JOSÉ LUIS MÕÑTILLA

RIZAL
CARLOS QUIRINO
OFFICIALS AND EMPLOYEES Actg. Direetart Bureau Public

DIOSDADO MACAPAGAL
EDUARDO QUISUMBING
President, Republic of the Philippines

CHAIRMAN MuÞam
ALEJANDRO R. ROCFS LUIS MONTII.LA
01 Education Executive Director
VEDASTO G. SUAREZ
VICE-CHAIRMEN Assistang
RODRIGO PEREZ, JR. SANTIACO F. DE LA CRUZ Director ana Secretary
Aecg. Secretary of Finance Supreme Commander
Order of tha •Knights 01 Rizdi COMMÐTTEE ON PUBLICATIœ£
LEONCIO IDPEZ RIZAL, Member
MEMBERS LUIS MONTILLA, Member
MARIA KALAW-KATICBAK JOSÉ P. BANTUG, Member
VICENTE DEL CARMEN,
SALIH UTUTALUM Chairman, Historical Publications of the
oa Eduat.ioa, Committee JOSE RIZàL NATIONAL CENTENNIAL COMMI$10N
EUFROMO M. ALIP
CARLOS P. ROMULO Preident, Philippiao
Unitersity of the Historical
Philippin— JOSÉ P. BANTUG WRITINGS OF JOSE RIZAL
GERONIMA T. PECSON Cultural Agt•eb•, Thilippine
CErman. UneE0 N•tjonnl to sp*in,
Voltme VL
LÉONCIO
VICENTE LOPEZ
OROSA RIZAL
BENICNO ALDANA Ex&crctary •t Púbüo
JESUS

Dirætor. Bureau ot Publie

WorksE. HISTORICAL EVENTS
PERPIÑAN
Communications
OF THE.
Director. Bureau øt Privat•
 pro. logue by Dr. Ferdinand Blumentritt„ was
PHILIPPINE ISLANDS published by Rizal himself in Paris in January
By 1890, considering it important for the propaganda
activities which at the time he directed, and in
Dr. ANTONIO DE MORGA order to set the record Straight regarding the
Published in 1609 recently brought tò light
and annotated
cultural conditions obtaining among his
countrymen, on the. arrival of the Spanish
adventurers in the Philippine Islands. Rizal clearly
states in his dedicatory remarks, the purpose which
inspired him in undertaking the writing of this
JO SE RI ZAL book, as follows :
preceded by a
"In my "NOLI ME TANGERV' 1
DL commenced to sketch the present
FERDINAND
conditions obtaining in our country. The
effect produced by my efforts gave me to
understand t— before proceeding to
develop before your eyes other
sueCessive scenes that it is to necessary to
first lay bare the past, in order the better to
judge the present and to survey the road
trodden during three centuries"

CENTENNIAL EDITION "If the work succeeds in arousing in

yotnselves the realization of our Past,
erased from the memo ry, and in rectifying
•what has been falsified and slandered,
MAN then mÿ efforts shall not have been in vain,
JOSE RIZAL NATIONAL: COMMiSSION With this as a basis, however small it may
be, we can all proceed to studying the
PREFACE future,"
For this purpose, he chose "SUCESOS" by
"Suce8ö8 de ids Iglaa Filipinas'ï written by Dr.
Morga, which had been published in Mexico
Antonio de Morga, annotated by Josð Rizal with a
in 1609B and that according to Dr. Blúmentritt,
became because it described better the conditions obtaining in

