentioned
footwear includes over 70 pairs of sandals found in 1938 in
Fort Rock Cave, Oregon. They were made of the woody
plant Artemisia tridentata, still growing profusely in this arid
region of the United States of America. Its flexible bark has
been used by Indians for the weaving of bags and baskets in
modern times as well.
In the similar, equally dry microclimate of
the Arnold Research Cave, Missouri, besides 16 pairs of var-
ious footwear made of the leaves of the plant Eryngium yuc-
cifolium, two pairs of leather footwear were found and dated
1070 to 8300 years old.
The constantly rainless climate of the
Judean desert near Jericho, one of the oldest cities of the
world, preserved remains of a warrior for 6000 years. He was
buried with rich funerary objects and leather sandals.
The accidental find of a frozen Bronze Age
man underneath the Similaun glacier in the South Tyrolean
Alps in September 1991 has broadened numerous insights
about the life of man 5300 years ago.
At the time of death, the "Iceman" had
roughly seventy objects on him, including his footwear.
Although badly preserved, analysis has shown that it
belonged to the one-piece type of footwear, even though it
was composed of bear and roe-deer skin. Remnants of veg-
etable fibres, additionally protecting the foot from the cold,
were found in the inner part.
There are no archaeological finds of such
ancient footwear in our country. Nevertheless, how
footwear looked in approximately the same period of
Eneolithic is illustrated by a ceramic fragment, probably of
a statue from Vuèedol, kept in the Archaeological Museum
in Zagreb. It shows, very clearly and with many details,
footwear reaching probably above the ankle, with a closed
upper part and laced in the front. A narrow pattern stands
out in the bottom part, but it is difficult to say whether it
illustrated the connection of the parts or represented just
an effective decoration on the fragment.
These examples of footwear finds confirm
the rule that, just like similar objects of organic origin, it
could be preserved only in stable climatic conditions. They
also speak in favour of the frequently emphasised assump-
tion that man produced footwear from material with which
he was in daily contact, because it required frequent renew-
al due to its short lifespan and worn footwear was discarded
like an old shoe.
In many regions of Europe, Africa, South
America, in countries of the Near and Far East, the tech-
niques of producing footwear from diverse materials and for
diverse purposes, in forms unchanged for centuries, have
remained the same to the present time: sandals made of
wood in India, rice-straw in China and Japan, palm leaves
and papyrus in Egypt, sisal in South America, yucca in
Mexico, etc.
Footwear was known to almost every
ancient civilization. Pictorial representations as well as
archaeological finds provide clues about the high level of
cultivating footwear styles in highly developed civilizations
that alternated in Mesopotamia: Sumer, Akkad, Babylon or
Assyria. In those parts, footwear was a symbol of high class,
status and honour, whereas the common people usually
walked barefoot. A peculiarity of the Sumerian footwear
style is the leather sole with a curved tip, sometimes also
with a higher heel part. Spreading westwards from there,
this footwear style left traces across Syria and, transported
in sacks of Phoenician merchants along the Mediterranean
coasts, reached later Etruria as well. From there it arrived,
following trodden paths together with other selected exot-
ic commodities, in the region where Rome was soon to
emerge.
Just like the Sumerian footwear, footwear
in Babylon and Assyria was also diversified in terms of form,
colour and the quality of leather used in the production, as
well as the purpose it served. Like elsewhere, servants led
a barefoot life, whereas simple leather sandals were the
most widespread footwear among the common population.
The Babylonian tradition of leather processing, especially
sheepskin, goes back to the 13th century B.C. Its excep-
tional quality and the footwear production based on it will
spread the word about its splendour for centuries (Hawkes;
115). Thus the famous Edict on Maximum Prices of the
Emperor Diocletian in the early 4th century makes men-
tion of Babylonian sandals and colourful slip-ons ((Soleae)
Vavulonicae, socci Babulonici) (Blümner; 28). Sandals were
intended both for men and women. Royal footwear was
made of finely tanned leather, it had thick soles with white,
golden or red straps and a decorative strap wound around
the ankle, whereas their women's footwear was made of
white leather and decorated with jewels. Footwear was fas-
tened to the foot by leather straps or leather nooses encir-
cling one or several toes in various combinations. The cav-
alry boot is associated with the Assyrians, a warlike people
who expanded their empire by fast and fierce cavalry
attacks to the Mediterranean coasts. This type of footwear
was knee-high and made of strong tanned leather, it had
thick soles nailed with rivets and was enforced by an iron
arch inserted in the front, above the toes, providing excel-
lent protection not only from the cold, rain and snow, but
also from accidental injuries caused by the hoof of one's own
horse. Similar footwear will be employed also by other peo-
ple with military strategy based on cavalry; however, it will
not find such use in the antiquity.
With the majority of the population of
ancient Egypt being barefoot, footwear was a symbol of
higher social classes and the priests. Paintings found in
their monumental tombs depict them in simple footwear
similar to sandals, or slip-ons with straight or curved-tip
soles fastened to the foot by a strap running between the
toes and a wider band across the instep. According to
reports, the priestly class wore no leather footwear as it was
considered inappropriate to stand on a dead animal's skin.
In the 6th century B.C., the powerful
Persian Empire developed in the region of Mesopotamia.
Following its military campaigns, various forms and styles of
footwear invaded Europe. The Persian military defeats on
the Greek land and sea did not prevent the spreading of ori-
ental footwear styles in the ancient world. However,
curved-tip footwear, so popular among almost all ancient
people of the Near and Middle East, could not seriously
rival the widespread and favoured sandals or other open-
type footwear in Greece and later in Rome. Under the sty-
listic label a· Persika¸, this footwear was nevertheless
accepted in Greece, and that even before the state borders
of Alexander the Great were finally drawn in the Indus
basin. Many footwear types were preserved only by the
names of their places or regions of origin, such as Milesian,
134
Cretan, Athenian, Laconic. Many ancient trade centres were
hotbeds of fashion trends, among which oriental footwear of
first-class quality and production held an important place.
One of such centres was the Greek city of Sikion in the
Corinthian bay. Except being the birthplace of the famous
ancient sculptors Polycletes and Lysipus and the mythical
place where people received the gift of fire from
Prometheus, its name was preserved also in Cicero's syn-
tagm calcei Sicyonii, where it is related to trendy oriental
footwear made primarily for women.
A larger number of sources since the 7th
century B.C. enabled a more systematic tracking of the
development of clothing as well as footwear in ancient
Greece. Numerous drawings on ceramics, sculptures, reliefs
and mosaics depict clothes and footwear precisely and with
rich details. If we add the written records of ancient con-
temporaries to these sources, the picture of their everyday
life appears in its entire variety. Many took Herodot, the
father of history, as a model. He often included interesting
remarks about the way of clothing, style and fashion in the
descriptions of his many travels, based both on his own
observations and reports of others. Of equal relevance for
this subject matter is also Svetonius, because his descrip-
tions of Roman emperors also never failed to mention this
component of their lives.
The deities of the Greek Pantheon were
depicted barefoot in the earliest periods. In time, they were
given footwear forms related to their activity. These
changes are very obvious on samples of footwear types rep-
resented on Greek and Roman statues of Hermes
(Mercury) and Artemis (Diana). Hermes, the fast-footed
messenger and herald of the Olympian gods, the patron of
travellers, herdsmen, merchants and thieves, with an image
alternating from a bearded old man and to a smooth-faced
youth, also changed his footwear from boots (endromis) with
the vamp sticking out forwards, over every-day, common
crepidae, keeping one single attribute – the magic winged
ankle-boots (talaria) that took him to his destination at the
speed of thought. On the other side, the freedom-loving,
virginal Artemis, goddess of the moon and hunting, protec-
toress of female youth, surrounded by twenty river-nymphs
taking care of her boots and dogs, is presented at times
barefoot, at other times in sandals (krhp·j) or cheap
footwear of peasants and shepherds (,emb!j), whereas she
was depicted hunting with a silver bow, quiver and a short
skirt in tightly laced boots (endromis) otherwise worn by
hunters or athletes. The two last types are very similar, the
difference being visible in the ending of the boot-leg. In
the case of endromis, the boot-legs are simple and straight,
135
whereas embas have longer boot-legs, with edges turned
down and embellished with diverse ornaments. She also
often wears kÄq qoruoj, footwear tightly fitting to the leg,
leaving the toes uncovered and laced in the front in a very
decorative way. Made of undressed skin, but finely manu-
factured and with decorative accessory details, it will
become the trademark of high nobility. Actors in Greek
tragedies wore exceptionally high soles on such footwear to
emphasize the significance of the interpreted character.
Consequently, the term cothurnus remained a synonym for
tragedy in the poetic expression of the Latin language.
Simple workmanship and affordable pric-
ing are characteristic for karp!tinon (carbatina), made of
one piece of undressed cattle-hide. Only the sides of the
heel part were firmly connected to each other. The sides
are low and their edges extend into straps wrapped around
the instep and then wound around the ankle, sometimes
even up to the half of the shank. The simple construction
of this footwear in the 5th century, but also its inappropri-
ateness in the Armenian cold, was described by Xenophon
in its Anabasis and mentioned by Aristotle as well. The
transformation of such footwear, worn by men and women
alike, will result in the Roman caligae.
Of Greek origin is also the sandal-type
footwear krhp·j (krepis), of a more complex construction,
but nevertheless cheap and therefore frequently used by
the common people. It was made on the same lasts, as the
shapes were the same for both the left and the right foot.
By the way it enclosed the foot, as well as the way the sole
was connected to the upper, we might consider it a forerun-
ner of the contemporary two-piece footwear – the shoes.
The sole could be made of several layers and even strength-
ened by rivets for soldiers. Such footwear was worn by com-
edy actors. In the long course of its history, it changed but
always retained the recognizable basic element: just like
the sandal, it does not cover the upper part of the foot. In
the Hellenic period, it spread across the ancient world
together with the Greek-style footwear and footwear
emerging under the influence of the Near East. The highly
developed culture of Greek colonies in the south of the
Apennine peninsula, the cultivation of old traditions, the
Greek education and the Greek lifestyle attracted Rome
with an irresistible force.
Developing skills, techniques and crafts
under the influence of its northern and southern neigh-
bours, the Romans have – according to delivery – perfected,
among other things, the techniques of tanning and dressing
leather since the earliest days of their kingdom. There was
a constant demand for large quantities of quality leather in
Rome, ever growing as the kingdom borders expanded. The
major part was used for military equipment: shields, hel-
mets, armours, vests, knapsacks, bags, tents, riding and
draft horse equipment, reins, harnesses, etc. Plutarch
reports that craftsmen dealing with leather (coriarii)
formed trade associations as early as in the period of the
first kings, Numa Pompilius and Servius Tullius. We also
know that they were active during the time of Cezar, who
abolished many associations, whereas the trace of these
associations was still alive in the times following both
Empires. Besides leather-workers, shoemakers also formed
an association called atrium sutorium. Once a year, they
organized a festival in the precinct named after them vicus
Sandaliarius, where the eponymous statue of Apollo was
erected. Shoemakers were also associated with resellers and
wholesale dealers, to whom every shoemaker was contractu-
ally bound. Only one of numerous delivered assumptions
about the origin of Emperor Vitelius put forward by
Svetonius reinforced the belief that the emperor came from
a shoemaker's family (Svetonius; 276). This may be true,
but not relevant. What is relevant is that Svetonius classi-
fied these assumptions by a social scale, with old families of
noble class at the top and the bourgeois class, including
shoemakers-ragmen (sutor veteramentarius) at the bottom.
Although the shoemaker's craft was regarded as low-pres-
tige, the association has numerous members and many fam-
ilies became wealthy through practicing the craft. Roman
shoemakers made shoes on wooden lasts (forma sutoris),
which were classified according to Diocletian's Edict as fol-
lows: Formae calicares maximae; Forma secundae mensurae;
Forma muliebres; Forma infantiles (Blümner; 28). Many terms
for the shoemaking business are derived from the names of
products: sandaliarius, calceolarius, solearius, crepidarius, bax-
earius, gallicarius, sutor caligarius.
The famous common sense and eclecti-
cism of the ancient Rome, its tendency towards redesign-
ing, modification and improvement, is reflected also in the
design, quality and the types of footwear produced in these
workshops. Based on already known forms, the famous
footwear of Roman legionaries, caligae, was created. Without
them, the Roman contribution to the already existing
footwear inventory of the Antiquity would be insignificant.
Just like in Greece, it was the footwear of the common peo-
ple, at first made of one piece, of undressed leather like the
Greek carbatinae and with uncovered toes. The entire foot,
except the ankle, is enveloped in interlaced straps cut from
one piece of leather. They reached above the ankle, where
they were tied by leather strings. The unrestrained ankle,
openness and airiness are the main advantages if this
footwear and, being widely used among soldiers, it became
a synonym for the common Roman soldier, caligatus miles,
even though it was worn also by officers up to the centuri-
on rank. This type of footwear had to be not only conven-
ient, but also sturdy, so that a replaceable sole was added
and reinforced by iron rivets, clavi caligarii, after which this
kind of footwear was called caligae clavate. Besides the
described innovations, the footwear would wear out during
long and exhausting marches and soldiers would receive
clavarium, money intended for footwear maintenance, and
calciarium, footwear compensation money for longer march-
es. However, the clothes and footwear of a Roman soldier
were not uniform by regulation as it is the case in modern
armies. Composed by various criteria and recruited in vari-
ous provinces of the Empire, the legionaries' equipment
reflected local features as well, depending on where the
legion would campaign, camp or set up its winter-quarters.
Soldiers would also wear other similar footwear, among
which carbatinae and gallicae are mentioned. However,
footwear of the caligae-type was not exclusively male or mili-
tary footwear. It is accounted for also in the female variant
(caligae muliebres), of course without rivets on the soles, and
it is also known that it was the usual childhood footwear of
Caius Caesar Germanicus, later the Roman emperor known
as Caligula, a sobriquet derived from this type of footwear.
In colder regions, soldiers coated the
footwear interior with fabric, covered the front, unprotect-
ed parts of the foot with leather and wrapped the feet in
soft bandages. They wrapped the lower-legs from the ankle
to the knee with woollen or linen bandages (tibialia).
Svetonius writes about the emperor Augusts, known for its
sensitiveness to cold: In winter, he would protect himself with
four tunics and a thick toga, then with a short and woollen vest, and
finally with bandages for the thighs and calves, as well as this: if they
put his shoes on the wrong way in the morning, the left instead of the
right, he saw it as a bad omen. (Svetonius; 104;108).
Fascia crurales et pedules are bandages cover-
ing the leg from the knee to the toes and worn underneath
the shoes. There is a small step from this type of footwear,
which could reach even above the knee, to the clothes
taken over from the local population by legionaries.
Breeches or trousers, even though they are in one piece
today, are still counted in pairs, indicating that they used to
be separated. Just like the Greek, the inhabitants of Rome
were familiar with breeches because they were worn by
neighbouring peoples. However, they did not wear them
themselves. The breeches braccae were regarded as a sign of
barbarism and wearing them would provoke scorn and pub-
lic scandal. We know that they were worn by the emperor
136
Alexander Severus, but not in Rome. Breeches and similar
clothing items were worn by peasants, gladiators and
hunters, while legs wrapped with the mentioned bandages
over the knee are also shown on a statue of Diana. In the
city of Rome, other, very elaborate rules about the footwear
worn by certain social classes and at certain occasions were
in force. The disregard of such rules, the inappropriate
type, decoration or colour, the deviation from the usual
height of the sole or boot-legs, was a sign of arrogance,
haughtiness, which was not actually punishable, but the
rumours of which could diminish a person's general signifi-
cance in the public life. Many famous Romans, including
the emperors Cesar, Augustus, Caligula and Nero, were not
able to extricate themselves from such reputation during
their lifetime.
The oldest, simplest and cheapest
footwear for men and women were solea/soleae, sandals with
leather or wooden soles. The sandal was fastened to the
foot by a leather strap passing between the big toe and the
next toe or by several leather straps tied around the ankle.
In this form, in was known throughout the Mediterranean,
with a wide range of possible production materials and
tying methods. Most similar to this basic type today is the
footwear we call thongs (flip-flops). In the richer classes of
the Roman society, this footwear was meant only for home
use and was worn only with a tunic. It was inappropriate to
wear them in the street or lying at a feast table without tak-
ing them off (soleas demere). And by saying: soleas poscere (ask
for sandals), the guest would announce to the host the
intention to leave shortly. Of a more complex design was
the leather footwear with the upper part made of interlaced
straps enveloping the foot up to the ankle and tied there.
The term crepidae or, in the case of female footwear,
crepidulae, indicates its Greek origin (krhp·z). The com-
mon population, on the other hand, wore daily simple and
cheap footwear made of linen or felt (udones), impregnated
sackcloth (impilia) or leather footwear reaching above the
ankle (perones), rarely made of dressed leather (crudus pero),
and sometimes with a more hard-wearing wooden sole.
Clogs (sculponeae), the footwear of the Roman poor and
slaves, is entirely cut or hollowed out (sculpo) of wood. Cato
recommends that every two years each slave is given a pair
of such clogs each, and their wide use among farmers is
attested also by Varro, who suggested that Triptolemus, the
mythical inventor of husbandry, be called Triptolemus
Sculponeatus (Daremberg; IV/2; 1136). The footwear with
wooden soles, otherwise very frequent among the Roman
poor, was used in similar designs and with more or less
transversal leather straps (solea balnearis) in public baths as
137
it is still common in the East. This footwear became the
paragon for women's clogs with metal soles which entered
the haute couture of the late Empire.
DE SOLEIS ET GALLICIS. (PERI SAN-
DALIWN KAI TROCADIWN.) is the third section of the
ninth chapter (De formis calicaribus) of Diocletian's Edict,
which lists the following types: (Gall)icae biriles rusticanae
bisoles, (Gall)icae biriles bisoles, (Gall)icae cursuriae, (Tau)rinae
muliebres bisoles and (Taurin)ae muliebres monosoles. It was the
footwear of the common people: sandals in the widest
sense and slip-ons that cost two to five times less that the
most expensive footwear of Roman patricians. The name of
this footwear indicates that its place of origin is the region
of Gallia, from where it spread over Rome throughout the
Empire. At first, gallicae were regarded as peasant, provincial
footwear, inappropriate for a Roman citizen of cultivated
taste. However, becoming gradually a part of the inventory
of urban footwear, they began to replace more expensive
footwear (calceus). By the more or less uncovered upper part
of the foot, gallicae belong to the sandal type, however, they
are different from sandals by the higher leather rim, which
makes them similar to the type of footwear (campagus)
that was accepted also by patricians in the late Empire and
remained very popular and in wide use also later in the
Byzantine Empire.
The Edict makes no mention of the
footwear called baxae or baxeae footwear type. They could
not be economized with, because they were available at the
lowest possible price. Depending on the place of manufac-
ture, they were made by plaiting palm or papyrus leaves,
reed, willow-wood or cord. They outline the shape of the
foot, to which they are fastened by simple strings of the
same material. In more developed forms, the edge is raised
to enclose the entire foot except the upper part. This sim-
ple and cheap footwear became the symbol of poverty. It
was frequently seen on the feet of preachers, pilgrims and
followers of philosophical schools that used them to express
their scorn for the leisurely life and its superfluous and non-
spiritual components. Numerous footwear finds in
Egyptian tombs also belong to this type.
Calceus repandus is footwear of Oriental ori-
gin that made headway to Rome together with the
Etruscans and was often shown on figures depicted in their
tombs (Ducati;232). It is completely closed male and
female footwear with straight soles and pointed tips bent
upwards. The vamp is equally long as on patrician shoes,
however not completely enveloped by strings, but only with
two pairs of strings above the ankle and one pair at the
upper edge, so that the footwear has the form of a boot
when worn. This type of footwear was not very widespread
and was already in Cicero's time to be seen only on the feet
of the statue of Juno Sospita in Lanuvium near Rome
(Daremberg; I/2;819).
It seems that Rome was close to the
Orient more by the opulence of colours than by the
footwear design. Colours emphasized the harmony of cloth-
ing and footwear, while the type of footwear combined with
its colour signified also the social status. The emperors'
toga, as well as footwear, was crimson and trimmed with
gold. Patricians and people in high offices of the state also
wore red footwear. The valuable crimson colour was even in
small quantities a sign of higher social classes and it covered
the Roman emperors from head to toe. It was exclusive, out
of reach of the common people, distant and incomprehen-
sible just like the erudition of the emperor Constantine
VII, with whose birth the colour crimson is fused.
The colour and design of footwear of the
highest strata of the Roman society are associated with the
history of Rome and the hundred families from which their
first senators were elected. These families represent the
origin of the highest class of Roman patricians, to whom a
groundless appropriation of their symbols and privileges
was unacceptable. Writing about Gaius Marius who cele-
brated with a triumph in Rome his victory over Jugurtha in
104 B.C., Plutarch described the following event in the
Roman senate: After the triumphal procession, Marius convened
the Senate at the Capitolium; and joined the session – be it out of neg-
ligence or vulgarly bragging with his lucky fate – in triumph clothes,
but noticing soon the discontent of the Senate, he stood up and exited,
and, having changed into the clothes of the pretext, returned again
(Plutarh; 73). It was not appropriate for him, as a plebeian,
to appear in the footwear of patricians in the Senate. Such
footwear is shown on Roman monuments of Augustus,
Caligula, Claudius, Traian, Marcus Aurelius (Paulys; 1340).
The footwear in question is called calcei patricii or the si-
milar calcei mullei. It is red, with firm soles, but made of fine-
ly dressed and thinned leather tightly adhering to the foot,
thus accentuating its form. By its form, this footwear is
most similar to the present-day low boots. They cover the
entire foot and can reach from the ankle to the half of the
calf. It is tied, or better to say, fastened by enveloping the
vamp by the lower wide and upper narrow pair of strings
(quator corrigae), which are tied above the ankle across the
middle of the front part. Calcei patricii was the exclusive
footwear of patricians and their descendants, and was worn
outdoors with a toga. The term calcei mullei denotes precise-
ly the red colour of this type of footwear, with the name of
the colour being associated with the colour of the fish mul-
lus. A trace of this term, but also the described meaning of
the colour, is today found in the term mule for the liturgical
footwear of the Pope in Rome. (Daremberg ; I/2; 819).
Similar, also high and closed footwear
made of black leather (nigris pelibus) was worn by senators.
This footwear (calcei senatorii) is referred to by Cicero's witty
remark in which he used calceus mutare as a metaphor for the
fast transition to the level of senator. Today it might, taken
out of its context, correspond to the Croatian proverb: skoèi-
ti iz opanka u cipelu. (jump from the opanak into the shoe; i.e.
advance from peasant to a higher position).
Women's footwear in high social classes,
both simple footwear used indoors, as well as the footwear
for outdoor wear (calcei muliebris, calceolus), was of fine work-
manship, more softly adjusted to the form of the foot and
with greater colour range to chose from or with valuable
ornaments ranging from gold to pearls. Unfortunately, fes-
tive women's footwear is covered by the tunic in pictorial
representations, which makes it impossible to know what
its upper part looked like.
In the 3rd century, attempts were made to
limit the colours available for male footwear. However, the
effects of such limitations also remain unknown. In the
Latin text of the already mentioned Edict on Maximum
Prices by Emperor Diocletian, which lists approximately
twenty types of footwear, the following colours are men-
tioned: (Socci) purpurei sive foenicei; (socci albi); socci Babulonici,
purp(urei sive albi); Taurinae inauratae (Blümner; 28). The
effects of this Edict are known. Its provisions were short-
term and did not ease the financial burdens of the Empire.
The division of the Empire, initiated by Diocletian and
soon continued by Constantine the Great by shifting the
centre of political power to Constantinople, will have more
long-range reverberations in the shaping of European fash-
ion styles.
The end of the period addressed in this
overview already contains all elements that will determine
footwear not only by its basic purpose, but by patterns of
fashion trends attempting to impress a more permanent
mark on these short-living consumer goods. Relying in this
effort on known components, they have tried to add some-
thing new and unique. The approaching Middle Age, with
a new spirit drawing its force form the ancient heritage, will
give new forms to old paragons.
138
Nadja Maglica Footwear in the Period from the
Early Middle Ages to the Beginning
of the 20th Century
translated by mr.sc. Jasna Biliniæ-Zubak
FOOTWEAR AS A CONSTITUENT PART OF CLOTHING is described
in this review, clothing that has developed and changed in
the course of nine centuries in the process of which new
materials have constantly been used, new ways of processing
and manufacturing have been perfected and new ones dis-
covered. This description has been based on archival records,
visual arts illustrations and, in a smaller measure, by pre-
served objects.
In the second half of the 11th century,
when pre-Romanesque style turned into the Romanesque
style (with the return of the human figure and figural com-
position), scenes on the reliefs found on altar rails of the
Church of St. Nediljica in Zadar and the baptistery in the
Split Cathedral are records of the way of clothing and the
accessory footwear. So, on the tablet of the altar rail in the
baptistery of the Split Cathedral representing scenes of the
king, dignitaries and subjects (with clothes clearly showing
class differences), the footwear presented shows sharply
pointed toes and is tightly fitting the legs. By the help of hor-
izontal lines an associated subgroup of footwear was marked,
covering the leg from the ankle to half the leg, i.e. to the
knee. Similar footwear made from cloth or wool, without the
foot part, used to be fastened on the inner side with clasps.
This type of footwear, usually called grliæi (approximately
meaning 'little bottle-necks') can be found in the traditional
costumes of the Dinara region (Radauš-Ribariæ, 2002). The
mentioned footwear is also shown on the pluteus or altar rail
from the Church of St. Nediljica in Zadar where scenes from
the Gospel are arranged in the arcades. In the scene of the
'Annunciation' the only part preserved from the image of the
Virgin Mary is a clothed foot, while in the scene of the
'Visitation', Mary and Elizabeth are dressed in ancient cloth-
ing and are wearing the above described footwear. In the
scenes of 'Nativity' and the 'Adoration of the Magi' all the
persons have footwear, and the Magi differ amongst them by
the expression of their faces and details of clothing. Within
the arcades of the right-hand pluteus all the persons are
wearing footwear, except for John the Baptist. King Herod,
139
like all other male characters in the rest of the pluteus are
wearing footwear like the characters already described on the
pluteus of the Split baptistery. The female characters, Mary
and two mothers of the innocent infants are wearing shoes
with sharp toes, closely fitting the leg (Petriciolo, 1983: 13-
14). The presented characters belong to the medieval
iconography, and show lively and plastic facial expressions
with the well-established forms of clothing and footwear
which makes them associated to those on the pluteus of the
Split baptistery.
At the same time brodequins, buskins or
half-boots were worn, with a longer tongue, sometimes ser-
rated, in front (Boucher, 1963: 172). Apart from this footwear
the low slip-on shoe with a mildly sharpened toe was also
worn, and it covered the upper part of the foot. The shoes
were soft, made from goatskin from Cordoba (cordovan).
The sharpened shoe toe, whose length and shape used to
change, prevailed in the second half of the Middle Ages
(Thiel, 1963: 156). Knights used to wear leather boots with
spurs, and when leaving for wars they would wear iron-bound
boots as part of their armour. Peasants and serfs used home-
manufactured footwear.
At the beginning of the 12th century, shoes
in Europe yet differ from the ones from the preceding peri-
od. From the very beginning of the century low soft shoes
prevailed, gently elongated with a raised sharp peak (à
pigache) (Boucher, 1965: 172). Boots continued to be worn,
up to the lower leg height, and also low shoes fastened on the
inner side with a clasp or ribbon. Shoes were made from
black or differently coloured leather, even from brocade with
more or less emphasized sharpened front part. According to
the moral standards of that time, women were not allowed to
show their feet, so that the accessory stockings used to be
fastened under the knee with a ribbon. Masterfully manufac-
tured shoes were highly appreciated and it was appropriate to
wear them at court. Wearing badly or inadequately manufac-
tured shoes would mean unseemly behaviour. Men's and
women's footwear differed in size, so that women, in harmo-
ny with the standards of beauty of that time craved to have
small and slender feet (Thiel, 1963: 174). At the end of the
13th century soft light boots were worn, tightly fitting the
leg. The other type of footwear was the leggings strength-
ened with leather soles. Clogs and galoshes were worn as a
protection for the light shoes.
We can find proofs of the footwear of that
time in Croatia in the works of visual arts, first of all on the
doorframes of the Split Cathedral, the portal of the
Cathedral in Trogir and the bell-tower of the Split
Cathedral. The Romanesque reliefs composed on the princi-
ple of the rules of addition prove the relative independence
of the parts which was the essential feature of the
Romanesque composition (Ivanèeviæ, 2004: 14, 15). A special
example of this principle is the pair of wooden doorframes of
the Split Cathedral, work of master sculptor Andrija Buvina
from the year 1214. Each of the two doorframes has been
divided into 14 fields separated by frames that create the
image of individual pictures. On these fields scenes from the
Gospels are arranged – 'Jesus Christ's childhood' and his
'Public activity', as well as the scenes of his 'Martyrdom' and
'Death'. By employing considerable skill in an abundance of
decorations, alongside the clothing we find presented vari-
ants of headgear and diverse footwear. In the scene of the
'Adoration of the Magi' the characters wear low and fastened
footwear (Beziæ-Bo
aniæ, 1981: 74). In the scene of the
'Slaughter of the Innocents' soldiers wear short boots and
executioners high boots. In the 'Flagellation of Christ' char-
acters carrying out the flagellation wear high boots that addi-
tionally increases the impression of the brutality of this act.
Buvina's scenes are "the richest iconographic cycle of
medieval art in Dalmatia" (Karaman, 1942: 39).
Contrary to Buvina, on the portal of the
Cathedral in Trogir dating from the year 1240, "Radovan
merged the scenes of 'Nativity', the 'Shepherds' Adoration'
and the 'Journey of the three Magi from the East' into one
unique picture, freely grouped and full of life" (Karaman,
1938: 4). The executed plastic has both religious and world-
ly contents, abounds in various forms that are represented
both by low reliefs and sculptures in natural dimensions.
There is a realistic presentation of a multitude of details
from the contemporary life: clothes and footwear of the char-
acters, the kings' apparel and shepherds' clothing, the hearth
and furniture. In the scenes from Christ's life, in the hunting
scenes, the figures of the three Magi, Joseph, the shepherds,
vineyard labourers and soldiers, all of them wear soft flat
shoes, with gently sharpened toes (Fiskoviæ, 1953: 11). The
scenes of the seasons are represented together with their
associated signs of the Zodiac and their earthly symbols – the
jobs and events significant for a particular month of the year.
Thus the image of the old man near the hearth, symbol of the
month of January, has been shown wearing shoes with high
wooden soles and a leather upper part, half-open to the front.
These shoes were slipped on above soft leather shoes close-
ly fitting the foot. Finally, the Apostle Peter is wearing mod-
est sandals. And while Buvina "presents such art that the
conservative provincial milieu of Dalmatia could offer on its
own" (Karaman, 1963: 43), Radovan's portal is "the reflection
of the feeling and knowledge of that time, though in a
reduced volume and a free interpretation of the provincial
milieu, so distant from the learned centres of scholastic
Europe" (Karaman, 1938: 2).
There is certain propinquity between the
sculptures from Radovan's portal and those from the bell-
tower of the Split Cathedral. At the entrance to the bell-
tower a group sculpture particularly stands out: the figures of
two strong telamones with a female figure between them.
The well presented and preserved clothes and footwear of
the mentioned figures are a significant contribution to learn-
ing about the clothes in the Middle Ages. The central figure,
the upright woman, is wearing rather flat shoes, slightly sharp
on the toes. The footwear of the telamones is identical to the
ones of the old man – January from Radovan's portal "with
high wooden soles and the leather uppers partly half-open in
the front and quite free at the back; they are surrounded by
a line of grains, probably hobnails. They are usually slipped
on above light leather shoes, tightly fitting the leg, and are
fastened in front by a clasp or are tied on the side with a rib-
bon" (Keèkemet, 1955: 96-97).
The Gothic is the style period in medieval
art that succeeded the Romanesque style in the 13th centu-
ry and lasted up to the 15th century. It is a completely dif-
ferent period, with the fundamental aspiration, the principle
that puts man in the centre of interest, and all the themes so
far – afterlife, biblical past, scenes from Christ's youth, all
these are exchanged for new themes – love for the mundane,
the contemporary, "Christ's suffering – when he suffers like
a man which makes him equal to all people" (Ivanèeviæ, 2004:
64). The new way of evaluation of man's life and as a conse-
quence a changed approach was reflected in the overall art,
but also in the man's everyday life – clothing and footwear.
Footwear still in use was chiefly high shoes or boots, fastened
with laces or buckles, legs strengthened with leather soles
and the unavoidable clogs as protective footwear. In the mid-
dle of the 14th century long clothes, up to that time common
for both men and women, were abandoned and short clothes
for men were introduced. This was a great novelty which
marked the first appearance of fashion (Boucher, 1965: 192).
This change – short clothes uncovering the man's feet – was
a precondition of the creation of new, different footwear –
140
legs closely fitting like stockings of various lengths, from the
ankle to the thigh. In the last quarter of the 14th century the
shoe started to change its shape, the vamp became elongat-
ed and shaped into a beak that ended with a sharp point –
shoes à poulaine (footwear with a twisted sharp point). The
length of the sharp point depended on the status and posi-
tion of the wearer which was controlled by a multitude of