the country during the go-called period of conquest of TO THE FILIPINOS

the Philippine Islands. The value Of this work very well
be judged by the fact that Lord Henry J. S. Stanley
translated it into English* thus becoming one of the In the Noli me tángere I began the sketch of the present
publications of the well-known Hakluyt Society of state of Our Native Land, The effect that my attempt
I.Ãidon and which Justo Zaragoza had at tempted to produced pointed out to me, before proceeding to unfold the
republish in 1888. Besides, in 1904 Mesrs. Blair and other successive pictures before your eyes, the necesity of
first maldng known to you the past in order that you may be
Robertson published it anew in their work entitled "The able to judge better the present and to measure the road
Philippine Islands", 1493-1898; and W. E. Retana al•o traversed during three centuries.
published it -with his own annotations in 1909. After
weighing and evaluating each and every proof he Born and reared in the ignorance of our Yesterday, like
found in books, manuscripts, docUments and other almost all Of you, without voice or authority to speak about
records in the course of his investigation of the vast what we did not see or studied, I con sidered it necessary to
Filipiniana Collection of the British Museum and invoke the testimony of an illustriotx Spaniard who
governed the destinies of the Phil ippines in the beginning of
other libraries, Rizal proceeded to reconstruct the records on the past history of the her new era and witnessed the last moments of our ancient
Philippines in order to show that, even before the arrival of the Spaniards, the natives nationality. It is then the shadow of the civilization of our
of this country already possessed a con- siderably high culture, not as inferior as thatancestors which the author is now evoking before you. I
depicted by the Spaniards subsequent to Morgars time. As a matter of fact, he transmit faith fully to you his words, without changing or
endeavored to proceed with the history of the events occuring in the Archipelago, mutilating them, adapting them only whenever possible to
commencing with said period. In other words, he advanced new points of view from modern orthography for greater clarity, and altering the
which to consider Philippine History. Thus, considering jointly the eight chapters of somewhat defective punctuation of the original in order to
Morga, together with the annotation of Rizal on each chapter as sufficiently authentic, make its perusal easier. The post, the nationality, and merits
of De Morga, together with the data and testimonies
said book presents the ancient Philippines as it was in ancient times in order to enable furnished by his contemporaries, almost all Spaniards,
us to gift the falsity from the truth of our past history. recommend the book to your thoughtful consideration.
The "SUCESOS" as annotated by Rizal, appeared If the book succeeds to awaken your consciousness of
for the first time in the Philippines sixty eight years our past, already effaced from your memory, and to rectify
later when a publisher in Manila, published the new what has been falsified and glandered, then I have not
work in 1958, to contribute his bit to the national worked in vain, and with this as a basis, however small it
effor t to honor Rizal, The present i work is the may bet we shall be able to study the future.
sixth volume of the Series of Writings Of José Rizal José Rizal
which the José Rizal National Centennial Commision Europe 1889
has now published in commemoration of his birth.
by Algona
 PROLOGUE who, the Guadalquivir„ following the Not inspiration one Spaniard of a noble coul
prUdentfound
patriotism, admired the work Of the author
who pos. sesseð in his character anð soul the best virtues of My very dear Friend:
pen his nation of an excellent and whose author pen of proved
lofty ideas. to be The the Spaniardsprecious
I accept your kind invitation, which So honors me did nothing; the Spaniafds who always boasted their and I'm going to vrite
you a few lines instead of a patriotism and Hispanism; thus they lost an opportune prologue. I'm not afraid of the difficulties of
writing moment of renewing the glories. Of the glorious past if in a language which I don't master; rm
not afraid In view of this regrettable indifference of Spanish because I follow the impulses Of my heart and the heart
Philipinologistg, a foreigner (boldness) ! meddled in the knows how to overcome grammatical and lexicographic affairs of the
country: An English lord, Lord Stanley, obstacles. It is not the purpose of these lines to present translated into the language of the
"yes" the immortal e) a dish to those who relish the rich phraseology of the work the great Spaniard,
applauded by the world majestic language of Cervantes, no; my purpose is to of foreign not receive an honorable
thank you in the name of the international republic mention from that nation whose duty it was not to
of scholars, in the name of the Philippines, in the leave the laurels of his undertaking to a foreigner, The al
name of Spain, for the publication of this most im- scientific world was satisfied; every orientalist, every a:
portant chronicle of. the dear country in which you Philippiniste, ought to understand the were born and whose
adopted son I consider myself merous notes and appendices of the translation did not to be. With thig reprinting yml have
erected a hurt the value of the "resurrection" of the Sucegos de mentum aere perenniua t to
the name Rizal. Morga's Filipinas. Thanks to that translation, we foreigners did book always
enjoyed the fame of being the best chro- not believe in the necessity Or at least in the urgent
need for the reprinting of the Spanish original.
But you, my dear friend, •were not in
accord with mate. this resignation and modesty of the outside world, w
the wealth Ot data that spar with impunity In the this indifference and apathy of Spaim In your
heart, work of the renowned justice ; but neither can it satisfy which ig truly noble and generous, you have felt the his desires,
because Morga'g Sucesoe is a rare book, so extent ot national ingratitude, and you, the elder son rare a book that the very few
libraries that have it you, the martyr .ofîiðÿõõ
guard of rendered the it Incas. with the just the It must same tribute golicitude be of supposed gratitude as if that to it were the the
noble Spaniardsa treasurecom- •sons mentg.of ac the ve mock patriotism, your racyou e the and Were very denthe
intellectuawho whose paid degeneratel the endow-debt

patriot, to the upright representative of the metropolis in the Far East, to the gallant defender of the glorious I admire this
proof of patriotic nobility and generoug Spanish nag, to the greatest chronicler of the Philip- patriotism. The parasites, the
friars, and the Spanish not pines, fulfilled but the in expectations the of the scientific world wereand gods you have of the
been Filipino slandered world by those call you who, filibustero; for their mad-thus
'Country bathed by the Tajo ness for greatness, for the sake of their pockets, and 1 A monument more than bronze. .(E4 A,) for the bandage of their pasiong, are the
indefatigable