regulations. Thus dukes and princes had the right to a sharp
point measuring 2.5 feet, higher nobility 2 feet, knights 1.5
feet, rich men 1 foot, while all the rest could wear the sharp
point measuring only 0.5 feet (Thiel, 1963: 202). Though by
their shape they looked like the shoes à pigache from the 12th
century, shoes à poulaine1 spread with the Burgundian fashion
all over Europe and their remained in use for almost a centu-
ry (Boucher, 1965: 198).
The emphasized sharp point kept growing
with the time up to the length of 40 cm and had to be tied
to the knee with a small chain. The shoes à poulaine had
accompanying clogs adjusted to them – a veritable fashion-
able novelty – made from wood, with two reinforcements
looking like a heel and the usual sharp point (Thiel, 1963:
221). They were worn under the shoes with the purpose of
protection against the mud in the streets. The footwear itself
was rather ugly and uncomfortable. At the end of the period,
in the eighties of the 15th century, the points on the shoes
and clogs kept becoming smaller and were soon to disappear
completely. On the other hand, shoes that looked like slip-
pers were fastened on the side by buckles or ribbons, but it
was more refined either to use a leg reinforced by a leather
sole or leather soles fastened to the legs by means of leather
straps (Thiel, 1963: 210). In time this footwear (legs rein-
forced with a leather sole) slowly started disappearing from
usage, while boots began to be used more and more. There
were different shapes in use, like 'turn-down top' boots –fore-
runners of riding boots, high boots, heuses, that were some-
times worn above soft shoes called brodequins (Boucher, 1965:
198). In this period a new form of clogs appeared with
leather sole that would be worn without shoes. These clogs
did not serve as protection but were classified into a subtype
of footwear (Pratt, Wolley, 1999: 13).
Women's footwear continued to follow in
the steps of the men's fashion. Changes that had happened
in men's footwear also comprised women's footwear which at
the same time marked the end of the overall medieval court
1 On account of excess and eccentricity (the sharp points became longer
and longer, coloured with sparkling dyes and decorated with little bells
which directly glorified sexuality) this fashion was forbidden by the church
(by manifestos, proclaiming "black plague" to be God' punishment for
wearing poulaines) as well as by the authorities (prohibition of manufactu-
ring and wearing). See http://podiatry.curtin.edu.au
141
fashion that was unable to develop anything new (Thiel,
1963: 234). In the archival records from Split from that time,
footwear is also mentioned: several pairs of white stockings
and shoes, which leads to the conclusion that in our regions,
too, the influence of the European fashion centres was prob-
ably felt (Beziæ-Bo
aniæ, 1981: 73).
The new style period that arrived in place
of the Gothic, with the aim of reviving the universal spirit of
the classic ancient history – the Renaissance – marked a
great change. New art thrived, full of enthusiasm for ancient
harmony, as opposed to the universality and subordination of
the Middle Ages. What was prevalent was the desire to bring
back the respectability and confidence in the individual and
make his/her right to personal freedom legitimate. Conceived
in Italy, the Renaissance chiefly developed there and took
over the priority role in art but also in European fashion.
Men and women found in the way of cloth-
ing the realization of their craving for fine forms that would
satisfy their taste, passion for colours, and first and foremost
the specific diversity (Boucher, 1965: 181). This was what
imbued the Italian Renaissance fashion and, consequently,
simple shoes adapted to the shape of the foot were intro-
duced. Women, too, wore comfortable shoes, well adjusted to
the foot, but they also wore clogs, zocolli, shoes with very
thick soles. The latter appeared in Venice as protection
against the frequent flooding of the streets. In time, the soles
kept growing in height (up to half an ell), so that women
wearing such shoes looked like giants. The ladies-wearers of
these shoes avoided insecure walking and frequent falls by
leaning on their maid-servants accompanying them (Thiel,
1963: 256, 258). As these clomps were uncomfortable and
risky they did not remain fashionable for long. The footwear
necessarily became wider, enabling the wearer to walk firm-
ly and securely. At the beginning of the 16th century shoes
developed a square form of the toes and became so wide that
they looked like a cow's snout, à gueule de vache, and a bear's
paw, a pied d'ours2 (Thiel, 1963: 275). With an exceptionally
wide sole, flat toe and the upper with numerous slits, the
shoe looked clumsy, and yet it was well-accepted and rather
favoured. A milder shape of this shoe, with a somewhat nar-
rower and rounded toe, appeared in France under the name
escarpin or escafignon in the middle of the first half of the 16th
century (Boucher, 1965: 231). In the second half of the 16th
century luxuriant Spanish fashion prevailed. Spanish shoes
very soon lost their width, became narrower and less cut out.
2 According to the French legend this is connected with the person of
Charles VIII (1493-1498), who on account of his congenital deformity of
his six toes, introduced the fashion of wide shoes whose upper was deco-
rated with longitudinal and transversal slits (Pratt, Wolley, 1999: 16).
They covered the whole foot with a gently sharpened top.
Materials and colours of the shoes were adjusted to the
clothes, and knitted stockings appeared for the first time,
suppressing the long sewn stockings. Except for the slip-on
shoes, boots were also spread wide, reaching the knee or even
stretching over the knee, closely fitting like stockings, made
from fine goatskin, cordovan (Thiel, 1963: 320). As Spanish
etiquette forbade women to show their feet, Spanish coach-
es were equipped with movable folding doors that would
cover the ladies' feet while ascending into or descending
from the coach. Women particularly appreciated footwear
whose shape was identical to the men's shoes, paying great
attention to the shoes made from velvet, satin or silk. Since
1570 leather took the place of satin in the manufacturing of
footwear intended for all social strata (Boucher, 1965: 228).
Stockings were equally valued, rather closely fitting and
white. Spanish women considered white to be their favourite
and most elegant colour (Thiel, 1963: 328).
The end of the 16th century marked two
significant innovations in the footwear fashion. The first one
was the introduction of the heel, made equally high for both
women and men, and which "probably developed from the
wedged shoe and sloping type of shoe called chopine"3
(Swann, 1982: 7). The other innovation was the introduction
of equal shoes, "straights"; there were no longer divisions into
left and right shoes4 which was probably the result of the
impossibility of making a mirror-image pair of lasts because
of the high heel (Swann, 1986: 7).
The archival records reveal that some parts
of Croatia continued to follow in the wake of the European
fashion trends. On the island of Hvar we find a record about
variously coloured stockings and two pairs of zoccoli, clogs
with wooden soles and upper made from velvet or homespun
cloth. In Orebiæ shoes were supplied from the Italian towns
Genoa (Genova) and Leghorn (Livorno). The most expensive
shoes decorated with gold were bought in Istanbul (Beziæ-
Bo
aniæ, 2001: 66, 177-178). European footwear, boots and
shoes, were also worn in Šibenik at that time. Women used
to have boots and open shoes very much like sandals. The
listed footwear was made from cowskin, calfskin and kidskin
leather (Beziæ-Bo
aniæ, 2001: 53). In Dubrovnik, luxurious
clothes and footwear of the latest European fashion were so
highly appreciated that the Republic had to pass a law
3 A special shape of slippers, with exceptionally high soles (18 inches), of
Venetian origin. At first, this was the footwear prostitutes had worn, but
they soon became very popular among the Venetian nobility (Pratt,
Wolley, 1999: 19).
4 Contemporaries referred to this with a modest comment "a pair of
upright shoes that gentlemen wear ... now of one foot, now of another"
(Swann, 1986: 7).
against luxury in order to protect the local craftsmen. As a
matter of fact, domestic products were bought less and less,
and there was an increasing money outflow from the
Republic (Beziæ-Bo
aniæ, 2001: 63).
The style period in European art connect-
ed with science5 that succeeded the Renaissance and lasted
throughout the whole of the 17th century, called the
Baroque was marked by the recurrent strengthening of
Catholicism, absolutist states and the new role of science
(Janson, 1997: 549). The Baroque appeared in various per-
ceptions which made it exceptionally diverse. This diversity
was perfectly integrated into the spreading of a new view of
the world; a renewed assessment of the humankind was ini-
tiated along with the prominent role of human passion. What
was going on was luxuriant building and flamboyant decora-
tion. The human body was presented in daring postures and
frolicsome movements. The tendency for decoration was
universal and it was not neglected by the fashion.
The 17th century footwear was subject to
the changes, particularly in the period of the Thirty Years'
War (1618-1648) and at the time of Louis XIV's rule (1643-
1715). Influenced by the Flemish bourgeois fashion, the boot
was the men's chief footwear in the first decades of the cen-
tury. The boot with a medium high heel, soft high legs, wider
at the top and turned down at the knee – like a cup or gob-
let, had been a remarkable fashionable detail from the begin-
ning of the year 1615 (Swann, 1986: 14). The harmonious
and graceful shape of the boot was enhanced by the square
cut of the toe (not rounded any more), and definitely by the
additional decoration in the shape of a turned down cuff
adorned with fringe or lace (Thiel, 1963: 348). A variant of
the described boot with a stitched on inverted cup top was
particularly popular in the 1630s and 1640s. The boot was
equipped with an obligatory spur on the ankle, often gilded,
but always too wide which produced a picturesque "arrogant,
masculine effect in harmony with the militant spirit of the
time" (Swann, 1986: 14). Stockings were also an important
constituent part of footwear, now with a new role – a decora-
tive one. Costly silk stockings, diverse in terms of purpose
and of almost all colours were worn both with shoes and
boots. When they were worn with boots, they used to be pro-
tected by long stockings made from batiste or flax linen; the
already mentioned turned down cuff was an additional deco-
ration. The cuff was adorned with lace ruffs and it would be
put between the stocking and the boot (Boucher, 1965: 255).
5 Great achievements of Copernicus, Kepler, Galileo, Descartes and
Newton – determined the new view upon the world, essentially different
from the one so far, so that in art, too, a different perception of reality had
started (Janson, 1997: 549).
142
The less affluent people who could not afford silk stockings
and decorative accessories had to make do with linen stock-
ings cut and sewn in the framework of traditional costumes
(Thiel, 1963: 348). Within the range of elegant, dignified –
salon clothes, the stocking as well as the boot were consid-
ered luxurious objects.
The wide usage of boots influenced by the
war had yet not completely ousted shoes. The former round-
ed shoe toes soon changed into a square upper from which a
wide tongue emerged, the back part was made higher so
much that the shoe encompassed the whole foot and became
higher and higher (Thiel, 1963: 348). Shoes were mostly
made from leather, cordovan, in light colours, with white
being the favourite one, and multicoloured cotton threads
were used to give the shoe its finishing touches. On the other
hand, they could be decorated by eyelets used with diverse
laces, "the whole effect being one of conspicuous extrava-
gance" (Swann, 1986: 12). Shoes with a leather tongue, with
smaller or bigger openings on the side, were tied up by
means of leather latchets, but ribbons were used, too,6 from
a simple ribbon to elaborate roses additionally decorated by
pearls or spangles (Swann, 1986: 12). Ribbons were indica-
tors of the proprietary possibilities of the wearer.7 Flat-soled
overshoes were often worn for protection. Fashion continued
making no difference between men's and women's footwear.
Women's shoes, too, got a square top, a high sloping heel, and
fastenings were decorated by ribbons and rosettes (Thiel,
1963: 354). At the beginning of the 17th century France took
over the leadership in the creation of fashion, and Paris
became Europe's fashion centre. Stockings and shoes came
into the focus of fashion, and the foot, following the example
of Spain from a century earlier, became the criterion of dis-
tinction and elegance at court. Silk stockings were consid-
ered to be the most elegant ones, with even the seam and
gusset considered as decorations. Instead of boots that disap-
peared from the salons and remained in use only for military
and hunting purposes, it was shoes that entered fashion.
Shoes became real small works of art developing uppers with
long, flatly cut off caps, getting longer and longer and with
heels getting higher and higher8 (Thiel, 1963: 384). The
6 James I (1603 – 1625) said: "A yard of sixpenny ribbon served that turn"
(Swann, 1986: 12).
7 The poor wore red ribbons, while Massinger's City Madam had the fol-
lowing comment: "Men of mean rank wear garters and shoe roses of more
than £5 price". (Swann, 1986: 12).
8 On account of his low stature, Louis XIV had the soles and heels of his
shoes underlain with cork and covered with red leather. Such red heels
were a privilege of the nobility until the outbreak of the French
Revolution (Thiel, 1963: 364).
143
most customary colour of men's shoes was black and brown,
and they would be decorated, like earlier on, with ribbons,
small metal plates and rosettes. In 1660, buckles9 came into
fashion in England and it soon became the chief decoration
of the shoe. Buckles came in various shapes and sizes, deco-
rated with precious stones or glass paste. From the very be-
ginnings they were treated as jewellery, transferable from
one shoe to another and could also be used on other garments
as required (Swann, 1986: 20). In the second half of the 17th
century shoes had pointed toes and with high upright, later
sloped "French"10 heels. At the end of the century the shoes
again got square toes. A conspicuous feature of women's shoes
was the white kid rand that was put between the layers of the
heel and served to attach the sole (Swann, 1986: 15).
Galoshes continued to be used as protection against the mud.
In this period the coastline part of Croatia
did not lag behind Europe regarding the fashion of clothes or
footwear. From the clothes list of the nobles from Korèula we
can find out that there were men's boots, one pair alla turca,
yellow slippers and shoes, cotton stockings in various colours,
woollen stockings and silk stockings called 'bordazine', bought
in Venice (Beziæ-Bo
aniæ, 2000: 243). Women's shoes were
chiefly made from silk or pana (type of cloth), with a higher
or lower heel and with a ribbon tied into a bow in front. Shoes
with open heels at the back, similar to sandals, were also
worn. More luxurious shoes were decorated by embroidery
and metallic buckles (Beziæ-Bo
aniæ, 2001: 244). On the
rather distant island of Vis records mention stockings and
shoes as part of the bride's dowry (Beziæ-Bo
aniæ, 2001: 236).
On the island of Hvar it was a matter of principle to wear
clothes and footwear following the fashion of the times.
Among the footwear the following items are mentioned:
shoes, boots, zoccoli (clogs), slippers, stockings of diverse
colours, cotton and silk stockings, and specially a type of
under-stockings worn under the outer stockings, called sotto
calzo (Beziæ-Bo
aniæ, 2001: 200).
Rococo is a style in art that emerged from
the French Baroque and spread almost throughout the whole
of the 18th century until the advent of the French
Revolution in 1789. Extremely large and exaggeratedly
adorned forms were turned into lighter, more intimate and
gentler forms. Imagination helped to conjure up an enchant-
ed world and thus made a temporary escape from real life
possible. The range of human feelings was widened (the
world of love was discovered) and the family was introduced
9 Pepys signals an innovation in his 'Diary' from January 22, 1660: "This
day I began to put on buckles to my shoes..." (Swann, 1986: 20).
10 A heel with a visibly sloped and rounded shape (Zander-Seidel, 2002: 231)
as one of the main themes of art (Janson, 1977: 610).
Imagination as the specific feature of the epoch was reflect-
ed in great measure in the fashion. Various styles of design-
ing forms were used, so footwear started to be differentiated
according to the sex of the wearer. Shoes continued to be
prevailingly men's footwear. The shoe's toe developed a
pointed shape, the heel dropped to one inch and was still
covered; in rarer cases it was made from red stacked leather,11
and could be worn with everyday clothes. The buckle was
the only decoration (the well known Artois buckle),12 first set
high on the instep to be then lowered "just above the toes"
(Swann, 1986: 25-26, 28). The material used to make shoes
was mostly leather, the most frequent colours were black and
dark brown. Towards the end of the 18th century leather
became lighter (thinner and softer). In the second half of the
18th century the boot again became fashionable, but now as
footwear for walking. New forms were developed: the jockey
boot with the top turned down below the knee clearly show-
ing the lining in another colour as a decoration, and there was
also the 'hussar's' boot with a short leg decorated with fringes
(Thiel, 1963: 349). Slippers continued in mule form, cut
lower; they were first made from brocades, later they
changed to light leathers in assorted colours. Women's shoes
reached the peak of craftsmanship by their form and execu-
tion. As soon as fashion allowed the foot to be seen (first at
the time of the Late Renaissance with the predominance of
Spanish fashion), the small gracious foot became the sign of
beauty. The shoe had to be the same. Shoes were made from
cloth (linen, silk, wool), mostly lined with kidskin leather,
with the accessory ribbons, buckles, embroidery and precious
stones.
As nothing was too expensive, the back
side of the sloping high heel was decorated even with emer-
alds, sending out a coquettish message 'look at me' (Thiel,
1963: 418). Galoshes, too, went through a change, they
became protective footwear with leather soles and the shape
that "strictly fitted the shoe with the high heel" (Zander-
Seidel, 2002: 232). In the middle of the second half of the
18th century women used to wear boots, though for riding
only. Boots were made from kidskin leather, rounded toe,
medium high heels, with front lacing (Swann, 1986: 30).
Fashionable details like stockings also became significantly
important, for men and women alike.
11 "Red heels continued, but by 1771 they were not restricted either to
grand dress or men" (Swann, 1986: 26).
12 The General Evening Post from May 31st, 1788 says that "the Artois
buckle seems to be giving place to the shoe tie...The revolution killed the
fashion for buckles (Swann, 1986: 29).
The French Revolution from 1789 had an
influence on the significant changes on styles in fashion.
This was the time of wars, and the time of distinctive men's
fashion, with the return of boots as the chief men's footwear.
Boots appeared in various forms and under diverse names
which proved their belonging to their times. The knee-
length hessian boot, with a V-dip at the centre front with a tas-
sel was at first the most widely spread type (Swann, 1986:
35). At the beginning of the 19th century it was ousted from
the fashion by a knee-length high boot called wellington that
could also be a half boot with the leg pulled down to the
ankle. The basic shapes were numerous, with the toe point-
ed at first that was soon to prevail in blunt oval shapes. At
first boots had no heels but later heels remained at the
height of 1 to 1 inch. Apart from leather, patent leather also
came into use (from 1791 on) and there were also metal
accessories like steel tips on the heels, rivets, various hob-
nails, built-in metal spurs (Swann, 1986: 32). The most
important technical innovation (in 1800) was the re-intro-
duction of the rights and lefts in footwear which was made
possible by the invention and development of the panto-
graph (Swann, 1986: 7). Boots were worn even in salons and
theatres but could not completely banish shoes. Shoes also
changed their shape, with toes changing from pointed to
blunt oval ones and finally square toes, cut lower and lower
with a short tongue and low heel, prevailingly in black colour.
The buckle gave way to laces, and there were one or two
pairs of lace holes on the shoes. An innovation came from the
United States where they found the native Indian work
attractive, some of which was almost indistinguishable from
contemporary designs (Swann, 1986: 33). Women's footwear
was well represented, mostly by half boots with the Italian
heel.13 Boots were still worn, but the fashion of 1813 intro-
duced a kind of sandal shoe, a sub-type of low-cut pumps
without heels, with ribbons to cross and tie round the ankle
(Swann, 1986: 38). This was going to stay the most impor-
tant women's footwear for a long time.
The fashion of that time was reflected in
Croatia. Here is an example from Makarska. With the increas-
ing trade and strengthened connections with the world,
import of various goods was growing, footwear being no
exception. In the dowries of the new brides various items of
footwear were obligatory: shoes made from black velvet, also
shoes made from silk, cut rather deep, usually called gondoline
(gondolas) and different sorts of cotton and silk stockings
(Beziæ-Bo
aniæ, 2001: 78, 82). In Split, the largest town in
Dalmatia, fashion trends of European culture centres were
13 "The Italian heel" is a slender heel wedged to support the arch (Swann,
1986: 30).
144
followed to the best of abilities, particularly by the nobility
and affluent bourgeois social strata. At the beginning of the
century shoes were worn as well as pantofole (closed shoe – a
particular favourite of Venice) made from very soft goatskin
leather or velvet, trimmed with a golden or silver ribbon
(Bo
iæ-Bu
anèiæ, 1982: 74, 82). The shoes were accompanied
by a great selection of many sorts of stockings made from silk,
cotton, linen and yarn, sometimes embroidered, too. In the
middle of the 18th century clumsy low shoes suppressed the
light and soft ones, and they were called pianella or mulette,
shoes with a front toe raised. They used to be worn at home
and in the street. Shoes with high heels were also fashionable,
made from silk, chamois leather and velvet in white, pink,
greyish and pearlish colours (Bo
iæ-Bu
anèiæ, 1982: 78).
In the first half of the 19th century the
Biedermeier, in contrast to the luxurious forms of the
Empire, was the style favoured by the modest bourgeois
milieu characterized by simplicity, practicality and comfort.
This is the century when new materials in the production of
footwear started to be used – India-rubber (1830)14 and rep-
tile leather (1860); new processing treatments – application
of wedges to fix the soles (1842), tanning the leather with
oak bark extract as the beginning of the modern antelope
leather (1873); new dyes – the brown dye (1864) and new
parts, i.e. accessories – elastic loops (1840), hooks for laces
(1865). The half boot was still the most frequently worn
men's footwear that would, depending on the purpose and
event, alternate with the light pumps. Both types had square
toes, 1 to 1.25 inch high heel, fastened either by an elastic
band or laces with three to four pairs of holes on the shoe
(the Blucher type)15, or 15 pairs of holes on the boots (the
Derby type)16. A fashionable novelty were elastic-side boots
that J. Sparkes Hall gave Queen Victoria as a present in 1837,
and he introduced an improved variant to the public in 1846
(Swann, 1986: 44; Pratt, Woolley, 2000: 71). Another modern
type of footwear were lace-up boots or boors buttoned up on
the side that men have accepted as early as the year 1830,
while women started wearing them significantly later17
(Pratt, Woolley, 2000: 71). In the same period, women's
14 Since 1836 rubber goloshes came into use. Charles Dickens wrote about
their use in his novel Pickwick Papers: "and a wery pleasant gen'l'm'n too –
one o' the precise and tidy sort, as puts their feet in little India-rubber fire-
buckets wen it's wet weather" (Chapter 44), (Swann, 1986: 41).
15 Blucher, open tab front lace boot (half-boot), with a straight side seam.
Originally, quarters in one piece, with no back seam (Swann, 1986: 89).
16 Derby, a boot or shoe with the open eyelet tab stitched on top of the
vamp, an open tab (Swann, 1986: 89).
17 Women's small boots made of kid leather with buttons on the side was
already mentioned in 1858 (Pratt, Woolley, 2000: 71).
145
footwear did not change much. Heelless shoes continued to
be worn, but with a blunted toe (like the men's), and cross-
tied round the ankle. Shoes were made prevailingly from
cloth, mostly black, while only on special occasions shoes
made from shiny silken cloth, satin, silk or knitted straw
were worn. Leather was used only for the thin sole and the
cap on the upper. On account of the delicacy of the upper
and consequently a rather short period of usage, several pairs
of the same model of shoes used to be bought (Zander-
Seidel, 2002: 235). Another fashionable item was again
stockings in white, beige or natural skin colours with decora-
tive embroidery (Thiel, 1963: 534). In the course of the thir-
ties and forties of the19th century, small boots made from
cloth were so favoured that the shoes tied round the ankle,
after having ruled the fashion for half a century, completely
vanished (Thiel, 1963: 543). Consequently, in 1830 small
boots with silk uppers in light colours appeared, laced on the
inner side, with thin soles and low heels. Supposedly, they
were intended for weddings, because the white colour was at
that time accepted as the colour for the wedding (Zandel-
Seidel, 2002: 236). The Croatian general public was speedi-
ly and well informed about the European fashion trends that,
equally quickly used to be accepted, which can be proved by
the rebuke addressed at his co-citizens, uttered by Ivan
Kukuljeviæ-Sakcinski and published in the journal Danica on
February 12th, 1842, where he expressed his contempt for
their cosmopolitan was of dressing: "You and your sons in fine
black tailcoats with narrow sleeves, tight trousers, white
stockings and tight shoes look as if you has just now escaped
from Paris." (Ivoš, 1997: 155).
In the course of the second half of the 19th
century, in the period of the Historicism previous styles
were imitated. A great turn in the manufacturing of footwear
was triggered by the invention of a number of machines
designed for various procedures of execution – like the
machine fixing of rivets (1853), machine sewing of leather
(1856), machine sewing of the shoe from the inner side
(1860). By introducing machines the serial manufacturing of
footwear started which also had a great influence on fashion.
At the same time, high boots almost disappeared, and half
boots with clasps on the side became fashionable. At the
same time the shape of footwear changed and the square toe
became rounded. Half boots made from patent leather were
worn as elegant footwear with tails or a dinner-jacket. In mid-
eighties of the 19th century changes in the use of dyes and
materials took place. Brown colour was used (1864), and
among the new materials used are box calf (at the beginning
only in black colour), and peau de suede (1873) marks the
beginning of the modern antelope leather. India-rubber was
already widely used, either as a type of footwear (rubber
goloshes), or as material for the manufacturing of footwear
parts (soles, heels, various laces and loops). Shoe sizes were
also standardized at this time (Swann, 1986, 54, 56). In
men's footwear the prevailing fashion was for shoes laced up
in front, with leather laces through three or four holes (half
shoes Oxford, known in France as the Richelieu) or with laces
through five pairs of holes and four pairs of hooks and a metal
tip on one lace (the boot or half boot Derby also called Lorne,
and in France known as the Moliere) (Swann, 1986: 46). Due
to the universal usage of ankle-high boots, the Wellington boot
completely disappeared, and out of the range of boots the
ones that were worn were those laced up in front (Derby) or
buttoned up (Balmoral). With their everyday clothes women
wore mostly ankle high small Balmoral boots made from satin
or strong leather that were closed up front instead of on the
side, and they were fastened in front instead of on the side,
and with festive clothes they wore half shoes. The latter
were undergoing quick changes: the rounded toes became
more and more sharpened in the 1880s, the heels lower and
more rounded, whereas in the 1890s the Louis XV heel pre-
vailed. In the competition between shoes and boots the com-
promise solution offered was the barette, both as a shoe (made
from glacé leather with decorative buttons, square toe, 2.1
inches high stacked heel and upper partly decorated with
narrow strips) and a boot (Swann, 1986: 49). The execution
was identical to the shoe, and the decoration of the upper
was performed along the length of the front side of the boot-
leg. The described boot required a coloured silk stocking.
Footwear and stockings were, as a rule,
selected in contrasting colours. Fashion for clothes experi-
enced great changes, all of them lasting for short periods only,
which was in exact contrast to the fashion for footwear (Thiel,
1963: 598, 580). Fashion trends in Europe were quickly
accepted in Croatia thanks to foreign fashion journals (the
first Croatian fashion journal "Pari
ka moda" [Paris Fashion]
was published in Zagreb in 1895), to the large store cata-
logues, photographs, trips abroad becoming more and more
numerous, with citizens visiting fashionable trendy resorts
and popular spas (Ivoš, 2000: 356, 362). In the journal "Dom i
sviet" [Home and World] from the year 1888, it was recorded
that in this year a fashionable novelty arrived from Paris: wear-
ing footwear in different colours – a blue shoe on the left and
a red one on the right foot (Ivoš, 2000: 360). So it is no won-
der that in smaller towns, for example in Starigrad on the
island of Hvar, modern footwear, mostly shoes and stockings,
had been mentioned in every reference to the dowry. The
bride thus mostly had 3 to 5 pairs of shoes made from calfskin
leather, and silk and cloth stockings in various colours, partic-
ularly in white, red and orange colours. Little boots were only
rarely mentioned (Beziæ-Bo
aniæ, 2001: 213).
The last years of the 19th century were
marked by the Secession – the new art style that had spread
to all European countries and linked two centuries. In con-
trast to the academicism, it appeared under various names
(Jugendstil, Secession, Art Nouveau, Liberty Style, etc.) and,
depending on whether it started earlier or continued longer,
it encompassed the period from the 1890s all through the
year 1914. Undisputedly, it governed all the areas of shaping
between 1890 and 1910, which also includes fashion
(Ivanèeviæ, 2004: 263, 267).
Women's struggle for their social rights
(particularly strong in Great Britain), women's engagement in
favourite sports (tennis, bicycle riding, driving automobiles)
and the change of style, all these are reasons of new fashion
breakthroughs in clothes and footwear that started in the year
1900 at the Paris World Exhibition. In the last decade of the
19th century the shapes of the men's and women's shoe toes
kept changing "from the dainty but cruel pointed toe sup-
posed to be favoured by Parisian belles and beaux" (Swann,
1986: 51). At the turn of the centuries lengthened toes pre-
vailed (particularly in Britain), while shoes with a widened toe
– in the shape of a 'spade', were mostly represented in conti-
nental Europe (Pratt, Woolley, 2000: 80). At the same time,
the world production had considerably grown, particularly by
the share of the United States, which lowered the price of
footwear and it thus became available for everyone. By pene-
trating Europe with their footwear, the Americans have also
imposed their styles. So, as early as 1910, they offered their
fashion solution, the men's shoe bulldog or Boston. Rounded
and with a raised capped top, suede lining, four holes, medi-
um high (an inch) stacked heel, this shoe was the reflection
of the secession curves (Swann, 1986: 55). Very soon there
arrived another American novelty, with new material and in a
new style – the elegant women's model Gibson, made of dull
green crocodile skin, with strengthened sole and wide laces
(exhibited in the Northampton Museum) (Swann, 1986: 56).
In the same year (1914), an American patent was offered of a
water-permeable double structure veldtschoen (a shoe in which
the upper is turned outwards along the bottom edge to which
the sole is attached). The brown colour came into frequent
use18 in various shades (from light tan 'Russia' to dark brown),
and suede appeared in dull green, grey, light purple and khaki
colour. Suede was very popular in the years before the out-
break of World War I (Swann, 1986: 40).
18 The brown colour was in contrast to the current rules of behaviour. In
1893 'brown shoes should never be worn with a frock coat in combination
with a silk hat'. However, after Randolph Churchill publicly appeared in
such a 'forbidden combination', the rules were already changed in 1894
(Swann, 1986: 54).
146
 Men's boots, those laced up in front or but-
toned up continued to be worn. However, the new feature
with buttoned up boots was that they were manufactured in
two colours. The associated galosh was made from patent or
glacé leather, the boot-leg was made from cloth or matt
leather in a contrasting colour. Shoes were prevailingly laced
with open (Derby) or closed (Oxford) tab. The novelty lay in
the type of decoration. Perforation was used19 (surface pun-
ching of holes), two-coloured upper, and the tab with a
fringed tongue20 covering the laces. Men's shoes with elastic
sides (Chelsea) remained in use as evening wear only. The real
novelty were sandals (a sole with straps to keep them on)
that since 1907 became popular in certain circles, particular-
ly the bohemian ones. Women's footwear underwent this
time more and greater changes. This was first reflected in
the heels that started changing height from 6.5 inches to 2
inches, and they were made of stacked leather. In the year
1904 the Cuban heel appeared, with the average height of 2.5
inches, made of stacked leather. It was firm and stronger
than the Louis heel, and in 1913 it used to be decorated with
paste (Swann, 1986: 58). In the same year vamp embroidery
again picked up. To protect the heels, brass plates were
attached by screws between the top piece and cover. The
plates were in time reduced from being thick to becoming
thin white metal slips in the 30s of the 20th century, almost
invisible in wear. Though possibly shoes predominated over
boots, there was still a reliable offer of boots to choose from.
Along the different variants of the Derby and Balmoral types,
there were boots made from black glacé leather with nine or
eleven buttons, made of satin covered with black lace and a
Louis heel, to glacé boots with patent leather galoshes. Since
the beginning of the 20th century shoes were mostly repre-
sented by the Derby and Oxford types, with additional deco-
rations of punching and manufacturing two-colour uppers. At
the beginning of the 20th century, the Derby shoe was called
Gibson after the 'Gibson girls', idealized young American
women from the illustrations of Charles Dana Gibson
(Pedersen, 2005: 31). The new shoe model was cut very high
at the back, with a strap to buckle over or tie round the ankle.
This shoe was noticed by the public somewhat later, in 1911,
when the length of the skirts went up a little, and reached
the peak popularity in fashion in 1913, then called tango
shoes, and the fashion went on to the year 1920. The barrette
style followed, and the most favoured model was the Langtry
(named after the actress Lily Langtry). This was a shoe with
19 The low-heeled punched and serrated shoe, the brogue, became popu-
lar round the year 1905 (Pratt, Woolley, 2000: 88).
20 First seen on a photo of King George V in 1911 (Swann, 1986: 57).
147
two straps buttoning over the tab, and its forerunner was the
Cromwell from the late 90s of the 19th century which differs
by the height of the heel, the latter being considerably high-
er (Swann, 1986: 59, 60). The majority of the mentioned
footwear, unchanged or simply changed details, remained in
use a longer period which proves the earlier mentioned fact
that footwear underwent rather infrequent changes when
compared to clothes. What was approaching was the year
1914 – the beginning of World War I that was to shape the
manufacturing of shoes, connect the comfortable with the
practical, but was also to entirely decrease the difference
between women's and men's footwear.
All innovations – types of materials, the
techniques of execution and decoration, all of them were very
quickly applied in the manufacturing of footwear. This can be
proved by the changes of footwear that had taken place in the
course of the respective style periods. The changes of the toe,
shape of the heel, the material of the upper and the applied
decorations were indicators of the social position of the indi-
vidual, his/her proprietary status, tendency for the honouring
of moral and social rules and regulations (the usage depend-
ing on the specific event). Finally, there was also the possibil-
ity of sending erotic messages. Thus the length of the toe or
the colour of the heel denoted one's belonging to a social class
or order: a red heel was the mark of nobility all the time up to
the French Revolution. A higher heel covered with red leather
at the time of Louis XIV was the sign of prestige and power;
the upper made from silk or velvet with additional embroi-
dery proved the proprietary status of the individual. In the
regulations of behaviour from the year 1818 we can find out
that "No gentlemen in boots or half-boots to be admitted" at
the ball nights in Bath (England) (Swann, 1986: 35). The
social status of the individual could be also proved by diverse
laces, ribbons and buckles. Shoes with particularly outstand-
ing parts (poulaine – pointed toe, women's shoe – 'French'
heel, decorated with jewels, even emeralds) which the wear-
ers specially emphasized by the way of walking or other
motions, all of these features sent out sorts of erotic messages.
Another thing to observe was the simultaneous development