ix
grave-diggers of the ivtegrity of the mother country, dulgent love that a father professed toward his child.* You have shown them
who knows how to fulfill the So we observe that this affection toward the "colored duties of patriot: The Filipino scholar who
renews men" at bottom was a manifestation of the madness the laurels of a great author, statesman, and fighterfor greatness of the
European race because their suppoof Spain and calls the attention of the government tosition (erroneous) was that, with the
e*ception of the the evils of the mother countrž or theywhite race, of the Chinese and Japanese, all the other hatred ast of the Fill
inosb ther •eers andnations and races of the world are either savages, tating expressions of contem t.primitive men, or at least men
whom the providence
 You the know crowd already of Spaniards that you who will consider be attacked an educatedcruel-that of limited the modern
intelligence. Supreme civilization Being Following was endowed a poison, this with theory the a and French childish the ideal-
otherand
ly by
Indio a crime of lese majeste. But if an Indio hasists wanted to guarantee a paternal and loving tutorentered the world of scholars, if
that Filipino scholar ship, but withal an eternal tutorship of the "colored not only fulfills the duties that Spaniards first of all men".
And full of idealism they wanted that tutorship ought to fulfill, but also censures the conduct of the to be so indulgent and so benign
that everything would European colonizers and civilizers, then the Malayan be permitted the "colored men" while the white man
author can consider himself lucky if only the anathema was to play the role of nurse or governess of the child and curses of all those
who believe themselves supe- whose bad conduct had to be excused and even praised. rior beings, infallible and untouchable,
should rain over A good example was the German Forster. On an islet him on account of the place of his birth and the sickly in
eastern Oceania, the natives stole his hat (if I re color of his skin. member rightly.) Forster did not complain against the
thieves; on the contrary, he accused himself
of having But you have not written your book for them. The aroused the feeling of rapacity of the natives by using new
edition of the Sucesos is dedicated to scholarsa beautiful hat. He was a model •for numerous others. and patriots. Both groups will
be grateful to you. If the ideas of those deludeð men had been realized, have no doubt that your no scholarl an ell- colored
men would not have e to thank their benevolent thought out, will stir uropean w ore than protectors, because they
proposed not onlÿ to protect IGêü7äÈo the just and ChrisÞian protest against them against the brutalities of our race but
to the cruelties committed by the European discoverers protect and even nourish their vices and immoralities. in the New
World stopped Spreading, its precursor being The ugly nakedness of reality ended the beautiful dream a noble Spaniard, the
venerable prelate, T Casas. Thisof the deluded men who forgot that in the bxgast—Qf-man, truly a saint, spoke in the name of
Christian reli- every man sl the beast, that bût-ÇhfCh like gion and compassion, but he succeeded only in stop- the noyaous
bacilli that are ec on, ping the traffic of Negro slaves. is Idlled on through the
spread of education. But the of the last c nt rotested a t the maltreatment ill ons o ose en uslas not
rem
e co ore sterile. man" as a result of their ea t The idea of the emancipation of
slaves originated in ofthe savag represe ous- these nation, illusions. the Spanish I only regret nation, that
had the ceded noble the and laurels generousof Spaniards the colored man the emancipation of the Negroes to a naäon who
bears seemed a grown-up child with the difference that the the surname of "mercantile" —the English nation.
latter deduced from their theory the right to oppressbe noted that the of the Spanish had It mutthe him •while the French idealists
were in favor of a ply- same affEtlonate them and did protective not tendenctea, tbe Intentiön• bat unfortun•tay of the
l.wmúers. who Implemented ing to the "big children" all the inexhaustible an in-
x
 In the following epoch, the committed by but doubt it interests 1.8 how the picture of these days us Europeans were attacked, not for
noble motives but of discovery and civilization is presented to the descend. for national rivalries and vain glotJ¼ Then the English ants of
the maltreated, to the victims Of EUropean in.

cruel accused toward the Spaniards, the natives the of Germans their been colonies the Portuguese, barbarous while theyandthe
paintetolerance, da it you fNatro urally ve o discovered e I haVé things found which diffeout that rent have frnm ou
escapedhOtlrsave Dutch the French, etc., of having

kept silent about the cruelties committed by themselveslove. impartthe attention ial among Of the us cEuropeans,ould not
renoUnee all th veteeither for malice or for being blinded by national ra cupa ons o race an na on . And these The modern era,
in short, with its ideas, n o view give your notes an Imperishable ended by looking with other eyes on their colored value, an
rather recogmzes, e e uality of races undeniable value even for those who dream brothers. The new European
ener e man o us e co ore xnan of an inaccesible superiority of race or nationality. The but scholar will
salute with enthusiasm your erudite anno-

a curiosity; Now through Ue.-cQlQtedtheis tions pect. tations, Through equally the coloniai interesting those lines politician and run
important a flood with of gratitude to serious historians andobserva-and man is the sa on and advancement of geographical,
ethnographical, and historical knowledge, we are ashamed of ministers of overseas colonies alike.
the period When We denied to those brothers the full My great esteem for your notes does not hinder me rights of man. Now
we regret the errors, the crimes, from confesíng that more than once I have observed the miseries that stain the pages of the
history of the that you suffer from the error of man modern his European race„ Now we confess with the of rians o
censure e occurrence o cen es astin a repentant sinner our guilt and as the modern genera- accor ance With e concep at corr
ond to con tion is not a deluded generation but an active genera- po oug no

tion, we extend Our errors arms and to our crimes brothers of and centuries asking we try thempast.tothe The ought—nðt-tö-
fmpute broad horizon of to ideas the that men stirs Of the the XIX XVI second Oint which I
century.century
to forgive the faults of our ancestors make up for the
 So the our observa duct of the un ogomm a I believe that the origin Euro ean con
uerors and civilizers are o numerous occurrences regrettable to religion, to Spain, newIS eme e almost IS in the e game
ermans manner specially you discuseddo, and and be sought to the in good the hat8h name behavior of the European and
abuses race of shoumanyld let no one tell me that the Germans can talk about prieú.

have in every man

devoted to the

Republic only to zaros the the cruelties a had of bankers few the no of years, Venezuelaj colonies, Spaniards) committed of
Augsburg, German for and the by Emperor cruelties other territory though to the Charles nations German Were Welsers
that ig V because no transferrednow nile (the differentlastedcalledBal-they the of torical the Until other colonial notes.this
Europeanx Their point regime very I This have of perusal the interest referred scientific Spaniards inspires naturally onlÿ or political
as great to well your increaseSinterestas studyhi*Of

from committed by other nations and the German when you Speak of present-day affairs, defending your historians rightly
condemn withsthe greatest harshness compatriots and condemning the bad condition of the the crimes of their fellow
nationals. So in general the country. r recommend the perusal of these annotations accusations in your notes are not a
novelty. But with-to all Spaniards who love the Philippines and Ere the preservation of the Archipelago. Even those who
ought to read ese es w c an Indio speaks of cataract or who suffer from gout and these will
the errors and illusions of "superior beings." I follow attentively your suggestions, Every educated
don't expect that those demi-gods can be cured of man Imovs by now that the French adage applies to
their prejudices; to them your work is like your the questions
Tagalog novel:' A mene, tekel, upharsian 4 of the colonial regime: Les jours de fete song
pages.5 The brutal exploitation of the natives
But— thank God --- there is a sufficient number cannot now find sufficient pretexts to appease the
of Spaniards who do not need the operation of the very sensitive public morality of the present