of protective footwear – galoshes, those with leather soles to
galoshes adjusted to the shoe, and when these were covered
by velvet or silk, they were almost not perceived as being pro-
tective footwear. Though being somewhat distant from the
European centres of fashion, Croatia had, based on the listed
records, followed the fashionable trends, faster or slower, and
was in step with the sequence of events. Though at first shoes
used to be hidden beneath the long clothes, through their
changes they were a proof of the inspiration of their creator.
The diversity of footwear rightly deserves the attention that
it has always been given.
Vesna Zoriæ Shoemaking Crafts
and Handicrafts
translated by Sanja Novak
T H E T E R M C R A F T is usually taken to mean the produc-
tion, processing or service activity performed by an artisan
independently or with the help of assistants. The product of
a craft is handmade with the help of tools and intended for
sale. A craftsman lives of his craft, for which he had to be
trained and educated. As opposed to a craft, home industry
or handicraft is an activity pursued by skilled individuals to
meet their own needs and the needs of the narrower of wider
community. This activity was an additional occupation and
the skill depended on the talent and work established by tra-
dition. Individual crafts very often developed from tradition-
al handicrafts. One of such crafts is opanèarstvo, the craft of
making opanci (traditional leather footwear), which shall be
elaborated below.
FRATERNITIES AND GUILDS The craft as an eco-
nomic category and diverse craft associations have been
known since the antiquity, but in the sense known today it
has its roots in medieval towns. In Croatia, this develop-
ment took two courses, depending on the domination and
the historical circumstances of certain areas. On the one
hand, there were medieval towns which kept the continu-
ity from the late Antiquity to the early Middle Ages, in
which the craft activity was retained and carried on later as
well. This group includes the ancient Zadar and Trogir, as
well as Split and Dubrovnik which developed from the
Roman Salona and Epidaurum, respectively. On the other
hand, new towns emerged in Western and Central Europe
in the late 10th and the early 11th century as centres of
trade and commerce, where the commodity-money
exchange replaced the feudal, natural production (Luèiæ,
1979:15). These regions influenced the towns of northern
Croatia – Vara
din, Zagreb, Koprivnica, Osijek, etc.
The development of a certain craft
depended to a considerable extent on the type of raw mate-
rial available in a certain area, which is why stone, wood,
leather, wool and other materials determined the main type
or the predominance of a certain craft activity. Since the
need for footwear has been present through all historical
periods and geographic areas, it is not unusual that leather-
workers and the related shoemakers were the most numer-
ous craftsmen in all regions of Croatia. It is understandable
that they were among the first craftsmen who began to
organize their class in the form of a fraternity – fraternitas
calegariorum. The first craft fraternity of shoemakers was
established in 1299 in Dubrovnik, as stated in the testa-
ment of the shoemaker Bratoslav. The first fraternity of
shoemakers (crevljari) – fratalea calegariourum in Zadar is
mentioned in 1318 (Luèiæ, 1979:220), while the Zagreb's
fraternity of shoemakers was founded in the area of Gradec
in 1377 (Šercer, 1991:15).
Originally, medieval fraternities had a reli-
gious and ethnic character with charity and humanitarian
tasks. Later, they developed into professional fraternities
and guilds, with the main purpose of a professional net-
working and protection of their own trade. As opposed to
northern Croatia, where guilds as privileged organizations
acquired their rights of monopole over the manufacture and
sale of craft products based on sovereign privileges, in the
island and coastal towns, which were communes under the
Venetian rule, the practicing of a craft was free. For
instance, craft and craft services in Hvar of the 15th centu-
ry had almost no limitations. The single legal framework of
social and economic relationships in the commune – the
Statute of Hvar – contained only the regulation of the
Venetian government defining the working and sales area of
the leather-makers of Hvar and Vis when a dispute arose
between them in 1446. State and municipal authorities did
not intervene with the free development of crafts in their
region. This is partly the result of the circumstance that the
crafts in the Hvar commune, as well as other Dalmatian
communes, were predominantly of a local scope and could
to compete with Venice. On the other hand, the Hvar aris-
148
tocracy – the ruling rank of society – did not pursue crafts,
which were therefore out of the scope of their economic
interest (Petriæ, 1996:226).
The seat of the Split fraternity of shoe-
makers and slipper-makers was in the Church of St. Phillip,
where the symbols of the craft were incised on a table at
the church front. In connection with this fraternity, there is
a known attempt of establishing guild monopoly when its
members tried to introduce the rule that only fraternity
members were allowed to pursue the shoemaking trade.
However, the Senate (Council of the Invited) in Venice not
only refused to approve this, but abolished the fraternity
itself in 1767 with the explanation that the practicing of a
trade is free and that everybody is allowed to pursue it
(Bo
iæ-Bu
anèiæ, 1996:131).
In Dubrovnik, all fraternities in and out-
side the city were under the firm control of the state and
were the only legal public associations of citizens and vil-
lagers. However, Dubrovnik was a city open to everybody
who wanted to come, learn and practise a craft. The appren-
tice – discipulus – could come from any region, town city or
village. The craftsmen's knowledge, skills and qualifications
were gained by staying with a master – magister – watching
and observing him at work, acquiring his experience and
everyday practice. After reaching agreement with the mas-
ter, a contract was signed at a notarial office and counter-
signed by witnesses and judges (Luèiæ, 1979:223). The
duration of a shoemaker's apprenticeship varied from 7 to 12
years. At the end of the apprenticeship, the young journey-
man or kalfa, as he was then called, received 6 shoe lasts
from the master, as well as all other wooden and iron tools
required for work. Usually children inherited the father's
trade, which saved the cost of training, the purchase of tools
and work premises (Luèiæ, 1979:99). According to the
Statute of the Split Commune of 1312, it took 5 years to
learn the shoemaking craft, the apprentice undertook to
faithfully serve the master, and the master was obligated to
provide food and clothing for him (Beziæ-Bo
aniæ, 1981).
The presence of this branch of industry in
Trogir is attested in the register of births, marriages and
deaths. In several entries, the person is mentioned as mag-
ister or maistro, which means that they practised a craft. The
register tells us that 28 shoemakers and 6 opanci-makers
(opanèari) indisputably capable of satisfying the needs of
the village population, were active in the period between
1569 and 1797 in the region of Trogir (Beziæ-Bo
aniæ,
1993:123). The conclusion that the shoemakers (crevljari)
of Dubrovnik made footwear for the village population as
well is suggested by the document according to which they
149
kept also soft ram skins in their warehouses, used probably
also for peasant footwear (opanci) and not only for shoes, i.e.
crevlji (Luèiæ, 1979:98). According to earlier documents, 24
shoemakers, who were native people, were working in Hvar
in the course of the 16th century. They met the needs of
townspeople and manufactured or sold their products in
the island villages and the neighbouring island of Vis
(Beziæ-Bo
aniæ, 2001:34). Documents also make mention
of shoemakers (cerdones) and cobblers (sutores), who were
the most numerous ones, as well as boot-makers (caligarii)
(Beziæ-Bo
aniæ, 2001:168).
In northern Croatia, which was long divid-
ed into the civil and the military Croatia and Slavonia, the
development of the craft and its forms of association was
largely influenced by the German guilds (Horvat,
1936:198). In the regions where the Military Border was
established under the separate rule of military authorities,
the trade could not develop to the extent it did in the civil
parts of Croatia.
Guild rules or statutes were prescribed by
the city council in free cities or by the feudal sovereigns in
cities that were in a dependent position. The oldest
Croatian guild was founded by the Zagreb tailors (1447),
followed by the Zagreb shoemakers, whose privileges were
confirmed by king Mathias Corvinus in 1466. Until 1850,
Zagreb was divided into three independent communities:
Gradec, a royal autonomous city, Kaptol, the seat of the
Catholic church, and the Vlaška street which was under the
bishop's jurisdiction. The crafts and the guilds developed
along different lines in each of the three communities: the
oldest shoemaking guild was established by the already
mentioned shoemakers of Zagreb, or to be exact, Gradec, to
be followed by the shoemakers of Kaptol, whose privileges
were confirmed by Ferdinand III. In 1792, the bishop
Maksimilijan Vrhovec permitted associated shoemakers,
tailors, boot-makers and button-makers of the Vlaška street
to join the Kaptol guilds. The youngest of the shoemaking
guilds is the opanci-makers' guild, whose members joined a
common Grand Guild in 1810. With the increase of mem-
bership in 1844, they established an independent opanci-
makers' guild by the force of the charter issued by
Ferdinand I (Horvat, 1936:87).
Guild associations emerged also in other
cities and market towns, especially after the Turkish threat
abated. The shoemakers of Koprivnica were among the first
to get organized in 1681, when a joint guild of leather-work-
ers, opanci-makers and shoemakers was confirmed (Fluksi,
1983:221). And in 1697, the rules of the shoemaker's and
leatherworker's guild were confirmed in Legrad (Feletar,
1975). The shoemakers and leather-workers of Kri
evci
founded an independent guild in 1819, after they had
formed a common guild with tailors, blacksmiths, armour-
ers and goldsmiths since 1466 (Biæaniæ, 1951:71). By the
force of the "Privilegium" issued by the Emperor Ferdinand
I in 1836, the guild of Sisak was granted the privileges for
24 trades, including shoemakers, opanci-makers and boot-
makers (Matovina, 1987:53). The continued development
of the trades in Slavonia was broken by Turkish attacks and
resumed only in the early 18th century. In all regions of the
Military Border, including Brod, all business was overseen
by the military authorities of Vienna, so that the tradesmen
of Brod were granted their privileges by Maria Theresa in
1768/9 (Toldi, 1972).
Almost all guild privileges were composed
along almost identical lines and differed not significantly
regardless of the town or country where the guild existed.
They borrowed from each other and adopted the rules
according to their needs. Similarly, the organization of the
guilds in Croatia and Slavonia was almost identical to the
gild organization in other middle-European countries
(Kosanoviæ, 1973-75:260). It is known, for instance, that in
1559 the shoemakers' guild of Vara
din took over the rules
of the Zagreb shoemaker's guild, just like the Zagreb boot-
makers' guild of Kaptol borrowed the rules from the boot-
makers' guild of Vara
din in 1662 (Horvat, 1936:55). The
privileges granted to guilds contained general provisions
about the guild organization regulating the production,
defining and controlling the product quality, pricing, work
conditions, working hours, wages and the hierarchical rela-
tionships between masters, journeymen and apprentices.
The humanitarian character was manifest in the support to
disabled craftsmen, widows, orphans and in the coverage of
burial costs, while the religious character was evident in the
joint attendance at church services, celebrations, etc. A
guild was headed by the cehmeštar (Germ. Ceh-Meister),
who resolved all disputes between the masters of the guild,
his deputy, the otacmeštar (Hung. atyamester) and the
bijarmeštar (Hung. bejárni – to go around), who were elect-
ed for a one-year mandate following a certain ceremonial.1
1 The city authorities were not allowed to revoke or make charges against
master craftsmen, especially not in matters of trade, until the issue was
discussed by the guild. It was also prohibited for master craftsmen who
were not members of a guild to work in the city and their products and
means of labour could be confiscated. No foreign salesman or shoemaker
was allowed to sell shoes or other craft products in the town except at the
time of fair, and if this happened, the cehmeštar was allowed to confiscate
their ware.
The establishment of a guild was symbo-
lized also by the right to own a chest or till (ladica). Origi-
nally of simple shape, it developed in the course of the 18th
century into an ornamental lidded chest with a lock with
three keys held by the leaders of the guild. The chest could
not be unlocked unless all three were present and it was
always unlocked ceremoniously and during guild meetings.
The chest contained the most important valuables – privi-
leges, documents and meeting protocols, the cash-box,
signet-rings made of iron or brass with engraved guild sym-
bols used to verify documents, as well as two chandeliers for
decoration during meetings. It also contained the table
(tablica) used by the bijarmeštar to convene meetings. It was
usually made of brass in the shape of a heart or a book.
Guilds also had their flags under which they marched at
Corpus Christi processions, with figures of the patron saints
on the one side and the tools of the guild on the other side
of the flag. On street signboards (cimeri) of craft workshops
and stores, the name of the craft was represented by the
appropriate symbol, rather than written, due to the prevail-
ing illiteracy in the Middle Ages. The relationships within
the guilds were strictly defined. According to the rules of
the shoemaker's guild of 1627, an apprentice (šegrt, navuèal-
nik, inaš, sluga) was taken into a 3-year apprenticeship if he
was under 20 years of age, while older apprentices would
serve apprenticeships of two and a half years. The master
was obligated to feed and clothe the apprentice and to give
him a suit and boots after the end of the apprenticeship. At
this point the apprentice would become the journeyman
(djetiæ, kalfa, mladenec), be entered into the protocol and
receive a certificate of apprenticeship (naukovni list, Germ.
Lehrbrief). Although this was not obligatory for all guilds,
some journeymen (djetiæi) had to go on a three-year journey
(vandranje, fremtovanje) in the course of which they worked
and collected experiences in a number of workshops, often
in very distant cities. The master craftsmen with whom the
journeyman stayed would write comments on his conduct
and progress at work into a journey-book (vanderbuh). From
preserved journey-books of Samobor journeymen we under-
stand that they stayed in Celje, Maribor, Graz, Vienna,
Prague, Budapest, Milan, Salzburg, etc. (Sudnik, 1989:12).
Since no opanci were worn in these regions and thus there
were no masters of the opanci-making trade, a journeyman
of this trade would regularly spend the three years of his
training in Croatian and Serbian regions where opanci were
worn (Horvat, 1936:88). A journeyman (djetiæ) who com-
pleted his journey and wanted to become a master crafts-
man was required to make a masterpiece – majstorštuk
(Meisterstück), and if it was satisfactory, he would receive
150
the master's certificate (Šercer, 1989:16). All Zagreb guilds
had their journeymen's organization, the so-called Small
Guild, which also had a chest, a jug used to drink brother-
hood and regulations (pravila) issued by masters. The pre-
served document Regule šoštarskeh detiæev (Regulations of
Shoemaking Journeymen) in the Croatian language repre-
sents an ethical code of its kind – a book of etiquette for
the journeymen of the 17th century (Šercer, 1991:28).
Besides craftsmen joined into guilds,
there were also those who worked "na šteru" (Stöhrabeiter).
They made their rounds of noblemen's castles and serfs'
houses, selling their services to the landlord and using his
material (leather, cloth) to make, among other things, opan-
ci and boots for all household members. Another category of
"non-guild" craftsmen were the so-called fušari (Germ.
Pfuscher – bungler, fumbler), who were forced to secretly
operate in villages and towns because master tradesmen
were reluctant to grant journeymen the master's title for
fear of competition.2 Their activity, although disapproved
by the guilds, was nevertheless allowed according to the
General Guild Rules (Biæaniæ, 1936.55). The practice of
the so-called travelling masters persisted until after World
War II. In the region of Grobnik, shoemakers went from vil-
lage to village mainly on Sundays and worked to order only
(Luke
iæ, 1994:222). In the lowland villages of the Zagreb
surroundings master tradesmen would rent a room where
they repaired footwear and made new one as long as there
was demand, after which they would go to other villages
(Šestan, 1987:171).
Due to the increasing development of
manufacture and the industrialization sweeping over the
Habsburg Monarchy and Croatia in the second half of the
19th century, the guilds as specific, closed class organiza-
tions, started to hinder the development of the trade. By
the force of the Imperial Patent Act of 1859, the guilds
were abolished. However, the guild spirit lived on in the
craft cooperatives which were founded thereafter and pre-
served the guild traditions, customs and objects for many
years. But the Trade Law of 1872 with its provisions and
the nearly unlimited freedom of trade put the guild auton-
omy, statutes and rights completely ad acta (Matovina,
1987:60). The industrialization of the shoemaking produc-
tion was thus conceivable only after the abolishment of the
guilds. A private factory producing shoes and boots on a
large scale was founded in 1877 in Zagreb, the production
2 According to statistics of the year 1815, there were 4536 handicraftsmen
("rukotvoraca") in the whole of Military Border, including assistants
(Horvat, 1994:257).
151
of opanci in Karlovac multiplied, while the boot-makers of
Vara
din expanded their market to Podravina, Zagorje and
Meðimurje (Horvat, 1994:321). The tradesman Josip
Jugoviæ opened the Primorska radionica opanaka (Opanci-
workshop of Primorje) in 1897 in Èavli, in the region of
Grobnik, where 10 workers produced all kinds of opanci "for
peasants, gentlemen, ladies, children and workers". This
was truly a large-scale trade plant (Luke
iæ,1994:223).
Between the two world wars, factories producing the most
diverse types of footwear emerged in Bjelovar, Karlovac,
Krapina. Tradesmen producing shoes and opanci were hard-
ly able to cope with the inroad of cheap shoes made by
Bata3, a producer that built large production facilities for
the whole of Balkans and the Near East in 1932 in Borovo,
thus putting a large number of shoemaking tradesmen in
the street4 (Kolar, 2002). New social and political circum-
stances after World War II rendered the private pursuit of
trade almost completely impossible. Tradesmen, as well as
their associations,5 were viewed with mistrust and the
attempts at their organization were regarded as a revival of
capitalism. After Croatia gained independence, broad legal
possibilities opened for the trade activity and entrepreneur-
ship. However, the survival of the shoemaking trade still
depends on the fierce competition of imported industrially
produced footwear, especially from the Asian continent.6
3 The shoe factory Bata was founded 1894 in Zlin, Czechoslovakia. It was
founded by the brothers Tomas and Antonin and their sister Ana. The first
batovka shoe was produced in 1897, and as soon as in 1905 the production
reached 2,200 pairs per day. In the 1930s, Bata was the greatest shoe
exporter worldwide (http://www.bata.com/about_us/heritage).
4 Tradesmen organized street protests in Croatian cities against Bata
footwear, demanding restrictions to be imposed on Bata operations. Bata
took up shoe repairs in 1934 and rubber boots started to seriously threat-
en the boot-makers, a formerly respected trade.
5 After World War II, trade chambers existed until 1948. They were abol-
ished because they were regarded as objectionable institutions in the
socialist system. The authorities have supported the foundation of trade
workshops in the public sector.
6 More than 11 billion pairs of shoes are produced worldwide. ...
Approximately 900 million pairs of footwear per year are imported to
Europe from other continents, out of which 300 million pairs from
China....The average price of footwear produced in China is 9,2 German
marks, while footwear from America costs approximately 20 marks.
(August 23, 2001) (http://www.hic.hr/hrvatski/vijesti/gospodarstvo.htm).
OPANÈARSTVO – THE CRAFT AND HANDI-
CRAFT OF MAKING OPANCI As already mentioned,
the youngest of the shoemaking guilds is the opanci-mak-
ing guild. According to available data, the first was founded
in Po
ega in 1761, as attested by a signet-ring with the
engraved year and trade symbols – opanak, last, awl and
curved knife (Horvat, 1994:228). The reason for the late
emergence of the opanci-making guild lays in the fact that
opanci were the traditional footwear of our peasants, made
by skilled individuals in extended family households. The
beginnings of the opanci-making guilds are described by
Rudolf Horvat: "The production of opanci was once regard-
ed as home industry. There were people in every village
who knew how to make leather opanci for their family
members, relatives and neighbours. In the beginning of the
18th century, several people of this kind settled down in
Zagreb's Kaptol and Vlaška street. They made opanci for
commercial purposes, to sell them at fairs taking place at
the main square Harmica. Since more and more village folk
from the immediate and wider surroundings of Zagreb vis-
ited the fairs, the opanci-making trade began to flourish.
This in turn naturally increased the number of opanèari (
opanci-makers), who resided at Dolac square, the streets
Pod zidom, Opatovina, Na potoku and the beginning of
Vlaška street. These opanèari were no longer peasants who
made opanci by the way. They were actual tradesmen, who
felt the need to protect their interests by joining a guild
organization. All members were Croats. Since they sold
their products to the gentlefolk, but to peasants, opanèari
did not have the chance to learn the Germen language. And
those 3 years the journeyman had to spend abroad to
become a master tradesman opanèari regularly spent in
Croatian and Serbian regions where opanci are worn.
(Horvat, 1936:85).
Since the urban and rural population cat-
egories had different needs, two groups of tradesmen
formed in the towns. One group worked predominantly for
the townspeople, while the other was oriented towards the
village and its requirements. Shoemakers worked for the
town clientele (mušterije), mostly to order and sold the prod-
ucts in their workshops, while the town opanèari usually
sold at fairs. Such distinction was common in most towns of
Croatia and Slavonia. Certain town craftsmen thus lived
only on the village consumers. Shoes and boots were avail-
able only to the more well-to-do and were worn at the most
festive occasions.
In some parts of Croatia the opanci-making
trade was differently distributed in various periods. While
the shoemakers' shoes quite early replaced the opanci in the
island and coastal regions, the opanci-making trade was a
part of the home industry, i.e. the handicrafts in the moun-
tain and partly the coastal regions, where skilled individu-
als used the simplest technology to produce the so-called
opanci oputaši. Somewhere in these regions it was customary
that a young married woman brings self-made opanci to the
bridegroom's house as an obligatory part of her dowry
(Toliæ, 1995:92). Opanci-making craftsmen were most
numerous in Slavonia and, as accounted by Ferdo Hefele:
"An opanèar is a real tradesman in Slavonia ... The Slavonian
must have opanci, even if everything else was patched up all
over again... The opanci-making trade is a well-reputed
trade across Slavonia and Srijem. As hard the opanci-making
trade may be, it is also profitable, and hardly a tradesman
will prosper like an opanèar in Slavonia" (Hefele, 1886:39).
As opposed to Slavonians, the inhabitants of Hrvatsko
zagorje, Podravina and Meðimurje had a very aversive atti-
tude towards opanci. In the region of Prigorje around Jaska
they were a sign of poverty and privation, while in the near-
by region of Pokuplje they signified wealth (Cvetan,
1986:7). It is significant that shoes and boots were gladly
accepted in regions where industrial fabrics very early
replaced home-woven fabrics in the production of the
national costumes, so that industrially produced shoes were
accordingly quickly accepted. It is possible that the proxim-
ity of industrial centres – Zagreb, Vara
din, Krapina,
Koprivnica – contributed to this phenomenon.
The types of opanci, their names and ways
of production are a very extensive subject. As allowed by
the scope of this catalogue, only the most important char-
acteristics shall be mentioned here. Opanci were women's,
men's and children's footwear. The basic division into opan-
ci oputaši and opanci kapièari has already been mentioned.
The former belonged to the home industry, while the latter
were a craft product. The process of producing the simplest
opanak oputaš is described by Mijat Stojanoviè, a village
teacher in Babina Greda in the mid-19th century: "Our peas-
ants are also opanci-makers. They are very skilled at tanning horse,
ox and cow hides for opanci, calf, pig and foal skin for bags and
slippers, sheep shin for sheepskin coats, cat and kid skin for diple
(twin-reed shepherd's flutes) and bagpipes, etc. The skin for
opanci is tanned like this: just after skinning the animal, they strew
the skin with ashes and fold it together, and leave it like this for a day
or two. Then they stretch it over stakes and take it to the house attic
to dry, and then cut it on a last for opanci and distribute among the
household members. Everybody removes the hair from their opanci,
scraping it away with a sharp knife and only then they place the
scraped opanci of raw skin into a trough or vat, in which they pre-
viously soaked up this salted bark. The peasants call this tanning and
152
after a few days, when the bark in the tann has swollen and turned
red, they take it out and plait straps around putranci opanci, or
they also make pletenjaci and they use for such work only: a knife,
a punch, an awl, and work mainly by eye, without measure and last."
(Stojanoviæ, 1854).
On a cut piece of leather, they would
pierce holes along the edge and thread the skin strips, often
called vrnèanica (straps of soft sheep or goat skin or twisted
animal intestines), through the holes by first tying the oputa
at the tip of the opanak, then passing it through the holes at
the edges to the length one wanted the upper part of the
foot covered, and then braiding them. Sometimes also a
wooden last, identical for both feet, was used, which made
it easier to form the opanak. The high heel grip was (back
part of the opanak) also leather-braided, so that longer laces
were left to fasten the opanak around the ankle.
To ensure easier production and more
comfortable, durable, robust and softer footwear, leather
was tanned in many ways, but always after a cleaning
process. In order to get the so-called golica (middle layer of
the skin), it was necessary to remove the top and bottom
layer. This was achieved by immersing the raw skins into
lime, which decomposed the hair roots, and scraping off
flesh fibres and connective tissue from the bottom layer.
The thus obtained golica was then dipped into watered
hydrochloric acid to remove the remaining lime and the
leather was prepared for tanning. The tanning agent deter-
mined the leather colour and water resistance. People usu-
ally used tanning agents of vegetable origin.7 The tannins
used for tanning were obtained from the bark of oak, alder,
sweet chestnut, acacia, sumach leaves, gallnuts etc.8 The
bark was dried well and then reduced to powder. In the tan-
ning vessel, the powder was poured over with boiling water,
cooled down to the temperature bearable for the hand and
then the leather was be soaked in it (it would crack if the
water was too hot). The leather would soak there until the
7 Yellow was obtained from alder bark, reddish from 2/3 of alder bark and
1/3 of birch bark (Hefele), and black was obtained by dissolving blue vit-
riol in water and applying this solution to the leather surface (Cvetan,
1986:6) or by dissolving old iron (Šestan,1987:171).
8 Besides vegetable tanning agents, leather was tanned also with mineral
agents. One kind is the solution of alum and rock salt, which turned
leather steeped in it white. This tanning process is applied to goat and
sheep skin intended for fancy goods. Another process is the tanning with
chrome, yielding calfskin (boks) from various types of skin and chevreau
(ševro) from goat skin. The skins must be coloured and oiled before dry-
ing. The main advantage of chrome-tanned leather is its resistance to
water, especially boiling water. Another known process is also the tanning
with oils, especially fish oils. It is usually applied to skins of calf, sheep,
deer, antelope, etc. Leather obtained by oil-tanning is very soft (Stjepan
Gjurgan, Postolarstvo, Zavod za unapredjenje zanatsta, Zagreb, 1937.)
153
second water would start to boil. Then the leather was
taken out, the water was drained from the vessel and the
bark dregs were again poured over with hot water. The later
was beaten in the cooled solution to absorb the tannin as
well and even as possible. This process was repeated over
ten days. After that, the leather was wrought out (i
imala)
with two sticks twisted by two men in opposite directions.
The leather was then stretched and dried in the shade in
the summer or in a warm workshop in the winter. When the
leather was halfway dry, it was stored away, ready to be used
for the production of footwear.9
The process of making opanci oputaši from
cured leather is basically the same as the simplest form of
production. According to Hefele, there are two types of
opanci oputaši – presukaši and prepletaši, the names of which
derive from the term oputa running across the middle of the
upper part of the opanak, through which straps called
vrnèanice are drawn from one side to the other. In the case
of opanci presukaši, the presuka is made of two thongs twist-
ed around each other in such way that the strap (vrnèanica)
runs between them. In the case of opanci prepletaši, non-
twisted straight strips are used to form the so-called prije-
plet: one strap is cut in the middle and the other drawn
through it. The purpose of both techniques was to distrib-
ute the straps (vrnèanice) evenly and fix them in the middle
to make the opanak fit better, easier to put on and off. The
production of prepletaši is somewhat more complex, but the
end result is more pleasing. In the region of Imotska kraji-
na, the production of Sunday's best (misni) opanci required
great skill. For such opanci, thick cow-hide was bought for
the sole and 18 rastegljaja (the length of horizontally out-
stretched arms) of white oputa from sheepskin for the
naplet. Opanci produced by a very complex braiding process
were called pod veliku graðu, and girls from Donji Vinjani
were considered to be the best in the production of such
footwear (Toliæ, 1995:31). The type of prepletaši produced
by craftsmen is the so-called
utaki, women's festive ankle-
high opanci formerly worn in the villages of Zagrebaèko prig-
orje. They stand out for their yellow colour and the decora-
tive interwoven (fizovan) red, green and blue leather straps
and a tassel called brkovi or migica attached to the front part.
There is also another variant of this type of opanci, with a
cap in the upper front part, instead of the straps, sewn
along the sole.
9 Various parts of skin have a different value. The best parts are skins from
the back, the abdomen and the neck, but not the skin from the backbone,
because it is brittle and should be sewn or pegged with klinci. Forelegs and
the tail part are low-quality. (Gjurgan, 1937:120).
 The most varied opanci were made in
Slavonia, where they were very sought-after and highly
vallued.10 Opanci with a knit upper part (vrpèenjaci) were
produced until the late 19th century (Toldi, 1972), while
kapièari (opanci with caps), kajišari and remenjaši with long
straps to fix the opanci to the foot, typical for the entire low-
land area of Croatia, were made in the early 20th century.
They were made of tanned cow or calf hide. The basic tool
used by the opanèar in the process of production consisted
of blunt and sharp awls for the interweaving, braiding or
sewing of leather strips, the boda – a knife used for cutting
leather and making slits for the strips to be passed through,
the šubak – a wooden cone-shaped device to dab (optucava-
ju) the edges, appliances of various forms used to smooth
the edges (farkiš, gleter), and wooden patterns for the sole
and the cap (kalamiri).
The name kapièar is derived from the cap
(kapica) – the upper front part of the opanak, made of one
single piece of leather originally plaited and later sewn onto
the sole. The back part of the opanci – the heel – could be
plaited with straps (vrnèan), in one strand for men's opanci
and in many strands for women's opanci (e.g. in Kupinec).
In younger variants of the kapièars, laces were replaced by
buckles, while the heel part was made of one single piece of
leather, with a strap around it, tightened on the side by a
buckle – brnjica. In Slavonia, such opanci were called brn-
jièari, prejièari, in Moslavina æotoši, kiptenjaci, and in Lika
karlovaèki opanci. To make the opanak more durable, people
would use hobnails (cveki) in the toe and heel part or had
them hobnailed by a blacksmith. Very widely used orna-
ments, especially on festive opanci, were various flaps and
tassels (kalanðore, fucmani, kièini). There was also a whole
range of opanci that were by their parts, tailoring and elabo-
rate way of production somewhere between opanci and
shoes: šnirani – tied with laces; skapèani,
abièari, s bagom, ide-
ali, riglaši, opanèiæi na cugove – tightened by a buckle; saraši,
sariènjaci – ankle-high with laces; lakovani opanèiæi, sandale,
sandaletne with buckles on the side, etc. Such opanci were
made also by Josip Popiæ, a retired opanèar from Otok near
Vinkovci. He accounts that the ornament always had to be
yellow on opanci made at the request of womenfolk from
Babina Greda, the cap had to be round with a red ornament
for women from Otok, while women from upanja wanted
them to have a pointed (špicasti) tip. In addition, every vari-
10 In the town of Brod, 52 opanèari were the most numerous tradesmen
class in 1851, while in the region of Ðakovo half of all village tradesmen
engaged in the production of footwear and leather-work (Biæaniæ,
1936:31).
ant of the traditional costume required corresponding
footwear. The most festive, gold-embroidered costume was
worn with footwear embroidered in the same manner.
Changes in clothing implied changes in footwear. The most
recent type of opanci were the so-called gumaši, which came
into use between the two world wars. The sole was made of
crepe, while the upper part could be made of leather, rub-
ber or robust cotton cloth – tela. The upper part was con-
nected to the sole by sewing, gluing or driving nails though
it. They were usually tightened by a strap with a buckle on
the outer side. Although gumaši are referred to as opanci,
they do not have the same type of sole, which is the basic
distinction between the opanci and shoes. In case of opanci
and the intermediate forms, the sole is bent upwards and
connected to the upper part by plaiting, sewing or stitching
on, while the sole of shoes is straight and connected with
the upper part by sewing, gluing or using nails.
In many regions opanci were the daily
footwear even in the period following World War II. Now,
at the beginning of the third millennium, only few people
make them. One of them is Ivan Kruh Vuk, a shoemaker
from Ivaniægrad, who has together with his son carried on
the tradition of his father and grandfather, but cannot get
the trade license as an opanci-maker, because this trade is
not listed in the trade register. His customers are members
of cultural clubs, not only from Croatia, but from all over
the world where folk-dancers perform. He makes all kinds
of opanci and other traditional footwear copying received
specimen, regardless of what part of Croatia they are from.
Recently I had the chance to be present when a group of
young designers from Paris ordered opanci, with the inten-
tion to use them not only as inspiration for their work, but
also as light everyday footwear. The shoemakers in the
coastal cities and hinterland villages can serve as another
example. One of them is Vedrana Maraèa from Šibenik, who
inherited her father's shoemaking trade and carried on the
tradition with her husband and son, "because it would be a pity
to get lost". Although the main activity comes down to shoe-
repairs, they often get orders for gumaši, which are still very
popular among the village population. However, they are
also purchased by innkeepers for waiters in wine cellars
(konobe), "which are dressed similar to the traditional costume".
Such opanci are made of the hardest leather – kravina, which
she buys in Zagreb and Slovenia.
154
SHOES AND BOOTS A special group is comprised by
shoes a boots, which were, as already mentioned, mainly worn
in the coastal and central parts of Croatia. Their production is
more demanding as they are made of more parts and require
a different production technology. Simpler shoes and boots
are made on the same last for both feet. They include shoes
– kajserice, kondurice, firale made of fine Kaiser leather, custom-
arily used in the coastal regions by both men and women.
Shoes of this type were made in various leather colours, most
frequently in red, with a decorative upper edge and a bow
attached to the front part. Another very common type of shoe
were gondolete, low women's shoes similar to the towns-
women's pump shoes with higher heels, made on separate
lasts for the right and left foot. (Benc-Boškoviæ, 1983:71).
People also wore gete – semi-high shoes with an elastic insert
on the side, which was very fashionable in Europe at the end
of the 19th century (Gjurgjan, 1937:29). Shoes or certain
parts required in their production (heels, soles) were quite
often contained in packages sent by relatives from America
(galjiæ 2001:80). The typical footwear of north-western
Croatia was lace-shoes (cipele na
niranje, šnoršure) and boots.
They were made of cattle, horse and pig skin, and the soles
were made of the hardest part of cowhide – krupon. Their pro-
duction required greater skill and experience, which was
acquired by staying with a master tradesman from German-
speaking countries. It comes therefore as no surprise that
many terms related to the shoemaking trade have their roots
in the German language.11 The most significant period in the
development of the shoemaking trade was the 19th century.
At that time, the first leather-sewing machines appeared, the
left and right last came into use, models started being expert-
ly drawn and tailored, professional literature and training
emerged.12
What was in wear in Samobor, a well known
shoe and boot-making centre, is described by Milan Lang:
"Otherwise they wear – both men and women – mainly knee-high boots;
hobnailed at the heels and studded with nails (cveki) at the rim of the
sole. In the summer, girls wear on Sundays and holidays shoes (cipele,
cokle), tied in front by shoelaces through holes ("
norum ze
nira-
ju/
niranci")...... Besides ordinary lace-shoes, they also wear boots (šti-
11 E.g. knaj-knife for cutting, štuper-blunter, abnemer-clipping tool, viši-
šnajder-cutting tool, radl-tracing wheel, ampus-heating device, glenštik-edg-
ing device, šidl-awl, lohajzl-piercing tools, knaj-tranchet, holcrašpa, auzrašpa-
scraper, lasciger-hook for taking out for the last, cirkl-pair of compasses.
12 The first shoemaking trade book was written in 1890 by master Mirko
Kunst of Kri
evci, while the first trade training for shoemakers, led by mas-
ter Antun ibrat, started in Zagreb in 1893. The first trade journal
"Napredni postolar" (Advanced shoemaker), edited by Stjepan Gjurgan,
was published in Zagreb in 1920. (Gjurgan, 1957:25-26)
155
flete) with high and low heels, made of black and yellow leather...Boots
had to have high and smooth ("glat") boot-legs, they had to squeak when
walking (na "škrip"), be carefully polished ("zbiksane") and shiny. Male
boots were made of calf-hide, female boots of cordwain leather....Boots
were everyday and holiday footwear: the leather of everyday boots was
sawn onto the sole so that the rim was turned outwards ("na vanjsku
obrtu"), while holiday boots were sewn "na rom" (with the rim turned
inwards). ....Hobnails and nails for boots were worked by blacksmiths;
they also hobnailed the boots....The boot-makers of that time did not
even know how to stretch the leather; this is why the boots had creases at
the "grlo" (bending) (Lang, 1911:170,171). Such types of foot-
wear, though with numerous local versions of ornaments and
forms, were present throughout the central part of Croatia.
It is a paradox that the product of the opan-
ci-making trade is the oldest type of traditional footwear, but
the craft itself is the youngest shoemaking craft. The reason
for this is that for a long time opanci have been a product of
peasant handicrafts, practised to meet their needs. With the
arrival of the first opanèari handicraftsmen to the towns and
larger settlements in the early 19the century, opanci became
part of the ware offered at fairs. Growing demand increased
the number of opanèari, who founded the first autonomous
guilds. The shoemaking and boot-making crafts are of earlier
origin, but their products were for a long time intended only
for urban customers. Increased demand for shoes and boots
appeared in regions which were to the mid-European and
Mediterranean circle or depended on the proximity of bigger
urban centres. With the industrialization and the expansion
of the trade network, craft products are being replaced by
cheaper industrial produce, while global fashion trends have
blurred the distinction between urban and rural consumers.
Administratively, the opanci-making craft no longer exists.
Opanci are made only by few craftsmen and only for the re-
quirements of folk dance groups wearing traditional footwear
as an obligatory part of the stage costume. Since the tradi-
tional costume, including footwear, is the most expressive
symbol of the national identity, the need for the production
of traditional footwear will continue to exist in the future.
The survival of shoemakers, however, will depend on the
competition of cheap Chinese imported footwear which is
slowly conquering wide global expanses. The shoemaker's
future is probably in the production of exclusive, unique
fashion footwear which would outshine serially produced
shoes by its quality and beauty.
Fortunatelly, we can still find examples of
quality shoemaker's footwear, in workshops which continue
the tradition for more then several decades, or in the studios
of young designers who are making their way into the world
of fashion.
Aida Brenko Footwear and its Meaning
in Rural Communities in Croatia
translated by Mirjana Randiæ, Hrvojka Barlek
proof reading James Dobric
T HIS TEXT SPEAKS ABOUT THE FOOTWEAR OF RURAL
POPULATIONS in Croatia from the last decades of the 19th
century until the first half of the 20th century. During this
time, the kind of footwear of the rural social class differed
considerably from that of other populations in Croatia (Muraj
1998: 109). Soft-soled footwear – opanci, as the oldest type of
rural footwear, remained in usage in many parts of Croatia up
until the 1950s. The term footwear, in its ethnological sense,
considers everything that was put on one's feet.
Footwear is usually mentioned in descrip-
tions of the folk costume. As its integral part, it has also
changed and was formed in accordance with general civi-
lizational trends. In opposition to textile objects, footwear
is much less present in the museums. There are very little
remains of everyday and working footwear, since it was
worn until it was worn out. On the other hand, it should
also be pointed out that the rural population was often
barefoot. Except for that, there were no sentiments con-
nected with footwear, as there existed with folk costumes
that women made themselves from the first to the last
thread. This is why it was more rarely inherited or kept as
a valuable object.
In the 16th century the interest in ways of
dressing for different nations was awakening. The first pub-
lished works about clothing and footwear in Europe date
from this time. Illustrations of clothing worn by the inhab-
itants of our regions can be found in a literary work from the
16th century titled "Habiti antichi et moderni di tutto il
mondo" written by Cesare Vecellio. Dating from the 17th
century, there exist copperplate engravings as illustrations
in the work by Weikhard Valvasor. They represent the
inhabitants of the Istria, Primorje and umberak regions,
depicting rural and urban clothing and footwear. Here we
could mention many testimonies left by Balthazar Hacquet,
M. Breton, Fran Carrara and many others (Schneider,
1971). Morlacs, a specific ethnic community from the
Dalmatian hinterland, attracted the special attention of
travel writers, because of the Morlacs' characteristic way of
living, customs, clothing, and footwear. Dating from the
18th century, is a book by Alberto Fortis, titled "Viaggio in
Dalmazia" (Fortis, 1774) in which copperplate engravings
that illustrate clothing and footwear can be found. The
interesting fact is that the footwear represented in these
books was still worn in rural Croatia at the beginning of the
20th century.
It was not until the end of the 19th centu-
ry that there appeared a wider and more professional inter-
est in rural clothing, and therefore in the footwear as well.
At the same time there matured the idea of ethnography or
ethnology as a scientific discipline. The significant moment
for the study of clothing and footwear of rural population in
Croatia took place at the end of the 19th century, when
Antun Radiæ gave the theoretical basis for systematic col-
lecting of ethnographic data. In such a way, valuable mate-
rial about the footwear of specific regions was also collect-
ed and published in Anthologies of the folk life and customs
of South Slavs. The data mainly speak about the end of the
19th and the beginning of the 20th century, thus forming a
basis for the opportunity to follow the changes which hap-
pened under the influence of modernisation in the decades
to come. Descriptions of everyday life in those anthologies
are most valuable, because through them we can get to
know a lot of data concerning the complex social relations
inside the communities, that found their expression in the
way of footwear as well.
It was in the 19th century that regional
styles of footwear reached their pinnacle. Almost every vil-
lage demonstrated some pecuilarity of its own. However,
after a more detailed analysis, we can sort these various
shapes into several basic types. From the ethnological point
of view, it is common to refer to three cultural zones in
Croatia: the Pannonian, the Dinaric and the Adriatic one.
These regions are areas with uniform natural conditions,
where various communities live in a similar way.
156
Characteristics of footwear are due to climatic conditions,
kind of soil and the prevailing branches of economy. Still, as
happened with other cultural goods as well, footwear was
also shaped under the influences of other cultures and the
fashion of the upper social strata (Muraj, 1998: 109).
Although rural footwear can at first glance
look uniform, to the person who is better acquainted with
local circumstances, it expresses, in a symbolic way, the dif-
ferent needs of the people who wear it. It shows therefore,
their ideological and moral values, together with forms of
aesthetic, religious, national and class belonging. Footwear
was especially suitable for demonstrating the economic sta-
tus, profession and also the difference in sex and age
(Bogatyrev, 1971). The openness of foootwear to changes is
something that makes footwear, as an item of material cul-
ture, especially interesting. No matter whether we consid-
er its physical characteristics or its function, at the turn of
the 20th century footwear was rapidly changing, thus repre-
senting one of the most evident indicators of the changes
that were taking place in rural communities.
THE PANNONIAN REGION Concerning the great
cultural diversity of this region, we divided the description
of footwear into several groups. Typical traditional footwear
of the Pannonian region are various types of soft-soled
footwear, as well as boots.1 Beside soft-soled footwear called
kapièari, kajišari, that were tied around the foot and leg with
leather straps, newer types of footwear were worn too – vari-
eties with buckles (brnjièari) or laces (
niranci). From the
1850s different kinds of shoes (cipele2) were introduced too.
We start our survey with villages in the
neighbourhood of Zagreb, where – in spite of the vicinity of
the town and the continous contacts and interchange among
its inhabitants – a type of soft-soled footwear,
utaki3, unique
to the Pannonian region, was kept in usage almost until the
1960s. Concerning the fact that this type of soft-soled
footwear is today often found in souvenir shops, in a certain
way it symbolizes the identity of Zagreb. Women used to
wear opanci with white cotton knee-high stockings, štrumfe,
that were tied under the knees with red ribbons, podve
njaki.
utaki were prevalently worn with festive clothes, while for
1 Boot – Croatian èizma, from Turkish çizme (HER, 2005: 230).
2 Shoe – Croatian cipela, from Hungarian cipellö (HER, 2005: 230).
3 The upper part of footwear is made of thin straps of calfskin. There is
an ornament done in multicoloured leather straps at the middle of the
intertwined part, while along the edge of the front part a decorative
leather tassel is fixed.
157
the daily chores people usually put on footwear made of dark
leather, with the upper part made in one piece. Over soft-
soled footwear women used to wear paème4, a kind of thick-
soled slippers, made by the local female artisans called
paèmerice. In winter younger women also wore mid-calf-high
shoes, made mostly of light-brown leather, laced-up in the
front (Benc Boškoviæ, 1987: 256-257).
Until the beginning of the 20th century,
instead of wearing stockings, the inhabitants of Prigorje
wrapped their legs in obojci – quadrangular pieces of home-
spun linen. Their footwear consisted of various soft-soled
items with the upper part made of one piece of leather, pro-
duced by local and town craftsmen. Among them were
opanjki s remenom made of black leather, with a decorated
piece of leather in the form of tongue, called fucman, on the
front part. Vlaški opanci are mentioned too. They were made
of black leather, with a front part in one piece. They were
purchased in Zagreb Vlaška Street, hence their name (Benc
Boškoviæ, 1987: 259). This region was especially character-
ized by knee-high black boots made of firm leather. They
were made by local or town craftsmen and were worn over
the legs of cloth-trousers.
In other villages in the vicinity of Zagreb,
the ways of footwear followed the same pattern. During the
week-days soft-soled footwear (kapièari) were put on, while
škornji (black boots), or shoes after the town's fashion were
worn with festive clothes. The possessing of škornji was the
evidence of relative affluence.
Between the two World Wars in villages
south of Zagreb, women started to wear šlape na bezec5; this
is a transitional shape between soft-soled footwear and
harder shoes and was worn with festive clothes. They were
purchased from soft-soled footwear-makers in Zagreb.
The connection with the middle-Euro-
pean Pannonian area is especially visible in the footwear
from Podravina and Meðimurje, where instead of soft-soled
footwear people used to wear boots or cokli6, high shoes with
laces. Of course, in earlier times opanci typical for the whole
Pannonian region were worn in these parts too, but in the
20th century they were mostly used only for work. The
4 The upper part of paème was made from wide straps of multicoloured
cloth intertwined on a last. Paème were also worn alone as a kind of slippers.
5 This kind of footwear was made of brown leather decorated with inlaid
patches of black patent-leather. They had a small heel and were tied with
narrow leather straps. They were purchased from soft-sole-footwear mak-
ers in Zagreb.
6 The name cokli derives from the Latin word soccus, Italian zoccolo, a wod-
den shoe (Skok, 1973: 271).
Ethnographic Museum in Zagreb possesses opanci vezovaki
from the region Podravina. These are soft-soled footwear
weaved from the bark of a type of elm-tree.7 Such footwear
was home-made and used for work.
It is interesting that boots characteristic
for the village Koprivnièki Ivanec represent today typical
footwear for the whole region of Podravina, although it is a
known fact that the ancestors of today's inhabitants moved
from Northern Hungary at the times of the Austro-
Hungarian Monarchy. These boots are made of soft, co-
called cordovan leather8, with decorated legs. Their popu-
larity can also be noted in folk songs.
Vatroslav Ro
iæ, a high-school teacher
born in Sv. Jana, gives a detailed description of footwear
and its use in the region of Jaskansko Prigorje, at the turn
of the 20th century: "In summer children, boys, girls and younger
women go around always barefoot, while on Sundays and holidays
boys put on boots or soft-soled footwear, while girls and women wear
boots; married men and old people wear always boots if only they can
afford them, but if they cannot have boots, they prefer to go around
barefoot than to wear opanci, because if an older man wears opanci,
it signifies that he is poor." (Ro
iæ, 2002: 67).
Individual economic circumstances are
reflected in the possessing of boots, because they were pur-
chased and therefore they witness better material condi-
tions that their owners lived in. By the appearance of other
kinds of footwear, opanci began to be despised not only as an
expression of poverty, but of primitiveness as well, therefore
people chose rather to walk barefoot than to wear opanci.
Opanci were worn daily mostly by children,
boys and young men, usually for work. Certain people from
better off homes never put them on. Opanci here refer to a
type of opanak with the upper part made in one piece, with
leather straps. Together with opanci people wore obojci – rags
made of large pieces of textile, that they wrapped around
the leg to the ankle; in winter wrapped to the calf. For
females the everyday footwear were called cokle, which
looked like boots without legs; they were worn without rags.
Boots were hobnailed at the heels, while
their soles were fixed with shoe-nails. They were worn with
rags made of old linen material or pants. Soft-soled footwear
and boots were purchased at the fair in Jastrebarsko (Ro
iæ,
2002: 67-68).
7 We can find footwear made of tree-bark also in the wider Pannonian
region. The Etnographic Museum in Zagreb possesses such a pair from
Poland.
8 Finely cured leather, from the Spanish-Arabian town Cordoba (Skok,
1973: 153).
"Showily dressed women wore boots that were
sewn through with yellow thread at the back and had high heels;
nowadays they have the boot-legs decorated with patent-leather and
ornamented in yellow thread; old men and women do not wear such
decorated boots. Today even these boots are not attractive enough for
showy women and boys and girls, today every young person wears
slip-on or buttoned shoes or the similar, just as townspeople do.
Small children also have such shoes and they do not wear cloth rags
but stockings. However, men still wear rags; men do not wear shoes
as much as women and girls do". (Ro
iæ, 2002: 67).
Although a large number of peasants
owned boots, their particular decorative elements empha-
sized social differences ever more, which eventually does
make the function of festive footwear so important. We can
see that younger females were the first to accept the fash-
ion of the town. Festive footwear, as opposed to the every-
day kind, emphasizes the difference of age very clearly. The
older the age, the weaker the aesthetic and social function
of footwear becomes. It was less important for older women
to dress up with the aim to attract someone. Footwear does
not satisfy only the practical needs and the personal taste of
its wearer, it also reveals its environment and fulfills its
moral norms: "Old people do not wear shiny boots nor shoes with
large heels". (Ro
iæ, 2002: 189). In a different place we can
also read: "Today a young guy wears shiny boots, if only he can
afford to buy them...nice outfit suits young guys, it does not suit the
married ones though, they would be scolded if they wore any."
(Ro
iæ, 2002: 162).
There existed standards, therefore, about
footwear suitable for particular age groups. The way of its
wear had individual and social implications.
The subordinate position of young daugh-
ters-in-law, as was the typical case for the patriarchal way of
life in extended families, was also reflected in the types of
chores they were supposed to do. One of them was washing
the feet of their fathers- and mothers-in-law: "In earlier times
daughters-in-law would wash the feet of their fathers- and mothers-
in-law every Saturday; today this is not heard of any more." (Ro
iæ,
2002: 166). In the majority of Croatian areas the cleaning of
footwear was, according to the division to male and female
jobs, the female task. As her work was less appreciated in
most communities, and because the woman herself was
often considered unclean, it is not surprising that tasks
around washing and cleaning were exclusively in her
domain: "In winter, when a woman gets up in the morning (and she
is always supposed to get up first), before all she starts the fire, and
then she has to wipe and clean her own boots, as well as those of her
husband's and of everyone she lives together with in the community."
(Ro
iæ, 2002: 168).
158
 In Pisarovina, as in the whole Pannonian
territory, people often went barefoot. In winter they wore
boots (škornji), which earlier had soft legs, but in the 19th
century regular soldiers' boots prevailed and passed under
the influence of fashion from the military uniform into civil-
ian male and female footwear. After putting on boots, men
would tuck their pants into high boot-legs. Nevertheless,
the usual footwear were still opanci kapièari, in which case
pants were tied around the ankles, a little above the rags.
They were produced with slight local variants by soft-soled
footwear makers who lived in every village and dealt with
footwear-making as well as agricultural production. With
opanci, women wore woollen stockings (kopice), knitted in
variegated horizontal stripes, while later on kopice could also
have floral patterns in lively colours. These stockings were
made by Romany-women who lived in permanent settle-
ments along the Kupa River. Together with festive clothes
women would wear high shoes, too. These shoes were
called štrfetlini na
nir and – as was the case with neighbour-
ing Posavina – they could be embroidered with multi-
coloured silk as well (Gušiæ, 1976: 58).
A survey of footwear, given by Milan Lang,
a high-school teacher from Samobor, in his famous mono-
graph about life in Samobor at the beginning of the 20th
century, superbly depicts the economic and cultural circum-
stances of the time: "Girls of today wear many kinds of shoes that
are in fashion. In earlier times women used to wear blue velvet shoes.
Beside ordinary laced-up shoes they wear shoes with high or low heels,
made of black and yellow leather...Before our times girls would put on
open cut-out shoes – cipeliši – in summer. To each end of the shoe a
ribbon was sewn and tied crosswise around the ankle. In winter
women and girls used to wear boots. In summer women wore the same
kind of shoes as the girls, only without the ribbons. They also went to
the ball in such shoes" (Lang, 1911: 169-170). These last senten-
ces show that sometimes the wearing of just one element (a
ribbon in this case) can point to a different status affiliation.
At the beginning of the 20th century foot-
wear worn in Samobor was made by local boot- and shoe-
makers. People also bought ready-made shoes in the shop.
Lang does not mention opanci at all. Boots were the main
male footwear for all the seasons of the year. Nevertheless,
there existed a difference between everyday and festive
ones. Festive boots had to have high and smooth legs, they
should have to squeak while walking9, and they had to be
carefully cleaned and shiny. Male boots were made of calf-
9 This was achieved by inserting chalk between the insole and the sole,
or the leather of these two parts was turned face-to face, so it squeaked in
walking. They say that such boots were not meant for ladies' men.
159
skin, while female ones were of cordovan leather (Lang,
1911: 170).
In earlier times women and girls wore
cloth rags with boots, but at the time when Lang was writ-
ing his monograph, white stockings (štumfe) came in usage.
They were tied above the knee with a ribbon or a piece of
elastic band. As long as women were not skillful knitters,
stockings were bought in shops. However, at the start of
the 20th century women usually knitted them or bought
ready-made ones (Lang, 1911: 169-170).
In winter, when walking around the
house, old people used to wear a kind of slippers, as was the
habit also in the villages near Zagreb. Similar footwear – filci
– was worn by craftsmen who were selling their goods at
fairs. It was made of felt, produced by hat-makers.
In the past, a type of footwear was one of
the main elements of distinction among various ethnic
communities in umberak. The difference in footwear
between the authoctonous inhabitants of the ethnic group
Šokci, of Roman-Catholic confession, and the newcomers
Vlaji who gathered with time around the Greek-Catholic
Church, and who had arrived in umberak in the 16th cen-
tury, was lost relatively soon. We can realize from older doc-
uments that Vlachs ceased wearing nazuvci (a type of
woollen footwear) and opanci prepletaši (soft-soled footwear
with the upper part made of leather straps), characteristic
for the Dinaric region, as early as the 1850s. Their trace,
though, is preserved in the saying "He is not up to his
straps!" meaning that a person is not equal to another one
(Muraj, 1976: 67-88). In eastern umberak nazuvci are
mentioned under the term èarape, while in older documents
they are called hlaèice. They could be made of cloth and
were always embroidered with wool. Differences between
Šokci and Vlaji can be recognized in other footwear termi-
nology as well.
Between the the two World Wars, the typ-
ical footwear in umberak were opanci kapièari. Females
belonging to both ethnic groups knitted their stockings
themselves, using five needles and home-spun wool. On
stockings they put footwear sometimes called opanki remenci
or opanki z remenjem (opanci with straps). They were pur-
chased at fairs in Jastrebarsko, Samobor and Karlovac. Beside
stockings, which were sometimes knitted by men of Vlach
origin, long ready-made stockings called štunfe were worn
throughout the 20th century. This item was introduced into
the usual wardrobe by women of Roman-Catholic confession
earlier than by those of the Greek-Catholic one.
Beside soft-soled footwear, better-off
women wore postole or mestve – low black shoes, while at the
turn of the 20th century shoe-makers were producing
èizmice – high lace-shoes (Muraj, 1976: 67-88).
In Posavina the oldest type of opanci were
vrbèenaki. Men used to make them at home for their own
needs, as well as for other members of the family. "...there
was a piece of leather on the bottom, while on top there were straps"
(Jajnèerova, 1898: 139). These probably were footwear sim-
ilar to the kind worn in the Dinaric region. Afterwards, in
Moslavina, remenaši or kajišari were introduced. This was a
kind of opanci kapièari. They were worn with rags and laèice
– quadrangular pieces of linen that were wrapped around
the leg from the knee to the ankle. There was a difference
between male and female footwear. Female opanci had an
intertwined section along the middle of the upper part, and
keèka – a kind of tassel made of leather straps. There was no
heel, but a part of the sole was dragged upwards and
encased with straps. This technique was called vrnðanje. On
male footwear there was one row of interlacing, on female
ones there were two to three rows. In the south-western
part of Moslavina the front part of footwear were decorated
with various smaller tongues or tassels. On female opanci,
the tongue was longer.
Another type of footwear in Posavina were
klipetnjaci. In south-west Moslavina they were called skipetnj-
aci, while in north-eastern Moslavina they were called æotaši.
They had a toe cap in front and a 6 cm high heel cap at the
back. Male footwear had a strap that passed along the heel
top; it went over the toe cap and had a buckle at the side.
Female opanci had a slit on the toe cap, while at the sides
there were rows of holes for pulling through a long, leather
strap –
nora. For festive occasions such opanci were decorat-
ed with small holes, and were named
nirani or
nijerani
(laced-up) opanci. They were worn over kopice – stockings
(Moslavac, 1989: 4).
Kata Jajnèerova, the author of the mono-
graph about the village Trebarjevo near Sisak, writes: "There
were many kinds of klipetnjaci: for young married women and for the
girls they were decorated with red leather all around and in the mid-
dle they were laced-up like pujnðe (high shoes); for older women they
have no laces, only straps for binding; there are also black ones that
are laced-up" (Jajnèerova, 1898: 138). Red colour is, as the co-
lour of youth and vitality, usually reserved for younger age
groups.
Various types of opanci of this shoe-type
were in Moslavina also called pleteni (knit), prišiti (sewn-
up), lakirani (of patent-leather) or svetaèni (festive) foot-
wear. They were shaped according to the foot, with a heel
height from 0.5 – 5 cm. Saraši were opanci in the shape of
high shoes, fixed in front with a leather strap – šivaè.
Although we have seen how different
footwear is reserved for particular age groups, better-off
people wore footwear that was not always responding to the
standards associated with certain age or occasion. Jajnèe-
rova says that wealthy older people wore boots and shoes
every day, which caused the neighbouring peasants to com-
ment: "Look, it is known that he is rich! He who has, wears! Let him
wear them, when he can afford them!" (Jajnèerova, 1898: 137).
Women rarely wore footwear every day.
No matter the material possibilities, footwear was under-
stood as a kind of torture to the foot: "There are women who
do not put anything on feet during the whole winter, they do not feel
like struggling with it..." (Jajnèerova, 1898: 137). At the end of
the 19th century, for festive occasions women wore pujnðe
(a kind of shoes)10, in winter they wore high shoes called
mestve. Summer shoes could be made of canvas, cloth or vel-
vet. For going to mass women would wear small boots made
of red or yellow leather. In a description of a bride's cos-
tume from the 19th century, boots made of yellow leather
are mentioned. Later fashion introduced lemije: "Oh, this one
is rich, she wears lemije!" (Jajnèerova, 1898: 139). Such types of
shoes could be seen only in the church during the holy
mass: "They were so esteemed, who could have them in earlier times!
We wrapped them in kerchiefs when we went to the holy mass, near
the church we put them on and afterwards we took them off again and
went home barefoot" (Jajnèerova, 1898: 138). This example
speaks about a status, a social role of footwear, which was
more important than a real, physical one.
Later on lemije were worn by many women.
As an exceptionally festive footwear they passed over into a
ritual sphere too, therefore it is noted that middle-aged
women (around 45) used to be burried in lemije, while youn-
ger ones were burried in pujnðe. This was, of course, the
case if they were wealthy, because funerary footwear were
not deprived of their social and economic function. Foot-
wear for the period of deepest mourning was soft-soled
footwear with straps and cloth rags, which was the earlier
type of footwear in this region. It was not before the second
phase of mourning, when people started to dress in some of
their usual clothing, that pujnðe could be worn again.
In winter men would wear boots and štifet-
lini (high shoes), in summer only the shoes. In the middle
of the 19th century, male black leather boots were still a ra-
rity. So it has been noted that fifty young men got married
in the same pair of boots (Jajnèerova, 1898: 195).
Describing life conditions in Slavonia at
the end of the 19th century, Josip Lovretiæ, a parish priest
10 From the German compound Buntschuh/Puntschuh (Skok, 1973: 77).
160
in Otok near Vinkovci, specified the footwear worn at the
time: shoes, opanci, boots, èorapi (stockings) or natikaèe. The
latter were also called èalampure. These were woollen stock-
ings with leather soles. They were knitted from multi-
coloured wool by women for their own needs, or were pur-
chased from Romany-women. Stockings were then carried
to æurèije (furriers) who stitched them with thin red sheep-
skin. All the above mentioned footwear was put on a bare
foot or the foot was previously wrapped in variegated
woollen rags woven in a pattern using four heddles. At the
time when Lovretiæ was writing his monograph, some peo-
ple wore rags made of cotton. Traditionally, rags were
always made of white and black wool: "...only sometimes yellow
and red wool is mixed. When the rag is wrapped around the leg, three
uper lines are mixed in red, yellow and black colour" (Lovretiæ,
1990: 70). In winter poor children wore drevnjaci or clogs.
Girls wore shoes on a bare foot or with štrinfle (stockings).
Natikaèe or èorapi were also worn, but on a summer working
day they would usually go around barefoot.
As was encountered before, particular mo-
dalities of footwear are a standard for different age groups.
The greatest is the contrast between the young who accept
new styles and the older who go on wearing footwear of
their youth. At the end of the 19th century men in Slavonia
wore opanci, while younger men wore opanci or shoes. Older
people never wore shoes. In combination with opanci, every-
day 'worse' dress was worn. Opanci were made by local
craftsmen, but in earlier times people used to make them
themselves for their own needs. Here, opanci refer to
footwear made from thin straps. In the time of the mono-
graph, if opanci got torn, people mended them themselves.
After only several years of marriage, men
would wear only opanci: "It is a shame for married men to dress
up nicely, peasants say that such people spend too much time enjoying
themselves and too little at work" (Lovretiæ, 1990: 70). For going
to the holy mass in winter, married men wore boots. First
long forester's stockings had to be put on in such a way that
they protruded from the boots. Summer footwear consisted
of low and high shoes. Lovretiæ remembers that earlier,
men always wore boots, but after the roads in the village
were constructed, they started to wear only shoes. People
from wealthier homes wore – also when they got old – boots
instead of opanci. From the last example it is evident that in
the first case a particular item of footwear can define the
age affiliation, while in the second one, the same element
can reveal the material and social status.
On working days, women from Otok went
usually barefoot. Like in Posavina, when going to the field
women and girls wrapped their feet in laæci – quadrangular
161
pieces of linen – that protected them from injuries. Some-
times, when going to the neighbour's houses, girls would
put on natikaèe, natkane papuèe (a kind of slippers) or shoes.
On festive occasions they wore shoes with cotton or wool-
len stockings. Old women wore natikaèe on working as well
as on festive days11, while women and girls wore them only
in winter, in Lent and in mourning, or as working footwear
for the field. Here, the same footwear element can have dif-
ferent meanings, depending on whether a girl or a woman is
wearing it.
The female style of life was more defined
within a private sphere (family, neighbourhood), therefore,
female behaviour was more subject to strict, non-formal
means of social control (customs, the Church, the family).
For this reason a woman would express her mourning state,
which was visible also in footwear, more so than a man
would. Wearing or not wearing particular footwear could
indicate a status or family relationship within the commu-
nity, therefore, adult women in summer expressed their
deepest mourning by going around barefoot. Nevertheless,
Lovretiæ noticed that in his time females from Otok, as
opposed to those in Privlaka, wore natikaèe on Sundays.
Writing about medications of magical ori-
gin that were practiced in Slavonia, Lovretiæ mentioned the
custom where a woman in hard labour was given water to
drink from her husband's opanak, in order to ease the partu-
rition (Lovretiæ, 1990: 331). It is probably the case of con-
tagious magic, where footwear symbolizes male strength
which may help the woman during childbirth.
Two decades after the publishing of the
monograph about Otok, there appeared a book about Varoš,
a village near Slavonski Brod, written by Luka Lukiæ. Like
other writers of monographs, he describes male and female
footwear in detail, together with special remarks concern-
ing particular age groups. He notes differences between
festive and work footwear, and also points out distinctions
between summer and winter modalities.
The intertwining of the older and newer
type of footwear is already discernible in children's
footwear. There are examples where children's footwear
more quickly follows the ways of townsfashion, thus in cer-
tain communities, youths were dressed in a traditional way,
while children who just started to go to school were dressed
according to town fashion.
11 "In Otok it is not a shame to wear woollen stockings with a festive dress,
especially so if it concerns a woman and not a girl. In folk songs we can lis-
ten to verses that mention woollen stockings and red silken outfit."
(Lovretiæ, 1990: 87-88).
 Young boys up to 16 years of age did not
wear shoes in Varoš, but only opanci. When they went after
cattle in winter, they put on cloth rags and opanci. Cloth
rags for children were called ogrtaljci.12
Young girls up to 15 years of age usually
went around in opanci, while for festive occasions they put
on shoes. After that age it was important for the girl to mind
how she would appear in the village. In Slavonia footwear
played an important role as an indicator of material condi-
tions, especially for girls before marriage. If the family could
not provide shoes for every girl, mothers would buy them
with their own money.13
In certain regions, it was a very common
occurence that older types of footwear later on became
work footwear. Young men, girls and women up to the age
of 35 wore opanci and cloth rags on workdays. Along with
rags, women put on cotton stockings, while in winter they
had rags made of woollen cloth in order to keep warmer.
Rags were wrapped over the stockings. Cloth rags and
wooden clogs could also be worn as work footwear in win-
ter. For winter festive days young men would wear bought
woollen stockings. They would wrap them with rags and
then put boots on over them. In such circumstances men
wore cipele na cug (slip-on shoes), with white cotton-thread
bought stockings, while in winter they had blue woollen
stockings and high padded shoes. Male boots and shoes, as
well as female winter shoes, were hobnailed. In the time
when the monograph was written, low white shoes came
into vogue. They could be made of canvas (lastinske cipele) or
leather and were worn by girls and young women on sum-
mer festive occasions. At the time, on festive days, girls and
young women started to wear papuèe, stitched woollen stock-
ings, in combination with thinner stockings. On festive
occasions women wore shoes up until their fifties, while
some wore them till death. Otherwise, old people walked
around in opanci and rags. Along with opanci that were fas-
12 These were rags that were worn by the parents during one winter-time;
when they got torn at the heels, they were cut out in a smaller size and
given to children.
13 Between the two World Wars, the girls' wishes to dress showily was
pointed at in the press as the main cause of 'white plague'. A mother with
one or two female children did not wish to have more children, as she was
afraid that she would not be able to dress them up to the village standards.
With the introduction of money into peasant economy, the attitude
towards footwear started to change radically. Earlier it was a shame that a
girl would put on something that nobody else had, because she did not
wish to be different from the others. Then girls in the village started to
compete in shopping, from fear that "some no-good person" might surpass
them. It was sung therefore: "Sell, daddy, a cow and a calf
and buy me patent-leather shoes." (Sremac, 1940: 15).
tened with straps, there existed, as Lukiæ says, mali opanci
(small soft-soled footwear of the brnjièari type). They were
buckled with alèica (a kind of a buckle). They could be made
of black or red leather. So, for example, in summer women