generation. Neither religion nor civilization nor the
glory of kings and nations now permits the
conversion of the natives into servants without
rights, without liberties. Even those states which
base their regime on the prestige of their race take
very great care not to offend the feelings of the
ruled, because they Imow well that colonies cannot
be preserved if the mother country does not know
how to inspire her children overseas if not with
affection, at least with the respect that one
contracting party shows the other, to say the truth,
who contests the greater part part of the advantage
of the contract, but at least observes it scrupulously
in all points. It is impossible-now to re colonies
rich und for the ad-
ventu r for the en ants use of er country. The best men, the best talents, the most indifference. To the fir;t group belong the friars and
noble cfiracters, ought to go out to fill the over- seas to be able to thus serve as administer the country but exploit its inhabitants.
leaders and supporters of the integrity of the mother country and
the presti e but the ood nam Euro ean ra e.
t Rizal's famous novel, Noti •me. angers. (E, A,) divided. (B. A.)
S The days of are over. (E. A.) children. (E. A.)
xiv
The Philippines forms a colony sui generig,T
inhabited by millions of men whose religion is like ours,
whose civili n is the child of our own, and
oples algamate with the bond of the
Spanish lanThose millions now aspire through the voice
of their most enlightened sons to the assimilation of their
country by the mother country and hope for the
redemption of their country and the guarantee of the
integrity of the mother country, not from the magna
nimity and nobility of the Spanish nation but from her
sense of justice and prudence. The best reforms that are
introduced into the Philippines will remain sterile if the
policy of governmental terrorism continues, which places
in danger the freedom of every Filipino
liberal and smothers brutally public discussion of the
ills of the country. The same policy in Russia created
nihilism and in the Philippines it will be indisputably
the godmother of separatist ideas. Thus the present
policy serves only to compromise Spanish rule. The
misfortune of Spain and the Philippines is that the
majority of the Spaniards do not want to recognize this
truth. Some cannot recognize it for their egotistic
interests; others because they live on illusions or they
regard the colonies overseas with the boasted national
those government employees who do not govern or
Every Hispanization or assimilation of the Filipinos or
of the Philippines dis turbs the circles of those
predominant and powerful castes. To them the slogan
"The Philippines for Spain !" means o"filipino gold into
our pockets l'* They fear the discusion of their abuses
in the press of the country and in the Cortes of the
kingdom; so they work with all the strength of their
soul and of their gold to foment the traditional
suspicion of the rest of the Spaniards, nourishing that
hapless and hysterical suspicion by means of
calumnies, denouncing every truly pro-Spanish
T Of its own End, (E, A.)
 with the Friars!", thus placing the friars in the dilemmovement of the
Filipinos as filibusterismo. I don't þe- ma; Either to renounce voluntarily and
immediately lieve that all the partisans Of this league not only their
the conseqUences of their behavior—the inevitable less) or retard their ruin at the
expense of the integrity
separation of the Philippines, or at least, a series of of the mother country and the welfare of
the
uprisings that will cost Spain much blood and much pines. Thus the Fili iho radi ti
more money; but perhaps they in that "Apre8 rance of the a
noug le for they know by the Holy Scriptures adage Oderin dum metuant.ó The reasoning
of the
that the sins of the fathers are visited upon their p101 g emp oyee is iden •cal with that
child- of the friarx
omnipotent influence but also all 'their th are so blinded by their that they cannOt see
temporal property (which does not seem to them worth-

ren until the fourth generation. The friars at. least know To them asimilation is
their ruin, and naturally the well that their power, their nfle, will surely fall
with interests of the stomach are greater than the interesu or without the Will of
Spain and so they try by all of the mother country. -Thus the Philippines count on
means and with the help of pious frauds to postpone an army of enemies, go much
more fearful as theÿ have against the end the of will their of downfall. Spain,
that If is, this by is the brought separation aboutof in of Spain Spanish the rule
fame and of being the only the ones supÞöi£þ who the know only thesupport,
orders the country, of St. it Augustine, would not St. matter Dominic, to them, and because St. Francisthe try. employees
According -form to an my uncompromising modest opinion, •party the while exploiångthe

are international and they remain Augustinians, Domi- friars would renounce much if they are
guaranteed nicans, even if the Philippines does not remain Spa- the rest nish
territory, and in this case the friars either enter into an agreement with the Filipinos or
emigrate to the I have gaid the adversaries of the asimilation of place indicated by their
general who resides at Rome, the Philippines count on a large number of deluded If the
friars consent to the Of the Philip-. persons€ Among them in the first place are
those who they would do a patriotic act* but a very
suffer from the madness of the e
imprudent act with respect to the interests of their Euro-
busi- pean race. Eve g that does •not smell
nes. The ideas of the friars are the following: "If we
of their
repugnant to them. The
climate and the culiagree to assimilation, the consequence will be that
nary art of the country seem to them hellish, and the
pino deputies will ask for the expulsion of the friars noses and the color of the skin
of the ffilipino Malays from the Philippines and they will get it; so it will and
Mestizoe are horrifying to them. It is true that be suicide to agree to the
parliamentary representa-of assi-not those belong
hapless to representatiVés the haute vbleei0 of of our the
European educated race class,do tion of the
Philippines and to other attributes

radicals of some milation the years country contributed ; if we to that take the Can
prevails advantage greatly benefit at least toward in of retard the of our the circles
the pockets." state our development of downfall of the ignoranceFilipinocentralforOfto on
not but these the in play political uncompromising Specimentg an important questions of
the role; class, the genus most so because bunianaøn. we educated de have gustibusThey
persons to belongcountdo
government, we

this friar tactics, because they proclaim the slogan "Out at is a disgrace for Spain that