went in small black opanci to Brod (Lukiæ, 1919: 96-98).
Between the two World Wars in the region
around upanja, the older types of footwear went out of
usage, but during shrove-tide women wore them as a kind of
everyday footwear. We speak here about rags made of che-
quered woollen cloth in beige and brown colours and opanci
of the kajišari type. Later on, as in other regions, opanci of the
brnjièari type prevailed. They had a decorative metal clasp –
baga, and were called ideali, or they had an ornamented
leather tongue – kalanèor. Together with rajtozne (a kind of
trousers), knee-high boots were always worn.
Among male footwear of this region, spe-
cial attention is drawn to fusekle, stockings made of rolled
wool, decorated with eleven multicoloured, horizontal wavy
stripes. Stripes represented a sign of identification in the
former Military Border, as upanja was the headquarters of
the 11th kumpanija – Elferija. Also characteristic were
woollen dark-red stockings decorated with white beads like
on a kind of bracelets (šticle). This kind of stockings was
worn till the 1950s (Bušiæ, 2005: 155-156).
In female woollen footwear we can also
find stockings decorated with interwoven glass beads, then
knitted stockings èièkane èarape and rarely preserved fusek-
lice which, different from male ones, had šare na jabuèice
(ornamens with motifs of small apples). Dark-red stockings
decorated with gulice (woollen balls arranged in a relief pat-
tern), mostly of pink colour, were kept in usage the longest
(Bušiæ, 2005: 157).
Nylon stockings were also combined with
traditional ways of dress, therefore, in summer women wore
thin najlonke-kajzerice, while on colder days they put on flor or
glotiferket-èarape, all in a sand-colour. Along with a ceremoni-
al outfit, black leather sandals with a small strap were worn,
or sandalete s remenèiæem – a kind of patent-leather sandals
with a strap and a low heel. They were produced by soft-
soled footwear makers in upanja. In the village Gradište,
sandals had higher heels. Up until the 1920s, women in win-
ter wore high laced-up shoes, and later gojzerice – high black
shoes, came into fashion (Bušiæ, 2005: 160).
Among the footwear in Baranja, the most
prominent are stockings knitted of red or multicoloured
wool. They were knee-high and were knitted by men, using
five needles. Beside multicoloured wool, white cotton
thread was also used. Stockings were named after the
motifs represented on them: èorape na jabuèice (stockings 'on
162
small apples'), na zvizde ('on stars'), na grane ('on branches'),
na ru
marine ('on rosemary'), na konje ('on horses'), na crvke
('on worms') and the like. There existed also èorape šite –
stockings decorated with embroidery, and èorape rogane –
stockings knitted in multicoloured horizontal stripes.
Younger persons wore stockings of lighter shades, while
older women preferred dark colours, mostly green and blue.
In time of mourning they wore white stockings with black
stripes. The colour of the footwear could reveal the age of
the wearer, or indicate a degree of mourning after a
deceased person.
Stockings with soles stitched with thicker
home-made linen or leather became very popular. A type
related to the previous one were èarapke, æose – a kind of
slippers knitted of multicoloured wool or white cotton
thread, with soles stitched with coarser home-produced
linen at first, and then later with leather. They were made
by women themselves for their own needs.
Poène or poèni are female slippers made of
rolled black wool, with a leather sole. They were made by
craftsmen and sold at fairs. Èarapke and poène were worn in
summer on bare feet, and on colder days with stockings.
For ceremonial occasions, komošne – a type
of low shoes with heels were worn. They were made of black
velvet and embroidered with a floral pattern and beads.
The winter-time footwear were opanci
kapièari, with straps for fastening, and brnjièari. In newer
times bought laced-up shoes made of a softer leather were
worn. The most common type of opanci were kajišari, with a
big tongue that overlapped the footwear, decorated with a
piercing technique. Along with these opanci, woollen rags
were worn. As work footwear, clogs were put on. Men also
wore èarapke, clogs and black leather footwear – opanci
kajišari. Boys and younger men wore shoes with multi-
coloured woollen stockings, while older people mostly
remained faithful to opanci. Together with a ceremonial out-
fit, younger men wore hard-leg boots with a heel up to 4 cm,
mostly decorated with shoe-nails (Maglica, 2003: 158-162).
THE DINARIC REGION For better understanding of
the described material, at the beginning we shall present
the general characteristics of footwear of the Dinaric region,
in accordance with the customary typology in Croatian eth-
nology (Gušiæ, 1955; Radauš-Ribariæ, 1974). The connec-
tion of footwear to the main branch of economy is particu-
larly noticeable in this area. Most raw materials used in
footwear production came from sheep.
Characteristic elements of the Dinaric
cultural region concerning footwear were, in the first place,
163
woollen stockings of different shapes, which could be knee-
length, mid-calf-length, above ankle-length, or they could
cover only the front part of the foot. They were put on in
several layers. Bjeève, biève14 were the first inner layer. This
was a type of footwear without the part covering the foot.
Usually they were knit from white wool in a simple knitting
technique using five needles. Onto bjeève, stockings –
èarape, èorape -were worn, which were sometimes called
grliæi, after their upper part, or after a Turkish term – terluci,
trluci. Their lower part with the sole was knit from white or
coloured wool, and was often streaked with a knitted orna-
ment. The female model reached behind the knee, where
it was underbound with a kind of garter, while the male
model was mid-calf-length. The upper part – grliæi, is
already very decorative in its knitting, and above that it is
embroidered and trimmed with graða – an embroidered
applicated ornament. Male footwear sometimes had grliæi
made of cloth. Their inner part was fastened with hooks
and eyes, kovèice. The third layer, short ankle-length foot-
wear were worn on top of èarape, called different names
with variants. These are nazuvci, nazupci, priglavci or natikaèe.
Short nazupci in the southern littoral were put on the toes
only, while priglavci in the mountains reached above ankle-
length, so they had decorated grliæi themselves, although
lower than those on èarape. Atop these knitted footwear,
the soft-soled leather footwear – opanci were worn (Gušiæ,
1955: 171). Dinaric opanci oputaši were mostly made of raw
cow-hide, for women and children of poorer circumstance,
they were often made of pigskin (Kutleša, 1993: 124). They
were also worn according to weather conditions – pigskin
for dry weather, cow-hide for rainy weather (Forjan, 2002:
126). They were put on a special last and knit all around
with oputa made of sheep intestine. Women used to knit
these kinds of opanci themselves, while in smaller city cen-
tres they were made by soft-soled footwear makers. In Lika,
as well as in some other parts of the Dinaric zone, instead
of oputa people used white rope – kanap (Gušiæ, 1955: 171).
These opanci are very suitable for walking on stony ground.
Along with woollen stockings, opanci fit tightly around the
foot and are very elastic. In this way they enable the foot to
adapt even to the smallest uneven areas.15
This description gives a general review of
the footwear in the Dinaric region at the turn of the 20th
14 A word biève spread through South-Slav area from the Adriatic to
Bulgaria, as a remnant from Balkan Latinism. Its first meaning was 'a leg of
trousers', 'a garment for the leg'. This meaning was narrowed to 'a stock-
ing'. This word is displaced in the eastern part of Croatia by a Turkism
èarape, and in the west by an Italianism kalcete (Skok, 1973: 146).
century, although in practice, of course, regional discrepan-
cies existed not only in the names and quantity of objects,
but also in the way of wearing certain parts of footwear stan-
dardized for certain sex and age groups. For example, in
Poljica, navlaèci and natikaèe were called 'male footwear',
while èarape and natikaèe were called 'female footwear' (Iva-
niševiæ, 1903: 334). It was similar in Lika too (Krèmariæ,
1905: 316). From the description of traditional clothing in
Vrlika that Sanja Ivanèiæ writes about, we learn that the
standard language term "obuæa" (footwear) in the tradition-
al terminology of Vrlika, described the object that is today
known as "stocking". Onto obuæa, obojci were worn – foot-
wear knit for the sole with no heel (Ivanèiæ, 2000: 84). In
Poljica, by obojak16 people mean a stub or a piece of cloth
which was put inside opanak as well as prièalina17
(Ivaniševiæ, 1905: 67). With similar meaning we find obojak
in Lika as well (Krèmariæ, 1905: 316).
Remembering the archaic folk footwear
that was worn in Poljica in the 19th century, Frano
Ivaniševiæ, a parish priest from Poljica, lists many types of
such footwear.18 He also mentions that in his day almost
nobody puts on footwear in this manner, and if one does, it
is put under one's trousers so it cannot be seen (Ivaniševiæ,
1903: 328).
During the time of the writing of the
monograph about Poljica, men used to wear biève made of
black or white wool, while some wore the ones made of cot-
ton-thread. Atop them they put terluci knitted from black
wool, with toes and heels decorated in various colours.19
The biève of men from Vrlika were knit, as
the most festive detail of footwear, from white cotton thread,
15 In ethnologic literature they are usually mentioned as an example of
perfect adjustment to Karst rugged ground. Even the doctors in the 1930s
write about them in a very commendable manner. Since this type of opan-
ci was a characteristic of the entire area of the Balkans, it is often men-
tioned that, during the First World War, the Serbs made headway much
quicker wearing opanci than the Austro-Hungarian army did in heavy army
boots.
16 "It is said: when obojak is good, opanak fits nicely, or obojak loves opanak. People used
to sing mocking verses to the girl who would not correctly put on opanci and obojci.
Opanèiæi flap about
Rags are falling down
Chains are clinking out
That guys don't fancy you." (Ivaniševiæ, 1905: 67).
17 A stub of leather put inside torn opanci so that the foot cannot be
bruised.
18 There existed juretna footwear made of red or blue èoja (cloth). There
was also srmana footwear, which was embroidered and decorated with sil-
ver thread, silver coins and other metal applications in order to shine and
lighten up the leg".
using five needles, in an airy lace-stitching technique. Above
them, if they are worn, potkoljenjaèe are attached. These are
small leather straps decorated with tiny lead and tin gran-
ules, with metal fastening buckles (Ivanèiæ, 2000: 84).
Women's footwear in Vrlika was very simi-
lar to those of the men. It differed only in size and in the
arrangement of embroidered motives, while obojci and opan-
ci were completely the same (Ivanèiæ, 2000: 87). Women's
stockings in Poljica were knit from bumbak (cotton) and
blue wool, with the upper part especially decorated with
red, blue and black threads (Ivaniševiæ, 1903: 322). In Lika
women's natikaèe were shorter than those of men, but in
some places graðene natikaèe were worn, decorated with
embroidered pieces of cloth, at the beginning of the 20th
century. Graðene natikaèe were worn only by girls and young
women with white stockings (Krèmariæ, 1905: 318-319).
In the Dinaric region the difference in sta-
tus between a woman and a girl could be seen in their
footwear. Girls wore klašnje instead of biève. Klašnje are stock-
ings without the foot-part. In Bukovica girls' klašnje were
knitted with white-red wool following a pattern. A stronger
woollen band – potpetnjak held them under the heel, while
under the knee they were tied with a knit braid – podveza,
or struèica. In Vrlika they were knit from home-spun wool in
tones of blue, green, and black with geometrical motives
similar to those used in a special weaving technique called
kljeèanje. Women's biève are made from blue rolled woollen
cloth. The back part at the calves is decorated with graða,
and through the middle there is a slit with hooks and eyes
for buckling (Ivanèiæ, 2000: 87).
It was also possible to point out the differ-
ence in religion or nationality through footwear. The leg
garment – biève in the Croatian folk costume of Bukovica
were made from blue or black cloth. They are often wedge-
shaped (biève klinaèe), but most often there is an application
at the calves of three horizontal stripes of red and green
cloth, embroidered with multicoloured wool, silk or cotton-
thread, and braided with a white galloon. In the Velebit
foothills biève were knit from blue home-spun wool, and at
the calves they were decorated with a vrk – a tassel made of
twisted blue wool.
Serbian leg garments, bjeève, were also made
from blue or black woollen cloth. At the calves they were slit
from the bottom upwards, fastened with a row of spunje and
kukci (hooks and eyes). Along the slit they were also decorat-
19 Terluci with the heel part made of black wool, and the bottom of toes of
white one, were called crnopetiæi, while completely black ones were called
crnavci.
164
ed with stripes of embroidered cloth, arranged in the form of
the Greek letter "p". Knitted or cloth bjeève were held under
the heels with a piece of stronger wool or cloth.
With women's leg garments, short nazupci
were also worn (in Croatian folk costume) or stockings (in
Serbian folk costume). They differ in the choice of colours
for the embroidered decoration, as well as in the motifs of
the embroidery (Oštriæ, 2005: 16).
In Lika, Serbian women (Vlainje) wore
graðene natikaèe longer than Croatian women (Bunjevke) did,
and also "... on a Vlach you will sometimes see graðene natikaèe, while
never on a Croat nowadays " (Krèmariæ, 1905: 320).
Describing folk-life in Smiljan in Lika at
the beginning of the 20th century, Krèmariæ writes: "People
used to wear nazupci, which are now out of fashion. Nazupci were
somewhat shorter than natikaèe. Atop natikaèe, opanci from
Karlovac were worn with leather upper-parts in one piece, or
oputaši, or prepletaši were put on. The latter are worn in winter
only by the people who could not afford to buy opanci from Karlovac.
On festive days girls and young women wear shoes." (Krèmariæ,
1905: 316).
From these examples it can be seen that
at the beginning of the 20th century only old people and
people of lower economy status wore the older type of
footwear, while younger generations (both men and
women) accepted new types of footwear more easily.
At the beginning of the 20th century opan-
ci prepletaši, which are the older type of opanci, were replaced
by opanci kapièari in other Dinaric areas, too: "Today young
people buy in the town a new type of opanci made from fine leather.
These are closed opanci with a string. They call them riški opan-
ci because they were mostly bought in Rika near Senj, or krovati
because they are cut in the way that peasants in Croatia wear them."
(Ivaniševiæ, 1903: 329).
In accordance with their basic function,
opanci prepletaši in Imotska Krajina were nosni and misni.
Nosni were for everyday usage and were mostly made in
home-manufacture for the family's own needs, while the
festive ones, misni, were purchased at local soft-soled foot-
wear makers. Particularly famous were šantarovci, named
after the soft-soled footwear maker from Vinjani. Another
type were gumavci, which had rubber soles. Yet another type
were opanci od robe, with a leather sole, and other parts made
of canvas (Kutleša, 1993: 124).
At the beginning of the 20th century,
nestve,20 flat leather shoes, were worn by older women only.
Their soles were made of thick leather, and the upper parts,
tumere, were made from thin leather with a red edging.
Young children 5-6 years of age also wore nestvice na uši,
165
which were tied so that they could not fall off their feet.
Other footwear made of leather were ðemelije21, while in
older times some men wore boots. Ðemelije looked like
nestve, only they were embroidered and made more beauti-
fully (Ivaniševiæ, 1903: 334). It is interesting that Ivan
Lovriæ in his "Notes about travelling through Dalmatia"
(1776), when giving comments about statements and obser-
vations made by Fortis, wrote that Morlacs were not so
strict, as Fortis stated, when it came to prohibiting girls
from wearing different footwear no matter how much money
their families might have or not have, but it actually was
quite the opposite. Wearing of Turkish flat shoes or jemelije,
which were a different type of footwear, depended on how
much money one could spend (Lovriæ, 1848: 101).
Different social differentiation within the
community allowed individuals bigger departures from con-
ventional forms. Better economic circumstances enabled
individuals to wear certain parts of footwear, which were out
of the reach of others. At the beginning of the 20th century,
jemenlije or, as Ivaniševiæ states, ðemelije, were worn only by
old women, while in earlier times they were a status symbol
of richer girls. The description of footwear given by
Ivaniševiæ is very important because it testifies about earlier
changes in fashion, and shows that the dynamics of these
changes were connected with processes taking place on a
wider cultural scale. Through these descriptions a more
dynamic picture of folk culture than usual can be created.
Postole22 were worn for the most festive
occasions, and at the beginning of the 20th century every-
body wore them, except for small children and old people
who remained faithful to the footwear of their youth.
Ivaniševiæ remembers that at the end of the 19th century
only the priest wore shoes and only during mass. Around
the house he also wore opanci or nestve. Older postole were
oblong and rose in the front. They were called na škarpune,
and were tied by a string, revnik. At the beginning of the
20th century people started wearing gete, closed shoes with
elastic bands (na laštik). Postole and nestve were bought in the
town. It was similar in Ravni Kotari and Bukovica, where
women and girls used to wear vilare, black leather footwear
with a firm sole (Oštriæ, 2005: 16). The attitude of the peo-
20 Nestve or mestve – a Turkism from the Balkans of Persian origin, mes-
leather. The suffix -va in mestva comes from intercrossing with bjeèva
(Skok, 1973: 414).
21 From Turkish yemenli "originating from Yemen", colourful footwear, a
type of low footwear; the same as filare (Skok, 1973: 773).
22 Postola-shoe, Proto-Slavic* postol? (HER, 2005: 165).
ple from Poljica towards the mixing of newer and older
styles of footwear is very well presented in the following
quotation: "In Postrana older women mix clothing of an older and
newer type: '…apron and jacket, postoli and opanci …so they are
mocked by saying that they are half-mouse and half-bird, or that they
are not a comber nor a painted comber'" (Ivaniševiæ, 1903: 325).
In the Dinaric region, as opposed to the
Pannonian one, people rarely walked around barefoot. This
would happen in special situations only, for example, when
performing a vow, walking in procession, or during a blessing
of fields. Only the poorest people were otherwise barefoot.
Travel writers, who travelled through
Dalmatia in the 18th century, have presented their obser-
vations as well. When describing the clothes and the
footwear of the Morlacs, inhabitants of the Dalmatian hin-
terland, Alberto Fortis writes in 1774 that clothing symbol-
izes their identity: "They have a saying that changing one's clothes
means changing one's religion." (Lovriæ, 1948: 94). He also
writes that there is a story about a Morlac man who was
angry because he did not find opanci in Venice, and he
called those people who tried to convince him that he
would be able to find anything there, liars.
The status of a grown up man was also de-
termined by his footwear. Departure from the norm that
symbolizes a man is manifested in a scornful tone, by which
a man, whose outward marks of identity do not satisfy the
community, is compared with something that is less valu-
able from a social point of view, which is a woman and her
identity: "It would be hard for a Morlac man to wear stockings on
his feet! That man would certainly become the laughing-stock of his
natives. Stockings were repulsive to them, because women wear them,
and they do not want to be similar to women in any way." (Lovriæ,
1948: 94).
The patriarchal relationship between a
man and a woman was equally pointed out in the 20th cen-
tury. While describing the family life in the region of
Bukovica, Vladimir Ardaliæ, a literate peasant from Ðevrske,
writes: "The best way to see that she is loyal and obedient to him is
that his clothes are clean and tidy, that she scrapes off mud from his
opanci, and puts them with other footwear to dry above the fire
when he goes to sleep." (Ardaliæ, 1906: 18).
Much valuable data about social relation-
ships within the community and family can be found
through footwear given as presents in the frame of the wed-
ding custom. These presents implicitly included the obliga-
tions and legitimacy of a new relationship. In lower Poljica
it was customary on the day called Materice, before
Christmas, that the fiancé would visit his fiancée and bring
her as a present a pair of shoes or nestve. She would return
the present on the day called Oèiæi on the following Sunday
and bring him a shirt, biève and terluci or navlakuše (Ivani-
ševiæ, 1905: 67). When a girl was promised in marriage, her
mother-in-law would give her biève and terluci as a present
(Ivaniševiæ, 1905: 67). It was also customary to go to the
girl's home on a Sunday evening before the marriage day, for
textile and bedlinen, and to bring presents for every house-
member: postole for every male house-member, for female
ones nestve, and for the bride postole, a decorative knife and
a chain with pendants. Future brother-in-law and ðuveglija
were given biève and terluci (Ivaniševiæ, 1905: 71).
Footwear has a magical context in the
marriage ceremony as well. Since marriage means changing
the status of a girl and a boy into a woman and a man,
according to traditional belief, they were more exposed to
the influence of evil forces during this time period. In order
to protect themselves from these forces, they were sup-
posed to change one of their biève and to wear it inside out.
Turning clothes inside out, as protection from negative
influences, is also present today (Luliæ, 2005: 139).
As can be seen from previous examples, a
stocking was often connected with giving presents, but one
can also put a present in it. In the Dinaric area, for exam-
ple, on Saint Nicholas' Day, people put presents in chil-
dren's stockings (Luliæ, 2005: 139).
THE ADRIATIC REGION One of the characteristics
in clothing, and therefore in footwear too, of the rural pop-
ulation of this region was an early disappearance of the male
traditional dress and footwear. This is explained by the fact
that men, especially the sailors, as they got employed out of
the rural environment, took on an urban style of dressing.
On the other hand, as the consequence of migrations by the
population which fled from the Adriatic hinterland in front
of the Turks to the littoral, an intertwining with a Dinaric
type of footwear can be followed.
Knitted woollen stockings are the same in
the Adriatic and Dinaric regions. However, the Dinaric way
of dressing is signified by the wearing of bjeève (nazuvci,
èarape, priglavci and the like) in several layers, some of
which were decorated with multicoloured knitting or the
application of variegated cloth – graða. They were fastened
with a row of metal hooks and eyes.23 The Adriatic woollen
biève (hoveje, kalcete and the similar) were always in one
colour and were not decorated. Only stockings made of cot-
ton-thread had a knitted ornament (Muraj, 1981: 201).
Women knitted the stockings of white
wool themselves, with the aid of five needles. Together
with the foot, stockings cover the whole of the leg up to
166
under the knee. On the upper part they could have strings
for fastening under the knee, or they could be fixed with
strings from the panties. When they went to the field to
work, women often put on two pairs of stockings. With the
summer festive dress they would put stockings made of
cotton-thread (bumbak) instead of the woollen ones. Wi-
dows wore stockings knit from black wool. Before the intro-
duction of the colour black, which has been accepted in
some Croatian regions only since the beginning of the 20th
century, parts of the mourning dress were dyed (èrvili). In
Gornji Petrèani a woman wore in mourning so-called kajaèki
nazupci (socks for mourning) with a decoration of soft, dark-
red bought cloth (Luliæ, 2005: 146).
Marriageable girls aimed at being dressed
as best they could, choosing clothes of lighter colours. Girls
in the Adriatic region often wore red stockings. The Ethno-
graphic Museum in Zagreb owns such èrljene hoveje from the
island of Krk. Knitted woollen stockings of bright colours
are especially remarkable on the island of Susak, where
with time the dress shortened so that the legs became
much more visible.
While working in the field, or during win-
ter, women from the island of Zlarin would put short socks
– škapuni – knitted from thicker wool, over the knee-length
stockings. A similar type of footwear, škofuni 24, was noted on
the islands of Pag (Muraj, 1981: 177), as well as on Pašman.
It was the custom on Pašman that parents, when visiting
their newly-wedded daughter for the first time, would bring
her work footwear – škofuni – as well as tools for the field
(Luliæ, 2005: 144). Stockings made of coarse wool, with a
leather stitched sole, also served as work footwear. On
Zlarin these were called škrpete.25 On Olib, when working in
the field, women wore zavojci, made of coarse cotton canvas
of a similar structure as the canvas used as sailcloth. They
were knee-length, with soles made of raw hide. On the
island of I
, low female work footwear cut from blue tela
(canvas), with soles made of salted raw hide, were called
škarpini. They were mostly made by the women themselves.
In the 20th century, along almost the
whole area of the Adriatic, from Istria to Pelješac and
Konavle, people used home-made panki, upanki, or upenki
23 The similar footwear in two layers is found also in the Adriatic region,
for example around Novigrad and Pakoštane, where footwear consisted of
cloth knee-length stockings – biève, and low socks – nazupci, knit of wool
and fastened with metal hooks and eyes – sponje (Oštriæ. 2005:67). In Istria
white cloth spats were worn together with woollen stockings.
24 From old-Italian scaffone, stocking (Skok, 1973: 397).
25 From Italian scarpa, shoe (Skok, 1973:399).
167
made of raw hide, as everyday work footwear. The same can
also be said for many of the islands (Rab, Pag, Krk, Zlarin,
Braè, Lastovo, Mljet). The wearing and making of opanci
were still kept on Zlarin in the second half of the 20th cen-
tury (Muraj, 1981: 204). These were opanci of the prepletaši
type, where the bottom part – potplat – was made of cow-
hide, while the upper part was intertwined from narrow
straps of twisted leather (pute), made from sheep or goat
skin. Later on, opanci of the kapièari type came into usage,
also called hrvacki opanci in Istria. They were purchased in
Rijeka (Radauš Ribariæ, 1997: 53).
In the times when opanci were still worn,
there was a difference in wearing the newer and older kind
of footwear. Opanci, as an older type of footwear, were most-
ly worn with a cloth dress and woollen stockings, for every-
day chores. On the other hand, shoes were put on for cere-
monial occasions in combination with cotton-thread stock-
ings, which were often decorated in a perforated knitted
pattern. In her book "Female Folk Costume of Istria", Jelka
Radauš Ribariæ gives a very vivid example from which the
attitude towards the mixing of styles is visible. If a poor
woman dressed in festive clothes would still wear opanci,
she could hear derisive remarks: "It is in vain that you have a
saddle, if you do not have horse-shoes." (Radauš Ribariæ, 1997:
68). She speaks here about general tendencies, although in
practice different combinations of newer and older ele-
ments were possible, too.
Having abandoned opanci, women in Istria
started to fabricate slippers with cloth soles and upper
parts. Called natake, škrpuce, or èavate in Liburnia, they were
the main work footwear until quite recently (Radauš Ri-
bariæ, 1997: 27). Like in some other Croatian regions, clogs
are also mentioned as work footwear in Istria, called copuli
in Labinština or cokule in the vicinity of minj (Radauš
Ribariæ, 1997: 42).
Wearing light, flat shoes, made by shoe-
makers from soft, often coloured leather, was typical for the
whole Adriatic region. Shoes were identical for the right or
left foot. In this region they are usually known after the
Proto-Slavic word postole, but we can encounter other na-
mes as well, for example: tronkete or šèopelice in Orebiæ, levan-
tine26 in mid-Dalmatia, kondure or papuèe in Konavle, injulke on
the island of Braè (Muraj, 1981: 204), and crevlje in Peroj in
Istria. The Slavic name crevlje for this kind of footwear has
been mentioned since the 13th century on in Croatian
southern littoral areas (Radauš Ribariæ, 1997: 212),
26 The name suggests that they originate from eastern-Mediterranean
countries.
although this type of footwear is best known under the
name firale, filare or vilari27. Later on, filare with a transver-
sal strap for fastening came into vogue. They were fabricat-
ed by local shoemakers in the nearby towns.
In Istria shoes were introduced as late as
the 1850s. As festive footwear cipele, postole, škarpete and gon-
dolini na tak were worn. The latter were open shoes with
small heels, sometimes with a decorative ribbon or a buck-
le (Radauš Ribariæ, 1997: 42). Postoli na uši were also men-
tioned in Istria. These were flat shoes with a decorative
tongue in front (Radauš Ribariæ, 1997: 53).
Ivan ic, the author of the monograph
about Vrbnik on the island Krk, comments that better and
worse shoes existed: "The old ones are for everyday, their largest
part is well mended and cobbled, patch on the patch. Better ones are
in one piece and not mended, or they have perhaps only one tiny
patch, that is not very visible" (ic, 2001: 40).
ic also differentiates shoes by their cut
and says that men wear low shoes and shoes na puntu (lace-
shoes) with wide trousers brageše, while together with long,
narrow trousers they wear high shoes na škornjicu (laced-up li-
ke boots). On ceremonial occasions young men wear laštiki.28
Among female shoes, flat shoes (postole)
from the 19th century were especially attractive. They
were usually made of white leather, but they could be of
different colours too (ic, 2001: 46) and decorated with a
red ribbon. They were called napingane, meaning dyed.29
Papuèe made of red kajser leather served in
the area of Dubrovnik for festive occasions. The Ethno-
graphic Museum of Zagreb has a pair made of red cloth that
belongs to the folk costume from the island of Lastovo. The
same cloth was used to decorate parts of the dress.
Both Dinaric and Adriatic elements in the
footwear from Konavle can be followed. The Dinaric ele-
ments would include footwear in several layers and opanci
prepletaši, while the influence from the Mediterranean
region is seen in flat shoes made of red leather. Until the
period before the second World War, everyday footwear con-
sisted of woollen bjeève and socks (èarape s grlom) that were
fastened with a row of hooks and eyes. Bjeève were made of
natural white home-spun wool, although dark wool from
black sheep was used for work footwear. In summer, females
27 A Turkism Filar, filare, non-plaited leather shoes (Skok, 1973: 516).
28 These are the shoes reaching the ankles, with elastic linen bands at
sides. In some regions they are called gete.
29 Documents from Dubrovnik, from the 15th century, also speak about
dyed footwear (Gušiæ. 1955:117).
from Konavle wore cotton stockings instead of woollen
footwear.
For solemn occasions stockings had a knit-
ted decorative pattern, a small braid called lavur, after which
they were named lavurane bjeève. White stockings were worn
until the time between the first and the second World Wars,
in summer and in winter as well. At those times black stock-
ings came into usage. Opanci oputaši and opanci kljunaši were
worn with white stockings and socks with grliæi and nazuvci.
Then the production of footwear with the upper part being
made of strong cotton canvas (tela) started began. Soles of
such opanci were made of rubber, therefore they were called
gumaši (crepe-soled footwear).
Along with stockings, men also wore knee-
length footwear (dokoljenice) with no feet, made of white
cloth, that were fastened to the leg with a close row of hooks
and eyes. White dokoljenice were worn up to the first World
War, together with red papuèe, for ceremonial occasions.
Women also wore papuèe or kondurice on ceremonial occa-
sions. It is interesting to note that girls in Konavle at their
betrothal, together with jewelry and articles of clothing, got
as a present red papuèe of kajser leather. These presents were
given from the future groom's family and were called ' a
small sign' (malo obilje
je).
On most festive occasions, together with
golden or silken dress, men wore crvene dokoljenice made of
fine red cloth and produced by local tailors. They say for
these dokoljenice that they were silver-plated, and they were
also called toke, after the decorative silver plates that they
were decorated with. They were worn until the first World
War, for various meetings and at weddings. Only the mem-
bers of the better off families had such footwear.
After the first World War, instead of pa-
puèe, low shoes made according to town fashion were intro-
duced into the male costume in Konavle. They have been
worn until recently (Benc-Boškoviæ, 1983: 55-56). On the
other hand, women began to wear gondolete, court shoes with
higher heels. Gondolete were also made of red kajser leather,
but in a pair – for the left and for the right foot (Benc-
Boškoviæ, 1983: 71).
It is worth mentioning a well known cus-
tom of the whole Adriatic area. On the eve of St. Lucy's Day,
a stocking would be hung on a forked branch above the fire-
place. Children believe that St. Lucy comes through the chi-
mney during the night and puts a present into the stocking.
168
Aida Brenko Footwear in the Twentieth Century
Vesna Zoriæ
translated by Mirjana Randiæ, Hrvojka Barlek
proof reading James Dobric
FROM THE 1900S TO THE 1920S At the begin-
ning of the 20th century, the most favoured models from pre-
vious times remained in fashion until the start of the First
World War.1
When choosing shoes, the material was
more important than the shape. Until the 1920s, the most
common footwear was still high boots with buckles or laces,
in black or some light neutral colour.
Until 1910 low court shoes (pumps) were
in vogue. The naked foot was still considered indecent. The
exception was boudoir slippers made of silk, satin, velvet or
brocade, decorated with stripes, lace or pompons. These dec-
orative elements slowly began to appear on everyday
footwear as well.
The First World War influenced the devel-
opment of shoes in many ways: from manufacturing and sell-
ing to the shape and material they were made from. During
this period of time skirts became shorter, so the leg was more
visible. Despite bad times, footwear was made of lighter
colours, while female stockings became more transparent
and seducing. The war brought along changes in social rela-
tionships, too, therefore the role of woman was becoming
more and more prominent.
Folk footwear, carrying roots from the pre-
historic times, was shaped during different historical periods
under the influence of the fashion of particular time-periods.
These changes were slow and they were late in relation to
happenings within the elite culture. The intensity and veloc-
ity of these changes were proportional to the inclusion of par-
ticular communities in global trends, as well as in relation to
their own possibilities, wishes and needs to accept foreign
influences. For centuries shoes were considered luxurious
goods, a privilege of the rich. However, at the beginning of
1 Data about the world trends in footwear in the 20th century, used in
this text, are partly based on the following Internet source: Shoes, Cen-
turies and Decades (http://eng.shoe-icons.com/museum/select_age.htm
169
the 20th century, by the founding of shoe factories, they
became cheaper and more easily available.
The First World War decreased the pur-
chasing power of the Croatian village population a great deal.
Because of the strained circumstances and poverty, people
used to have only one pair of shoes, which was worn until it
was torn up. It was common for children to get their first
shoes before going to school, or to inherit them from their
older brothers or sisters. The possession of boots indicated
higher material status. Shoemakers often sewed new bot-
tom-parts to the old boot-legs. Shoes and boots used to be
repaired several times in order for them to last longer.
THE TWENTIES The 1920s were years of optimism and
originality. They represented the first 'modern' decade. In the
United States of America and in the large number of European
countries women gained the right to vote for the first time,
they were also allowed to smoke in public and to drink.
The design of shoes in this particular peri-
od of time showed a total break with tradition, which was
especially visible in the choice of colours, material, and in a
profusion of decorative elements. Skirts were shortened
almost to the knee, thus footwear came into focus. It became
very important to coordinate the colours of the dress with
that of the footwear. There was a tendency to chose shoe
colours contrasting those of the dress.
Fashion was no more the privilege of the
elite – shops were full of new models affordable to a wide
social strata. Many women, especially the younger ones,
owned several pairs of shoes that matched their dresses and
purposes – there were shoes for walking, tennis, golf, formal
visits or dance. Dancing was a most beloved activity in the
1920s, so the shoes had to be strong enough to withstand the
violent rhythm of the foxtrot, shimmy or Charleston. The
Charleston shoes were extremely popular: they had crossed
straps or t-straps, pointed tops and high heels. By the mid-
Twenties sandals became an important part of the female
wardrobe. The naked leg scandalized no one any more.
Oriental motives, so popular at the beginning of the 1920s,
were substituted with geometrical ones, characteristic of the
Art Deco style2.
New shoe-producers were appearing.
Shoemakers' products had been displaced by factory-made
footwear. Nevertheless, talented shoemakers became as
famous as tailors were. This was the era when famous design-
ers of exclusive shoe models started their work: Pietro
Yantorny3, Charles Jourdan, Salvatore Ferragamo and André