"After us the deluge." (E. A,)

school governmenthow they to form dynamic use a of very the m love the metro large for min their clas. lis of 'because brothers It the is
Spanish the it overseas; did fault notyouth of it cul-thine i bas, their ties try; for but, and life, the if Puerto their UI welfare
know money, Ricos those and before and integrity gentlemen, a hundred they of will they the Philippines, renounce mother will sacrificecoun-
theirCu-

love and suicidal; andbut it forgot to imbue the children with that national sacrifices remain vanities, to to his him pride as from the and his
fatuous grandparents: vanity and the ruined few Trabit propertiesnoblemanquem-

very good to educate the Spanish youth in proud illu- (

sions that every but man as who Spain is still not preserves a Spaniard remnants is inferiorof / . to ers• the flat t at es is onot e ossi In
os eand salute o them au as onzebroor repugnant, her old colonial empire, it seems more than imprudent e Filipinos to e ence. T e

least one third of Spanish

subjects do phenomenal luck
of having been born sula.
for the That Spanish national youth and in European 'the peninsula pride to is in forget not very the have aggres-that penin-theat I never
thetic In repeat: eres concepts against, o The pam Philippines that the deserve Elipinos.certain can more lordlings be attention preserved form
of than the only the Indios.with,aes-
sive riority Spain either even and the because of the irritating the realization discussion Castilas it establishes and of (Spaniards the of it aspira
is Philippine as the indisputable •ons greatest and of questions does the enemy the not Filipinossupe-allowin ofa2nd, reasons: lieve those The
even that who second 1st, it are is the opposed group not count timely of to deluded assimilation, the Chnstlan an civilized
hto as grant numerous Spaniards it for because sav the is formed followinge they 'tribes be-by•
still
evel of e ucation and culture. This

or sense favorable to the desires of the country, And this in a low is the more iegrettable as a favorable solution of the is
tnže, time only being insecure aspirations. The numerous Savage tribes do of not Philippinematter
Philippine question is certain, and the question of whether the solution will be for or against Spain. This depends upon the Spaniards
in filipmog do not claim the extension of constitutional the peninsula. the features and customs of the Fili- li

pinos seem to em so repugnant that ers, it eIS no example of Bulgaria proves that little e es e gavage 8. es, it is tille that in

constitutional education, govern-but the fo em em race emas ro

Œ8tilŒ god of ment does not depend upon the number of illiterates separa rom defense
of your and literates. Still it must be added that this ig not um e
Noli me tángere, furious, wrote a little article in which the time to discuss the question whether or not it is this passage is
found; "Are we not Spaniards, Spaniards better to postpone the time for constitutional emancipaof a good race and ready
for every sacrifice?" Congra- tion, if we do not want to provoke the danger of Histulations, I agree and I hope that this is
not just a pŒnia deliberŒnte Phüippinae perierunt;iS No one should hollow phrase. The first duty of a Spaniard who
desires forget that the present state of the Philippines is intoler-
i
His
to for preserve greatness the of country the European ought to race be: and Sacrifice the vani-folly ' Whne own Spain pleasure ddibemtea. draw. the Thitippine• man. (E. A). (E. A.)
believe that the purpose of colonies is to provide
the able for any an who has sufficient dignity in his breast Spaniard with employment and money and that the and even the last
peasant, because wherever hechildren of the country must subordinate the interests diat looks, he s es o Pression, injustice, and offensive
and of their country not to the interests of Spain but to the of t,' over e Imposi Ility well-being of a handful of Spaniards,
injurious
As h illa on,
niar of en ng onese , because the last Spanish crim- they are not satisfied with this
rather bold and iminal believes himself and considers himself superior provident pretension but they demand in addition the diff even to
the best and who most does noble not son keep of quiet the and country,says gratitude permit
them of the to be Filipinos born, to because live, to the suffer, superior to pray, beingsto hopprej while every Filipino
"Amen" to every despotic and corrupt act of the ruling pay, and to die ad majoretn Îlispanae gloriamJN To tern caste receives the
appelation of filibustero and runs be just, we must say that the deluded men of the forr the danger of being
deported and not only he butthird group are against every kind of abuse and never of 't
 also the criminal his friends; who is for punished in the Philippines, but also his it whole is not family,onlycovered will permit up with a
violation the prestige of the of laws the and white honor race, to Butbe nogyou

prove. That peaceful and

governable greater pleasure
physically and spirituall¾ what its as educated thevexations sons mass of tell your hears it familythanwithour as cation their race of very
(according the ideas abuses are to of those nothing power who and more believe of than the in prestige the the codifi-innateof genwhimol

ity. in more what thöBEõf-ãõffiÕÇfiÕããÿõbõãäEöFthæsuperior-Thus confidence the the friars Philippines preach, in the will me because
get o by naelr own force, turally if thethey race don'tthanve basis.regime honesty superiority that while of demands
it the is Europeans), founded from on its an so employees they unjust create and justice immortalfinally anda
ver:cra«Spa

get them gratuitously, their parliamentary representation and their rights to live free and respected. But Those three groups
of deluded men exist in real-
I doubt if the Filipinos would go to Madrid ag deputies ity—the first is composed of many Spaniards in Ma- beij in. the first case.
Certainly the deluded ones of thignila; the second is represented by a series of benevolent con group trust in the painting Of the Indio
by the friars ministers to whom the country owes many laudable tha and the majority of Spanish writers: The first onesreforms but
reforms that, in view of despotism and' disfigure it out of pasion, the second because, blindedterrorism, are like an excellent
velocipede that ig pre by their pride, they do not know that thus a verysented to a prisoner; the third group includes a large fro)
unpleasant awakening awaits them.number of Spanish senators and deputies to which we terr

ideas

The of third into the folly first and is not last for two exaggerated greatness, group groups; are better of but deluded neither to than their the the
is the point latter men national it first aggressivehold of at groupdege- leastandtheof proøocateur816 tions in can a the also
 wounded like Senate add to a 'the, good General ot gladiator Of arena the filibusterismo, Samaritan kingdom, Salamanca ad so majus
that who though he gŒudiumae while in bandage can view unwitting the come of of his the •out tKe speecheswoundsquid-agentsfunc-sove
hernouteis conmetstaJc