Perugia. By the end of the 1920s, white-brown or white-black
combinations caused no surprise.
At the beginning of the 20th century, glob-
al fashion trends involved Croatian rural communities as
well. This was visible in the ever quickening changes in
footwear styles, hence at the same time two or more types of
footwear were worn. Younger members of the community
would accept new styles more easily, while the older ones
prevalently wore the footwear of their youth. In many parts
of Croatia festive footwear for younger women did not differ
at all from town fashion. The work footwear were still opan-
ci, while the female population usually walked barefoot on
working days. Social differentiation within the community
allowed individual aberration from conventional norms. As far
as the way of manufacturing was concerned, there was pres-
ent an ever increasing specialization. In this period of time, a
relative weakening of the influence of tradition could be
noticed in the village, manifesting itself in the acceptance of
certain elements characteristic for the urban, West-European
style of dressing and footwear. In new conditions, evolved
after the First World War, traditional female jobs such as the
production of textiles, the rearing of poultry and gardening,
gave women the chance for the earning of wages and con-
sumption (Supek, 1995/1996: 259-266). Therefore, especial-
2 Art Deco was the first aesthetic movement of the 20th century. It was
firmly rooted in the world of visual art, including abstraction, simplicity,
geometry and contrasting colours. The movement had its start in Paris in
1925, after the great world exposition entitled Exposition Internationale des
Arts Decoratifs Industrieles et Modernes, which glorified "life in the modern
world" (Pedersen, 2005: 46). On the invitation of the Ministry of Com-
merce and Industry, the Ethnographic Museum in Zagreb also took part at
that big world exposition, with exhibits from folk art (Gjetvaj, 1989: 21).
3 Pietro Yantorny (born in 1890 in Italy) was the first world-renowned
shoe designer. His shoes were extremely sumptuous, thrilling and for most
people an unattainable object. As he spent two years in creating one sin-
gle pair of shoes, it is not surprising that he was considered the world's
most expensive shoemaker. Everything on his shoes had to be perfect,
together with the molds that he had made from worn-out violins. Although
Manolo Blahnik, as well as other famous shoe designers of today cite him
as inspiration, no-one actually knows what happened to him (Pedersen,
2005: 32).
ly in female dress, there came the switching of elements (a
blouse was worn instead of opleæe, shoes instead of opanci and
the similar).
An ever present organization which dealt
with cultural work and popular education in the village at the
time, was Seljaèka sloga ('peasant unison'), which was political-
ly guided by the Croatian Peasant Party. Along with changes
that were happening on the social, economic and cultural
scale, Seljaèka sloga in many rural communities induced the
reconstruction of folk dress for performances at folklore festi-
vals. Costumes for performances had to be reconstructed
according to the type of clothing which had been worn in the
village before the influence of modernization.
THE THIRTIES After the Great Depression began in
1929, shortages and poverty reigned everywhere. Luxurious
footwear was substituted with a more practical kind, which
contributed to the general cultural atmosphere as exempli-
fied by cubism, Art Deco and functionalism. Fashion
became more moderate and much attention was dedicated
to the health and quality of the material.
As comfort became a priority, narrow poin-
ted shoe tops were substituted with wider and more round-
ed ones, while heels became lower and broader. After 1934
heels completely disappeared on sandals and sports foot-
wear. Sneakers with rubber soles and linen uppers came into
vogue and proved to be very practical. Sandals, formerly
beachwear, became both everyday and eveningwear.
Classical court shoes acquired openings on the tops and the
heels. In the second half of the decade, platform and wedge
shoes appeared. Suede was the most popular kind of leather
for the upper parts, often in combination with natural and
patent leather or cloth. Evening shoes were made of silk and
satin, but still far more elegant were the shoes made of kid
leather. Snake and lizard skin shoes symbolized wealth and
splendor. Maroon, black and pastel colours were characteris-
tic of everyday wear. Although black was the colour of the
decade, other colours like red, green and blue appeared
before the Second World War, too. Boots went out of men's
fashion, while successful businessmen wore brogues.
Loafers made their first appearance in men's fashion.
In Croatia, rural dress and footwear also
underwent different changes, not so much in the shape, but
in the choice of material and decoration. Along with festive
costumes embroidered with silk, which were characteristic
of the Pannonian region, festive opanci, shoes or sandals
were worn, made by the village or town soft soled footwear
makers. However, festive opanci were decorated according
to the fashion of the time. They were made of different
170
kinds of leather. Especially beloved were the ones with low
heels and inserts of patent leather in contrasting colours.
Buckles and bows prevailed as decoration on opanci. That
was the reason why in this particular period of time, Seljaèka
sloga started a series of activities with the aim to preserve
traditional culture in its pure form. The intention was not
only to preserve the archaic dress and footwear, but also to
bring it back in use, cleansed of foreign and fashion influ-
ences which were considered to be one of the greatest
social vices (Sremac, 1978: 100).
In concordance with progressive ideas of
the time about the health education of rural populations,
rural footwear was often discussed. In contrast with the
conservative members of society, who were especially wor-
ried about the new village fashion of footwear "made of var-
ious kinds of the high quality leathers, of different shapes,
with wooden heels covered with leather and of patent
leather" (Briški, 1937: 10), in as such ways led to an aban-
doning of tradition and loss of national identity, the ideas of
physicians were somewhat different. In the first place, they
considered shoes, especially the low ones, unpractical for
the rural population, because water, mud and dirt could
easily enter. In their opinion, opanci were better, as they
were sturdier and more elastic than the hard shoes and
therefore healthier for the foot (Chloupek, 1938: 164).
Nevertheless, as work footwear for the peasant population,
Bata's4 rubber boots were recommended, because they
could be washed down.
With its goods Bata tried to adapt to the
needs of the rural and urban populations, therefore it
offered various kinds of rubber opanci, but they also offered
festive ones, with a low heel and an intertwined upper part.
At those times there was a tendency to use folk motives as
decoration on urban clothing and footwear, so Bata also pro-
duced sandals with a linen upper part decorated with
embroidered motives.
THE FORTIES Despite another world war, fashion did
not disappear. Fashion magazines advised women to care
about their looks in order to uplift the fighting spirits and
4 Bata Tomaš (1876-1932) was a Czech industrialist, who founded facto-
ries for the production of footwear, Bata, almost all over the world. Around
1931, in Croatia, two kilometers south of the village Borovo, Bata started
the construction of a factory of footwear and rubber goods, and of a hous-
ing estate. After the Second World War, the factory was nationalised as
'Borovo, the Yugoslav Rubber and Footwear Conglomerate'. During the
socialist period, their footwear was the most recognizable in the territory
of the former Yugoslavia. Certain models even achieved cult status.
Despite the devastation and damage that it went through during the
Patriotic War, Borovo has been and remains in business to this day.
171
morale of their communities, which had been devitalized by
the war. In Europe and in the USA orders were issued to
restrict the consumption of material needed by the army.
Therefore, leather could only be used for the production of
army boots. For civilians there remained felt, coarse linen,
wood, cork, rubber and remnants of synthetic and leather
products. In concordance with the above mentioned orders,
high and wedge heels were substituted with flat soles. In
such conditions fashion magazines supported this new kind
of elegance based on practicality. The idea of do-it-yourself, or
'how to make something new out of something old by adding
some decorative details', was especially advocated.
In 1947 Christian Dior made a fashion rev-
olution with his collection, The New Look. This fashion style
was quickly accepted by women all over Europe and the
USA, because it responded to the wish to forget about the
disasters of the war and to start taking enjoyment in enter-
tainments, fashion and femininity again. Massive platform
shoes and full heels were substituted with court shoes and
sandals. Italian and French footwear designers tried to slim
the heels to the extreme, pointing out the elegance and
fragility of the new feminine silhouette: a stressed bosom
and thin waist.
As seen on preserved models of shoes from
the Borovo factory, shoe manufacturing went on during the
years of war. In concordance with war conditions, the
footwear had thick wooden soles, while the upper parts were
produced of coarse linen and leather inserts.
Quickly after the Second World War, in
new conditions and with the help of the government, the
work of Seljaèka sloga and its branches came to life again. The
cultivation of folklore was ideologically linked with a series
of cultural manifestations that appeared after 1945, which
led to its statisation. Values of the patriarchal society were
no longer venerated, while folklore achieved an important
role in the building of socialism, fraternity and unity, and in
the creation of new relationships in the village as the result
of land reform. After the third Main festival of Seljaèka sloga
which took place in 1948, Marijana Gušiæ wrote: "The art
that the village has nourished for ages, is today merrily given
to the whole nation, because in a free country our cultural
wealth will become the property of the whole folk, it will
really become the folk art". However, she also warned: "Folk
art lives today also...At the main festival in Zagreb the folk
creation concerning our social reality is not manifested
enough" (Gušiæ, 1948: 10).
THE FIFTIES The influence of The New Look style con-
tinued throughout the 1950s as well. The economic miracle
of the post-war period brought a sense of betterment to
everyday life. New technology freed the woman of hard
housework. The 1950s placed family values, home and work
above all else. The success of a man and his financial stabil-
ity was reflected in his wife's looks. Women's shoes were
extremely feminine, sophisticated and luxurious. There was
an appropriate footwear for every occasion and every part of
the day. Italian and French designers lanced the stiletto heel,
attributed to the famous Roger Vivier. In the second half of
the decade, the stiletto was substituted with lower heels and
flat soles. The elegant, feminine style of Hollywood actress-
es influenced the shape of the shoes. Owing to Audrey
Hepburn, soft-soled slippers came into fashion. Famous
movie-stars announced the vogue of the 1960s.
In this period there also appeared a con-
tempt for a consumerist society and its values, which was
especially manifested in the 'rebel' style embodied by
Marlon Brando and James Dean. Although the fashion of
jeans, t-shirts, thick soled suede shoes, seemed radical at
first, with the growing-up of their advocates it became a
worldwide trend.
During the 1950s, in Yugoslav politics and
ideology there prevailed a conception that the conservative
peasant culture was a hampering factor for the industrial
development and modern transformation of society. This
attitude was present until the 1960s. In concordance with
such politics, traditional cultural patterns were gradually
abandoned in favour of new value orientations. The integra-
tion of the peasants into the industrial society resulted in
the moving of the population into towns and industrial cen-
tres, which meant changing their previous occupations. How
much opanci symbolized the peasant way of life, can be seen
in a scornful remark, "that somebody has too quickly jumped
from opanci into shoes", meaning that the change in the
footwear style does not relate to the adoption of relevant
behaviour.
The main characteristics of footwear could
at that time be found in the usage of purchased goods and
the loss of regional peculiarities, while the appearance of tra-
ditional footwear in ceremonies spoke of the loss of its prac-
tical values. Factory-made footwear made for a wide range of
people was easily accepted in the village too, because it was
reminiscent of peasant footwear – at least in its shape.
Among older women of all regions, black cloth slippers with
rubber soles became extremely popular. They were called
zepe5 and were produced by the footwear factory, Borovo.
Older generations tried to keep their habits and views from
earlier times, while the young more easily accepted the
emerging new culture, in this case the mass industrial one.
THE SIXTIES In the beginning of the 1960s the dress-
code, music and social relations were more reminiscent of
the 1950s than of the later 1960s. The stiletto heels of the late
1950s became lower and the tops once square, soon became
slightly rounded.
However, the endeavours of the new gen-
eration who sought to change the world, resulted in radical
changes in society, leaving inerasable traces in its culture.
The battle against class, race and sex prejudices, the sexual
revolution, a turning towards Eastern philosophy and paci-
fism, were only some of the hallmarks of 1960s culture.
One of the first ways of demonstrating dis-
agreement with the existing circumstances was manifested
in the style of clothing and footwear. Brigitte Bardot's famous
sentence "High fashion is for adults!" outlines that period in
many ways. The image of a 'small girl' was created by Mary
Quant, not the French fashion houses. The 16 year-old
Twiggy became the ideal of femininity. By the mid-1960s
mini-skirts with go-go boots came into vogue for women.
Fashion clothes and footwear was bought on Carnaby Street
and King's Road. Therefore, top-grade fashion designers
turned towards cheaper pret-a-porter clothes.
The Moon Girl Collection by Courregès pre-
sented women's clothes of simple geometrical lines, glitter-
ing material of psychedelic colours and obligatory synthetic
flat soled boots with square tops. Because at those times the
price of leather was very high, designers utilized such
achievements of modern technology as synthetic materials –
nylon, PVC and the like. The development of rocket tech-
nology, space exploration and The Moon Landing, inspired
other designers, too, to present their futuristic collections. In
the 1950s and the 1960s stiletto shoes almost disappeared.
The influence of the ethno-, country- and hippie-styles
changed the shape of the heel, which with time became
more massive and led to the emergence of the legendary
platform shoes of the 1970s.
The most often worn footwear in Croatia
were still those produced by native shoe factories, primarily
because of the acceptable price. People who could afford to
pay more money for comfortable and higher quality shoes,
bought them from town shoemakers, some of which were
highly esteemed. Those were the times of going shopping in
Trieste – days which many people remember with nostalgia.
5 By the mid-1980s they spread as a school-footwear, after which they
mysteriously became a fashion hit amongst the teenagers. They were worn
in combination with white sweat socks after Bruce Lee in his kung fu
movies (Leksikon YU mitologije, 2004: 432).
172
People used to go to Trieste for the buying of seasonal
clothes and footwear at the changing of the annual seasons,
as well as for the celebration of more important events in
one's life – birthdays, successful completions of the school-
year, School-Leaving Balls, entering college, graduating and
the like. It all started in the 1960s, when plastic raincoats and
jeans meant much more than mere objects of clothing. Any
means of transportation was used to go shopping; according
to the statistics, much more money was spent than people
could afford. In the 1970s and the 1980s, and sometimes in
the 1990s too, Trieste was still the favoured shopping desti-
nation, although it was one of the three most expensive
towns in Italy.6
It was in the 1960s that the interest in
folklore arose. An activity which had been reduced to local
and regional frames, came to life again. Reviews and festivals
were restored and new ones founded, accompanied with the
renewal and intensified activity of village folklore groups,
under the new name of 'cultural-artistic societies' (Sremac,
1978: 109).
THE SEVENTIES This decade brought a real revolution
in the world of fashion. The freedom of self-expression was
the most prominent characteristic of this era. Everything was
allowed and everything could be mixed – rock, disco, retro.
The 'naturalness' of the hippie-movement, the affectation of
the disco-style and the aggressiveness of punk were all mixed
together in the second half of the 1970s. Minority communi-
ties and numerous sub-cultures played the important roles in
the fashion trends. Platform shoes were the footwear of the
decade. They were worn by men and women alike. Rock
stars like Elton John, David Bowie and Gary Glitter appeared
on the stage in high heels, dazzling clothes and make-up,
shifting the lines of the male sexuality.
By the end of the decade, court shoes
gained more elegant high heels, but flat-soled sandals
appeared, too. Espadrilles also entered into fashion. Laced-
up boots that reached over the knees, usually worn with hot
pants, were very popular. Natural materials, especially
leather, were especially popular.
Fashion was becoming more specialized in
accordance with the demands of various social and cultural
communities. The end of the 1970s was the time when punk
appeared. The boots, Doc Martens, became the cult footwear
of rock musicians, the symbol of the punk and gothic style,
6 Celevska, Ivanèica. Trst je bio naš (Trieste was ours) http://arhiv.slobod-
nadalmacija.hr
173
and also of other movements linked to the culture of the
young.
Vivienne Westwood succeeded in making
fashion out of the punk movement. Her S&M style procured
her the title of the "queen of the shock".
Conversely, the well-off middle class
turned towards designers once more. The idea that clothes
were not only an expression of individuality, but also were an
instrument in achieving success and advancement in life for
the wearer, would develop even more in the years to come.
Young and successful businessmen began to dedicate more
and more of their attention to a healthier lifestyle, which led
to the popularization of fitness and sportswear in the 1980s.
All these happenings and fashion trends
occurred in Croatia too, but they entered into fashion with a
small delay. Under the influence of the hippie movement,
young people included folk elements from different cultures
into their dressing style: Indian sandals, flip-flops,
espadrilles, even local opanci. As the music scene shaped the
culture of the young at those times, many shoes became pop-
ular thanks to pop and rock musicians. Such were the leg-
endary desert boots called sajmonice, after they were worn by
Paul Simon who was, together with Art Garfunkel, especial-
ly popular in the former Yugoslavia.7
By the end of the 1970s with the appear-
ance of punk and new wave, Doc Martens boots came into fash-
ion. They could not be purchased within the former
Yugoslavia, so they were substituted with Amigo8 boots, pro-
duced by the Peko factory. In Zagreb they were known as
hašice. In those times the youth culture was divided into two
groups called hašomani and šminkeri (snappy dressers), both
which were marked by their choice of footwear, too. As
opposed to the aforementioned hašomani (who wore hašice),
šminkeri were mostly recognized by their wearing of koled
ice
(college shoes)9.
7 The reason for this is the famous photograph on the back cover of their
record Greatest Hits, where they both sit in front of a wire fence, which
overlooks the panorama of New York behind them, "while they wear
shamelessly good sajmonice, such that could not be purchased here and not
even in Italy" (Leksikon YU mitologije, 2004: 365).
8 "Naturally, Amigo boots only vaguely recalled Dr. Martens boots, but
they were high enough, duck-shaped enough, and they were laced up the
leg firmly enough, so that they managed after all to substitute this
unreachable object of desire, this consumers' fetish of the self-proclaiming
contraculture – real Doc Martens boots." (Leksikon YU mitologije, 2004:
038-039).
9 They were worn by snappy dressers. The snappiest kind was of wine-
red colour. The linen tag on them was obligatory, in order to let know that
they were original, because after some time local replicas started to
appear." (Leksikon YU mitologije, 2004: 193).
 By the end of the 1970s a rise of cultural
activities on the basis of the cultivation and development of
traditional folklore was again evident. Regional and munici-
pal communities for culture expressed a larger understanding
and interest in the progress of cultural patterns which could
symbolize the history of a particular area and in such a way
offer identity to the indigenous population as well as to new-
comers (Rihtman-Auguštin, 1979: 18).
THE EIGHTIES Never before was such attention paid
to the names and labels on products as it was in the 1980s.
'Power clothing' and designers' brands became the simplest
and the most effective way to show off one's financial power
and social status. Yuppies became the main category of the
population targeted by the fashion industry. Their business
clothes represented an 'authoritative' style based on the clas-
sical cut of the costume and a choice of colours, with padded
shoulders equal for both women and men. Court shoes were
the most often worn female footwear. The designer Manolo
Blahnik restored the popularity of the stiletto heel. As
opposed to the 1950s, when they represented femininity,
fragility and vulnerability, in the 1980s they symbolized
domination, authority and sexual aggressiveness.
Together with stiletto shoes, young busi-
nesswomen also wore sports shoes with their business suits.
The idea of beauty became defined by a well trained body of
perfect shape. Athletic activities encouraged the production
of new designer sportswear and made it popular.
A new music and dance culture also con-
tributed to the popularization of sportswear. Tennis shoes by
Adidas, Nike, Reebok and Puma became cult objects thanks to
break dancers and the performers of rap, house and hip hop.
Designers also recognized the potential of
Doc Martens boots and brought them to the fashion runway.
At the end of the 1980s, environmental
problems and the appearance of new diseases led to the
strengthening of the ecological consciousness, which found
its expression in fashion as well.
On the cultural plane, the 1980s in Croatia
were marked by the appearance of the novi val (new wave).
Today, in analyzing the developments of that period, some
authors consider novi val not to have started as just a musical
movement, but that it was initiated by the freeing of the
media through the influence of the juvenile press. Polet, a
paper of the socialist youth, was exceptionally important in
Croatia and Zagreb. Although it was still the time of social-
ism, many official attitudes were not as firm as they had
been. People read all the relevant magazines of the world,
including those of fashion and music. Musicians, writers,
visual artists, film and theatre performers thought alike, and
started something which became a cultural phenomenon.
The outcome was the integration of our scene into the inter-
national New Wave trend. It seems, however, that novi val was
not a rebellion against society and order, but that rather it
was a great opening and freeing of creative potential.10
Although some young people dressed in
imitation of their foreign idols, most of the population
bought domestic industrial footwear. These were the times
when the liberalization of the importation of foreign shoes
slowly began. Brands became more sought-after; considering
their high prices, though, only a small part of the population
was able to afford them. Copies of designer shoes with labels
could be found at flea markets for a few times less than what
their real prices were. In Zagreb in the 1980s it was very pop-
ular to shop at Hreliæ, were one could find black-market
shoes alongside used ones. With time, Hreliæ gained cult sta-
tus, the meaning of which surpassed pure trading.
The work of the village and town cultural-
artistic societies became more intensive. During the mid-
1980s, the Cultural-Educational Parliament of Croatia start-
ed a series of publications under the name The Library of the
Folk Costume of Croatia, where one could find advice about
how to reconstruct a folk costume. The publication was
intended for amateur societies, which deal with the preser-
vation of the Croatian folkloric inheritance not only in
Croatia, but also abroad.
THE 1990S AND THE BEGINNING OF THE
2000S At the beginning of the 1990s two styles reigned in
the fashion industry – the ecological and the minimalist ones.
Simplicity and functionality, neutral colours, natural and hi-
tech materials characterized the footwear of these trends. The
Birkenstock sandals and shoes made of recycled materials and
different substitutes for leather, enabled the foot to 'breathe'
and became a must-have addition to the wardrobe. The 'nat-
ural' trend in male footwear was represented by Timberland
boots, Caterpillar boots and the like.
In the 1990s, various shapes of footwear
were the consequences of the combination of 'incompatible'
elements from different cultures. Creating one's own person-
al style was again in vogue. Everything was worn, from stilet-
tos, platform shoes and boots, to sandals.
At the beginning of the 1990s the pop-
group Nirvana inspired the birth of a new musical trend –
10 Kostelnik, Branko: Pop kultura i rock glazba u Studentskom centru (Pop cul-
ture and Rock Music in the Students' Centre)
http://www.sczg.hr/default.php?id=kat&katID=185
174
grunge. As opposed to the rebellious styles of former periods,
grunge was indifferent towards everything. Grunge re-estab-
lished Converse All Stars sneakers and Doc Martens to the
height of fashion.
Many shoe designers went on working
using traditional techniques and achieving a worldwide rep-
utation. In addition to Manolo Blahnik, there were Jimmy
Choo, Patrick Cox, Christian Laboutin and others who won
world acclaim.
It is important to mention Italian designers
as well, like Pollini, Rossi, Zanotti, Casadei and others, who
skillfully combine unusual designs and anatomic shapes.
One of the latest trends in the fashion
industry is the collaboration of world famous designers with
corporations of mass production. The merging of the elite
and mass production is a trend that will mark the develop-
ment of fashion in the period to follow. Fashion designers
like Stella McCartney and Yohjio Yamamoto accepted an
offer from Adidas to create a line of sports footwear.
Yamamoto explained his reasons with the following words:
"For a long time already I have wished to create sports
footwear for persons like myself." Puma also announced its
partnership with the English designer, Alexander McQueen
(Bartlett, 2005: 82).
In Croatia the 1990s were characterized by
deep changes: the decline of socialism, the breakdown of
Yugoslavia, the war and its consequences – wholesale eco-
nomic, political and social transition. The war has left behind
enormous devastation, countless human victims, numerous
exiles and refugees and many people with no home, proper-
ty or employment. The Croatian post-socialist transition, pri-
marily the privatization of former public property, has deep-
ened the economic and social crisis, caused employment to
fall, poverty to rise and it has enlarged the social differentia-
tions and frustrations of the population11. A new stratum of
rich citizenry with new tastes and cultural needs has arisen.
Culture has undergone important changes. The entertain-
ment industry has been developing forms like TV-soap
operas and reality-shows, while the music-stage has been
flooded with a wave of eastern folk music.
With the creation of the new Croatian gov-
ernment, folklore again has been given the role of bringing
national feelings to the foreground. At the meetings and
events linked with actual politics, folklore symbols reappear,
often taken out of context, and new traditions are made up.
The appearance and combination of folklore with new stage
11 Puljiz, Vlado: Mirovinski sustav i socijalna skrb (The Old-Age Insurance
System and Social Welfare) http://www.hrvatska21.hr/mirovins.htm
175
forms brings it down to the level of kitsch.
On the other hand, villages were burnt in
the war and their inhabitants exiled. Faced with the loss of
their homeland, the refugees give great importance to the
restoration of their traditional culture as the stronghold of
their own identity. The Ethnographic Museum in Zagreb has
often helped folk societies from the territories devastated by
the war, to reconstruct their native costumes, authentic
examples of which exist now only in the museum.
The development of a trade network and
the availability of merchandise from the foreign market,
enables shopping in concordance with one's own needs, eco-
nomic possibilities and taste. The opening of the big market
chain stores has diminished the departure of people shop-
ping abroad. The global fashion, especially with the young,
acquires its local colour, therefore certain models of shoes
become especially popular.
With time, the function of traditional foot-
wear becomes representative; today it is often used in the
performances of folklore groups. The consciousness of the
peculiarity of particular communities is often based upon tra-
ditional elements of peasant life from the pre-industrial era.
Only those parts of footwear that do not show tendencies
toward change, at least in some of their details, are considered
an inseparable element of the community. Footwear subject
to quick changes of fashion is not regarded as a close element
of the community. Therefore opanci (or some other kind of
traditional footwear) have become bearers of symbolic func-
tions in the consciousness of the members of rural societies.
It can be said, consequently, that footwear
was formed according to the practical, aesthetic, social, eco-
nomic and political ideas of a certain community, while its
meaning has changed with the times.
SPORTSWEAR Although people have been practicing
sports for thousands of years, it was only at the beginning of
the 20th century that the idea of real sports shoes began to
be realized. In 1916 the American rubber manufacturing
company, US Rubber Company, produced and distributed
Keds sport shoes, which were marketed as 'sneakers'12. They
were comfortable and designed specifically for sport, being
an heir of sorts to 'plimsoll' sport shoes13.
12 Engl. to sneak, since their rubber soles made them quiet.
13 The 'plimsolls' are the prototype of today's sport shoes. The footwear
with rubber soles and linen uppers appeared in 1830 as the beachwear. At
the beginning of the 20th century there existed various kinds of the 'plim-
soll' shoes designed for various sport activities.
 In the year 1917 the first basketball snea-
kers, Converse All Stars, were designed. They were the main
footwear of basketball players until the 1980s, when hi-tech
sneakers, such as Nike Air, appeared. All Stars, known also as
Chuck Taylors from the moment in 1923 when the famous bas-
ketball player put his signature on them, were also a cult
footwear of the young, music fans and lovers of art14.
Almost all the punk stars from the mid-
1970s wore them (it is enough to look at the covers of LPs of
music groups such as the Ramones, Blondie and Television)
up to Kurt Cobain, and other grunge musicians of the 1990s.
Brothers Adolph (Adi) and Rudolph Dassler
formed a company for the production of sports footwear in
1924. The company immediately experienced incredible suc-
cess, due to the wearing of their footwear by well known ath-
letes all over the world. In 1936, during the Olympics in Berlin,
many athletes were wearing Dassler brothers' shoes. Although
the games were held in Nazi-governed Germany, Jesse Owens,
an African American, won four gold medals and also became one
of the first famous sportsmen to promote sport shoes.
A rivalry between the Dassler brothers lead
to their parting, so Rudolf formed Puma in 1948 (named after
the fastest wild cat). Puma was especially celebrated by the
legendary Pele, who wore Puma football boots in the World
Cup finals of 1970. Adi continued to lead his company under
the name Adidas, adding three stripes to the products, which
make his brand recognizable even today.
At the end of the decade, in the post-punk
era, the wearing of sport shoes of a certain brand and trade-
mark was an important factor in achieving status on the
street, in school, or among friends. Concurrently, with the
development of designer sports footwear, their prices rose,
especially the ones of the models signed by famous people.
So in 1989 Michael 'Air' Jordan received 1.5 million dollars
from the Nike company for advertising their products.
Adidas hired a rap group, Run – DMC, for the promotion of
their products. Today many famous hip-hop and rap artists
have their own brands of sports footwear. The design of ath-
letic shoes changes very quickly nowadays, because of tough
market competition and the perpetual appearance of new
models, representing the latest advances in technology.
14 "In Croatia they were known as starke – abbreviation of 'All Stars'. Their
era began by the beginning of the 1980s, when the reign of adidasice was
over. As with the majority of sport shoes, they were manufactured in two
versions - high and low ones ... The essential ideological difference was the
following: the low ones were the footwear of the snappy dressers, who wore
them on the bare foot, while the high ones were worn by the members of
the 'alternative' groups. In the early 1980s starke became a part of the
image of the new wave rock scene" (Leksikon YU mitologije, 2004: 369).
DOC MARTENS boots entered fashion history as one of
the biggest paradoxes. In the beginning they were sold as
workers' footwear designed for postmen, policemen, con-
struction and factory workers, at a price of just 2 pounds.
With the emergence of skinheads in the 1960s and punk in
the mid-1970s, Doc Martens began to be associated with
members of different subcultures. Their best known model
was the 1460 with eight eyelets, named after the date of its
creation (1.4.1960). Classic models of Doc Martens boots
were recognizable by their colour, black and cherry, number
of eyelets (which varied from 6 to 20) and the furrowed
rubber sole with an air cushion.
Docs were accepted by promoters of ideo-
logically different groups, who further differed themselves
from others by the colour of the shoe-laces on the boots.
While in Croatia, the wearing of white shoe-laces is consid-
ered to be a symbol of racism, in New York they represent
a symbol of the SHARP15. It is the same with the wearing of
red shoe-laces, which in Croatia are associated with the
punk movement and anarchism, while in the United States
the neo-Nazi skinheads point to them as a symbol of the
blood shed for their race. In England, on the other hand,
the average skinhead wears shoe-laces in accordance with
the colours of his favourite football club. The attention
given by skinheads to the colour of shoe-laces is in a way
the heritage of an earlier group of English youths, the
mods,16 since they paid a lot of attention to details concern-
ing clothes and footwear, too.
It is interesting to point out that, during
their running battles, members of ideologically different
groups, and even the policemen who were trying to sepa-
rate them, had one thing in common after all – Doc Martens
boots (Pedersen, 2005: 89).
In the 1980s, Doc Martens boots were glob-
ally accepted as footwear of the youth. Musicians of punk
and grunge bands especially contributed to their populari-
ty, since they wore them on the stage, and in the photo-
graphs that can be found on the covers of their LPs and
CDs.
World famous footwear designers inspired
by Doc Martens have made their own creations based on the
classic models, thus bringing them to the catwalks as well.
15 Skinheads Against Racial Prejudice.
16 The first British cultural subgroup, which, by its working-class youth
subculture style, had a big influence on the mass entertainment, music,
and fashion industries.
176
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225 http://www.audrey1.com/gallery/results.php?cat=Sabrina&keywords=
&page=4 (26.1.2006.)
229 http://images.vam.ac.uk/ixbin/hixclient.exe?_IXSS_=%2asform%3dsearch_
form%26%... 23.1.2006
230 Revija Svijet, 13.3. 1968. str. 11. Presnimila: Renata Škrinar, 2006.
231 Shoes Page a Day Calendar 2006, 25. i 26. February
232 http://www.robokopp.de/images/Barbarella/Barbarella04.JPG (25.1.2006.)
233 O'Keeffe, L. (1997) Shoes, Köln, Könemann, str. 338.
234 Revija Svijet, 8.5.1968. str 39. Presnimila: Renata Škrinar, 2006.
235 Revija Svijet, 11.9.1968. str. 12 - 13. Presnimila: Renata Škrinar, 2006.
236 Revija Svijet, 27.3.1968. Presnimila: Renata Škrinar, 2006.
238 Shoes Page a Day Calendar 2006, 21. April
242 Revija Svijet, 5.4. 1972. str 3. Presnimila Renata Škrinar, 2005.
246 Snimila Vesna Zoriæ, 2006.
250 Snimila Vesna Zoriæ, 2006.
254 Nedjeljna Dalmacija 23.11.1987. Dokumentacija Vjesnika.
255 http://www.net-a-porter.com/cgi bin/NETAPORTER.storefront/EN/cata
log/1004
257 Pedersen, S. (2005) Shoes, Devon, David &Charles book, str. 107
258 http://www.gucci.com/int/product-shots/uk english/int/ss06_sw_159525_
B87Z0_1000.asp
259 http://www.net-a-porter.com/cgi-bin/NETAPORTER.storefront/EN/cata
log/1045
260 Snimio Vido Bagur, 2003.
262 http://www.converse.com/zproductdetails.asp?leftnavid=1&zgenid=1&sku
=1S605#
263 http://www.adidas.com/campaigns/innovations/content/microsites/adi
das_1/launch.asp?strCountry_adidascom=com&strBrand_adidascom=per
formance&CMP=
264 Snimila Vesna Zoriæ, 2006.
265 http://www.adidas.com/Y-3/
266 Internet.
269 Presnimila Renata Škrinar, 2005.
270 Roach M. (2003), Dr. Martens The story of an icon, London, Chrysalis
books, str. 239.
271 http://www.amor.fri.uni-lj.si/ (24.1.1926.)
272 http://images.google.hr/images?q=pinball+wizard+elton+john&svnum=
10&hl=hr&lr=&start=20&sa=N
274 Roach M. (2003), Dr. Martens The story of an icon, London, Chrysalis
books, str.139.
ZAHVALJUJEMO NA POSUDBI PREDMETA:

Arheološkom muzeju u Zagrebu, Arheološkom muzeju u Splitu, Muzeju za umjetnost i obrt

u Zagrebu, Hrvatskom povijesnom muzeju u Zagrebu, Muzeju grada Zagreba, Muzeju grada
Splita, Gradskom muzeju Vara
din, Muzeju Brodskog Posavlja Slavonski Brod, Muzeju
Moslavine Kutina, Narodnom muzeju u Zadru, Gradskom muzeju Èakovec, Zavièajnom
muzeju Rovinj, Muzeju Istre Pazin, Zavièajnoj zbirci Prezid, Posudionici i radionici narodnih
nošnji, Samoborskom muzeju Samobor, Borovu Ko
noj Obuæi d.o.o. Vukovar, Muzeju polici-
je, Vojnom muzeju MORH-a, Ribolovno športskom savezu, Europlamenu i MI STAR d.o.o.,

Zvjezdani Antoš, Vidu Baguru, Ru
i Beljan, Jani Boriæ, Mladenu Bosiljevcu, Ines Brenko, Sari
Brenko, Katarini Bušiæ, Dragici Cvetan, Dinku Èuturi, Vedranu Drobini, Stipi Drvišu, Lidiji
Fištrek, Idori Hegel, eljku Jamièiæu, Nini Kolar, Janici i Ivici Kosteliæ, Niki Kranjèaru,
Damiru Kremeniæu, Ivanu Kruhu Vuku, Mariji Lešaji, Ivanu Ljubièiæu, Mirjani Matošiæ,
Snje
ani Mehun, Zlatku Mileusniæu, Branislavu Moritzu, Teu Periæu, Biserki Petroviæ,
Liljani Radmiloviæ, Akiki Sato, Ireni Šèuriæ, Ivanu Starèiæu, Milenki Šekoranja, Dragici
Šuškoviæ, Nataši Vezmar, Ljiljani Vilus Japec, Vjekoslavu Vrbaniæu, Tanji Vuceliæ, Matiji
Vujica, Jasminki i Vatroslavu Vujièiæ, Miri Wolf, Petri Zoriæ, Snje
ani Zvonar, Luki i Grguru
uèku.