European pride nerating nor injurious. Thus they ly again

but worse than the second, because what the present reign people. The lions and tigers that attack the glaa asi promises to the commg
generation generation asks, while the third group says: ''Never!" "For the greater glory og Spain." the
1
It is composed of the rouünfstg and •doctrinaires,who ' For the Þ10ttera greater .(E. delight. A.) (E. A.) in
diator are the friars and other CŒ8tilas, and the when their terms of office have not expired yet, they retire after
manager of the performance is the third group of years in their post, the governors a mere three years. It is a m
deluded Spaniards transcendental consequences if every Petition of Right of th
Though it seems paradoxical, I believe that the considered a filibustero act that endangers the integrity of the m
indifferent persons among the Spaniards constitute All this only serves to nourish filibusterism.o and to separate th
her metropolis. All the enemies and adversaries of the as
the no anti-
Filipinos will get the same thing that the counselors of King
Filipino prejudices, it is supposed that some day
France obtained in 1830.
they may fraternize with those from the Philippines, These observations are the fruit of the perusal of
it they are informed of their true condition. But for your notes, and it is the desire of my soul that your
this the help book find in Spain a circle of readers who will not
of the government is also needed to see to it that the youth of the kingdom is burst into imprecations but will know how to deduce
taught the geo h and ethnography of e 1 mes. very sa , an per ps more an sa , to from its perusal that the Filipinos in reality are not
note that the youth of countries which have no colonies, like my country Austria, like, those in the disfigured picture painted by the
is in general better informed about the Philippines than the Spanish youth and in friars and your enemies, If then they do not attend to
part even the Spanish bureaucracÿe It is very sad, and perhaps even more than the Filipinos, the Philippines will be lost, but through
very sad, that Spain who reigns over 6 or 8 million Malays, does not have either their fault. They pretend to be noble but they do not
a college or academy for Malay or oriental studies, the seminaries of the friars know bow to be just; they pretend to be a superior
being the exclusive enterprises of private or International corporations. It is nation and they do not know how to follow a prudent
imprudent, and perhaps even more than imprudent, that the employees in the policy; they fear separatist ideas and they compel the
Philippines work like apprentices, for they do not know the languages and ideas Filipinos to seek refuge in revolution. May God will
that these prophecies be not realized ; but it
of their subjects, unable to graduate from the status of apprentices because even seems that the governments of Spain lack the
aptitude for that of parat tueri•.it habent sua fata non I*itmeritz, Austria
801um libelli, aed etiam regnŒ.iE
9 November 1889
Finally, I reiterate my expressions of gratitude for the
precious gift with which you have favored your mother
countryï and the whole civilized world. I hope that you
may continue your studies that honor Spain and the
Philippines and glorify your name and with it the name
Tagalog.
I conclude these lines wishing justice for your work. i.' Be pre area. to bok.
IS
NQt books have their own desUny but abo
Ferdinand Blumentritt
already demonstrated that this belief is fallaciot¼ as they count
With good temperature, many people, 'food supplies and other
factors favorable to the maintenance
CHAPTER EIGHT of human life. They likewise have many minerals, rich
Narrative ot the Philippine Islands and metals, precious stones and pearls, animals and their natives, their antiquity, customs and in
which Nature has not shown laxity.

Government, (non-conversion) liarities. both an during d after and their the other Spaniardsgentilitypecu•included both The large

totality in and the name small, of islands and is innumerable. government of this large of Those the ArchipelagoPhilippinewhich are had

conquered them;

Islands, properly speaking, number approximately fortyThe Islands of the waters of

the Oriental Ocean, six large without any smaller ones. They are all extenadjacent to the farthest part of Asia, belong to the sive and the
principal and best known ones are Luzon, Crown of Spain, and are commonly called "The Islands Mindoro, Teñaya,8 Capul, Burias, Masbate,
Marinduof Castile the West" demarcation by those line, who and sail to them and through the duque, Leyte, Samar, Cebu, Panay, Bohol,
the seas lands of Catanduanes, Calamianes, Mindanao, and other les
America, one for takes the reason a route that, until from one reaches the time said one Islandsleaves important ones.
Spain, from East to West, the same as the one travelled by the The first island which the Spanish conquered and sun. For
a similar reason, they are called "Oriental settled was Cebu* where the conquest was began, and Islands" by those
who navigate through India of Por- continued in all the other surrounding islands which are tugal, from West to East. The travellers
going both all inhabited by natives residing therein known as Vi• ways, go around the globe through opposite routes, un-
sayans, othervnse called "the tattooed ones" for the til they come to meet on the same Islands. Those pro- reason that the most
important male residents here have perly called Philippine Islands are numerous, large and since their childhood, decorated their
entire bodies by small, subject to the Crown of Castile. They lie within painting their skins, following a pattern therein drawn' the
tropic of Cancer and extend from twenty-four de- and by putting certain black powder where the blood grees North latitude, up to
the equinoxial line, which oozes out, and this can never be removed, However, as passes through the Malaccan Islands. There are
many the capital of government and the principal settlement others on the other line within the tropic of Capricorn,
which extend up to twelve degrees, South latitude. i of Tendaya, a It is very called difficult for- now gome to years determine "Isla exactly Filipina". which According was this to island

were
2 The We deserted ancients our and have ignorance uninhabitable/ alleged with respect that most to but the of origin experience these ot this Islandsbeliefhas but because to
opinions passing accounta anay other a chief and of the through of documents others Fr. Fr. Spaniards called Colin Urdaneta, who the Tandaya, ot place in meridian could the Leyte, his
it epoch, in not lord island between ot Ibabao, understand Of there the was or Moluccas, Abuyog town was south far the no located to ad of island Indios the Mercator Samar. Cabalian
east in with of that Butof the places against thisthe part'åme, group*so

1 More exactly from 25040' lat. No, until 120 lat. S., if wo are to include in the group Formoea,
inhabited also by the same

of of Christ) chapter Morga in who, one. Europe as But who it they already can reached had be since noted, news them Diodorus did of (Sumatra not these belicve Siculus islands at
least) thu (first through at and century the later beginninga certainbeforewrote many Atter pedition Spaniards looking contradictions (document, were for talking Tendaya in their Of
islands, for accounts Academia ten days the occurred, Indioa ,tbey de la bad were Historia) We to talking leave see in without that of Legaspi'Swhile man'havingthe

an account of bis voyage, giving detailed information on the number of found it: "And we pass on without seeinq either Tandaya or Abayo.g It islands, graphy their indicates
inhabitants, three their islands writing, which navigation, in the Latin etc. text Ptolemy are in calledhia southeastern eeans, however, part that ot Samar, the Spaniards called Ibab•o
continued or Zfbabao, giving the this x»utheast,name to the Rdae, inhabita by XYIVVXTXL, which Mercator interprets as Celebes, Samar the north of the game island.
1
Gilolo, and Of (Mindan•o, the island IÆite, of XYX Sebô, Oeu etc.) SzEporo ; of three bzbzSribætof Sugbú Southeastern in the part language of
Samar.ot the country. five islande SzpoubbzE
(Java group gbzSvør) ; Of ten rxbrlodzl where a large magnet stone iaThat is, drawin
found. Colin suppose that these are the Manilas. will be seen further, tfe first Bigayans on the used skin the what game
has method to be thetattæd. As it today.

of the Spaniards were transferred to the island of Lu•
zbn, which is a large and nearer Island to the marine
frontier of the great country of China and Japan, let
us first discuss said Island of Luzon, for the reason
that most of what can be said of the same can
likewise be said of the others, and the particular
specialties and peculiarities of each province will be
mentioned in the corresponding place.
This island of Luzon has a length from its trip or
head where one enters the Philippine Islands, from the mouth of the Capul
Channel which lies on the thirteenth and one-half degrees North latitude, up to
the Cape of Bajeador, in the marine frontier of China on twenty degress
latitude, over two hundred leagues away. In some places the width of the island
is less than in others, particularly in the middle of the same which is so narrow
that it is only less than thirty leagues wide. The entire island has approximately
over four' hundred leagues around the same.
The temperature on this island is not invarible, but
changes in various regions and provinces thereof. In
the head and beginning of the island, near the channel,
the beacheS are warm while in the interior, where the
City of Manila is situated, it is mild. The site is warm
because it is low and close to the sea while in its com-
munities not far from the City proper, there are
localities and settlements which are more cool, where
the heat does not annoy, and is likewise thus at the head
Of the island in the marine frontier of China, named
Cagayan. The seasons of the year, i.e., winter and
summer, are the opposite of those in Europe, as the
rains generally falls over all these Islands from the
month of June up to September, bringing heavy
downpour of rain, whirl-winds and storms, both on land
— 241 —
and sea. In summer from October up to the end of May,
the skies
are clear and the sea is smooth, although in some proVinces wi
cold season and the heavy rains begin earlier than in othersl and in
the winter
4 Marinas, takes meaning the rainy beaches.season
Winter and the rest of the year gummerw However, this
not quite exact, because Manila by Decemt*r, and
February the thermometer gæg with down regard more
to.thethan In the of August and September and therefore it Spain as all
the rest of the North Hemisphere.
and summer seasons are similar to those in Spain and
they last as long.
The people who inhabit the large island of Luzon in
the provmce of Camarines and even in the neighboring
provinces around Manila, both by sea and by land, are
natives of the island, middle-sized, of a color similar to
the quince fruit, and both the men and women have
good features, with very black hair, scarce beard and
are quite ingenious in everÿ way, keen and quick-
tempered and quite resolute. They all live in the farm
by their manuel labor, fisheries and trading, sailing
from one island to another and going from one
provmce to another by land.
The natives of other provinces of this island as far
North as Cagayan, are of the same kind and fortune ;
except that it is known by tradition that those of
Manila and other neighboring communities, were not
natives of ! said island but immigrated therein, settled
down and peopled the same in past times, they being
Malayan natives or natives of their islands and remote
lands-2
In some provinces of Luzon there is likewise a
number of natives who are of black complexion, the
men and women having kinky hair, not so tall in
stature, although clever and with robust bodies. They
are barbarians with very little mental capacity, who
have no fixed homes or settlements. They live in
groups and settlements, roving through mountains and
crags, noving along according to the weather, from
place to place, maintaining themselves by making
clearings or 'catngins and improvised paddies or
terraces, likewise by hunting game with their bows and
arrows in which they are quite proficient, by collecting
wild honey from the forests and picking edible roots
and tubers from the ground. They are wild tribes of
whom one cannot be safe, as they are inclined to kill
and attack the settle ments of the natives, to whom they
cause considerable
Ancient traditiong make Sumatra the place of origin •ot the
Filipinos. These traditions were completely lost as wetl the mythology
and genealogies that old historians tell us about. thanks to the zeal Of
the religious extirpating every national, gentile, or idolatrous With
respect to the ethnology of the Philippines, as the space at our command
doeg not allow us to discuss the matter extensively, we mend to
the reader the most interesting work of Professor Blamentritt, Vertuch
einer Etnographie der Philippinen (Goths Justus Perthes, 1882).