Zahvaljujemo prodavaonicama obuæe:

Wulfsport – Shoe-be-do, Moschino shoes, IN sportina group, Mandiæ pharm, Uriho Matija
fashion&design, Roberto Boticelli, Jegerstar, Mode in Line, Kamenoj dugi, Consule–Lacoste,
Teo P., Prosport

Postolarskim radionicama: Zvonimir, Boèak, Marko, Zlatko, Stres, Ledenko,

Zahvaljujemo na struènoj pomoæi

Jeleni Ivoš, Silviji Brkiæ, Vjekoslavi Sokol, Maji Škiljan, Nadi Zaninoviæ, Nadi Premerl, Ljerki
Šimuniæ, Ljerki Albus, Spomenki Te
ak, Marini Šimek, Slavici Moslavac, Smiljki Petr
Marèec, Jasenki Luliæ Štoriæ, Sanji Ivanèiæ, Zvonimiru Toldiju, Leli Roèenoviæ, Dori Kušan
Špalj, Igoru Uraniæu, Jacquelini Balen, Ivanu Radmanu-Livaji, Josipu Forjanu, Anti
Oklopèiæu, Vesni Jariæ, Katarini Mariæ, eljki Petroviæ, Hrvoju Vuletiæ,

Zahvaljujemo na ustupanju dokumentarnih filmova o izradi opanaka za prikazivanje tijekom

izlo
be: Odsjeku za etnologiju i kulturnu antropologiju Filozofskog fakulteta Sveuèilišta u
Zagrebu, Dragici Cvetan, Vidi Baguru

Etnografski filmovi:
"Šestinski opanci" Milovan Gavazzi, Ðurðica Palošija, snimatelj A. Stojanoviæ, 1967.
"Opanèar Vlado Kufrin" Dragica Cvetan, snimatelj Mario Perušina, 1986.
"Izrada opanaka od goveðe i ovèje ko
e" Vido Bagur 1996.

182
 KRATICE

AMZ Arheološki muzej Zagreb

AMS Arheološki muzej Split

EMZ Etnografski muzej Zagreb

EMS Etnografski Muzej Split

GMV Gradski muzej Vara
din

MBP Muzej Brodskog Posavlja, Slavonski Brod

MGS Muzej grada Splita

MGZ Muzej grada Zagreba

MUO Muzej za umjetnost i obrt Zagreb

MMK Muzej Moslavine Kutina

HPM Hrvatski povijesni muzej Zagreb

NMZ Narodni muzej Zadar

GMÈ Gradski muzej Èakovec

ZMR Zavièajni muzej Rovinj

MIP Muzej Istre Pazin

GMK Gradski muzej Karlovac

SM Samoborski muzej

GH Gliptoteka HAZU

183
Izlo
ba

koje dobre šuze!

ŠETNJA KROZ POVIJEST OBUÆE

16. veljaèe – 4. lipnja 2006.

autorice izlo
be autori tekstova u katalogu

Aida Brenko, viša kustosica mr. sc. Aida Brenko, viša kustosica
Vesna Zoriæ, viša kustosica mr. sc. Nadja Maglica, viša kustosica
mr. sc. Zlatko Mileusniæ, viši kustos
struèni suradnici na izlo
bi Vesna Zoriæ, prof., viša kustosica
Nadja Maglica, viša kustosica
Zlatko Mileusniæ, viši kustos nakladnik
Etnografski muzej, Zagreb
suradnik na izlo
bi
Hrvoje Vuletiæ za nakladnika
Damodar Frlan, prof.
autorica likovnog postava
Nikolina Jelaviæ Mitroviæ, dipl. dizajnerica lektura
Tinka Katiæ
fotografija
Renata Škrinar prijevod na engleski
Sanja Novak
propaganda i marketing Mirjana Randiæ
Mirjana Drobina Hrvojka Barlek
Jasna Biliniæ–Zubak
edukativni program James P. Dobric
eljka Jelaviæ
oblikovanje kataloga, plakata, pozivnice i deplijana
tehnièka realizacija izlo
be Nikolina Jelaviæ Mitroviæ
Preparatorske radionica za drvo i tekstil EMZ
Priprema za tisak
Denona
CIP - katalogizacija u publikaciji
Nacionalna i sveuèilišna knjinica tisak
Denona, Zagreb
UDK 391(497.5)(091)(064)
685.3(497.5)(091)(064)
Naklada 500 kom
BRENKO, Aida
Koje dobre šuze!
ISBN 953-6273-32-2

Izlo
bu su omoguæili Poglavarstvo grada Zagreba – Gradski ured

za obrazovanje, šport i kulturu i Ministarstvo kulture Republike
Hrvatske.

184