— 248 —
damages; and it has been unable to devise any measures
to prevent them from this conduct or to defeat or pacify
them, although it has often been tried to do this by good
or violent means, i as the opportunity had determined
them.
The province of Cagayan is settled by natives of the
same complexion as the others in the island, more
physically able and more brave and warlike than the
others. Their hair is long and hangs down their soulders.
They had risen up and rebelled two times after they had
first been pacified, and there was considerable effort made
to defeat and pacify them again.
The dress which these natives of Luzon wore before
the advent of the Spaniards in the land, consisted of the
following: for the men! clotheg made of cangŒn fabric
without collar, sewn m front with short sleeves
extending down to beyond the waist, some blue and
some black, while the headmen used red ones which
they called chininas* and a colored blanket wrapped
around the waist and between the legs, in order to cover
their private parts. In the middle of the waist they wore
the bahaque8 the legs being bare and the feet also bare
the head uncovered, with a narrow kerchief tied around
it tightly over the forehead and temples, called potong.'
More often by bad meane ratber than by ones until point wa4
reached when the Government had to order to refuse treatment them
everythinwoulä in order to compel to submit to see if cruel and inhuman
fill up the inefficacy of the missipnaries.
a We don't bow the origin of thia word which does" not seem to us
as being derived from China. If we may be allowed to make a conLen
eeture, we would say that a wrong phonetic transcription had made of
ehi*ina the word tinaŒ (from tüa) which in Tagalog means dya, name of
thig garment* almost always monochromatic, which indicated its origin.
— 244 —
The chief. used the red color and the cloth is "fine gauze from India," to
Colin. This fondness for red, which we already found among the
Romans, subsists among the barbarous tribes of Mindanaw.
* Bahag, uricb cloth and Often with gold stripes," among the chiefs.
4 They wrapped put it in different around the ways,
head sometimes like in Moró head- dress. style like
Those a turban,who took pride in being brave let fall the endg of the
cloth, deand so long they reach until the lega. And on it they display the
colors of their principality and the mottos ot their exploits and
achievement. It was not proper for any one to use red potonø until be bas
killed at least one man. And to wear certain stripes on it, like a crown, be
must have killed seven men." (Colin, book I, 59). Even an Indio can
be wearing the bal"dang in the style ot the to crown, th•t is to put around
the head.
Around the neck they wore a long chain of engraved
gold links the same as we wear it, some links being
larger than the othe1B. On their arms they wore thick
and engraved gold bracelets called colombigag made in
different designs. Some men used strings of stones, red
agate and of other colors and blue or white stones,
which to them are valuable.' As garters, they used on
their legs some strings of these stones and some strings
painted black and tied around their legs, several timext
In a certain province named Zambales, they shave
their heads closely from the middle to the forehead,
with a large lock of loose hairi on the back of the
head, The women throughout this province wear sayas
or dresses with sleeves called varo,2 of the same cloth
or of different color, without any chemise except
white cotton sheets wound around the waist falling
down to their feet. Others use colored ones around their
bodies as shawls, with much gracefulness. The principal
women use scarlet or silk ones or other fabrics,
interwoven with gold thread adorned with fringes and
other or. nament:. They use many gold necklaces around brothers dress gracefully, and are of good demeanor.
their necks, bracelets around their writs, and heavy They dye are scarcely jealous or careful regarding
earrings made of engraved gold, and rings of gold and this matter. black. their hair They and shampoo
stone on their fingežs. Their black hair is gracefully tied pride themselves it with the with boiled keeping
with a ribbon or knot to the head. After the Spaniards bark of it a quitetree when Men and there women is
came to the land, many native men ceased to wear gee- a price, are covetous they easily and money-loving,
strings and instead they wore baloon-trousers made out yield* LWhen so thatthe
of the same blankets and cloths, also hats on their heads. a
The headmen wear dresses decorated with pounded nd called gog03 and anoint it with oil of sesame,
goldbraid of various workmanship, and many of them perfumed husband catches his wife committing
wear shoes. Likewise, the principal women were infidelity, he is with musk and other sweet-smelling
curiously shod and many of them wear velvet shoes with substances. They appeased and satisfied without
gold difficulty. Some of those are all careful of their teeth,
and from their early age, who have associated with
trimmings, also white sheets as undershirts.
the Spaniards and who desire they file and even up
s
their teeth with grinders and other to appear more
There were also of ivory. (Colin, loc. cit.)
"Many rings og gold with stones on tha fingers." "The lut bf the gala dress is like our sash, a
cultured than the others, have sometimes implements
richly colora cloak of stone,' etc., and give them a permanent been
known to have killed the adulterers. When both black
thrown wear robes. the well-made over lambang the shoulder without or
mourning)ccllar, and joined long, The under reaching Bisayans, the untu
color which is preserved until their old age, even
arm" i•natead the (even fæt of today and this,withmen men and women, especially the prominent people, go
if it be unpleasant to the eyess out for a walk along
colored elegant stripes. and rich, The they whole wear garb, even now." the streets or to church, they walk
in short, (Colin, loc, at.)style, and really
whether bodies in this the may and nvers be the
sayans 1 Thia have manner an analogy of wearing to the the coiffure hair
injurious and old ordinarily streams to their without
and and the kimono long of attire the of the Bam. bathe health their regard • becauseentireto sun with
they by male and a always slow and rain. measured
—245— female carry The ladies with slaves dignified them
Both men and women, particularly the prominent walk who for carrÿ ahead step, protection silk-
people, are very clean and neat in their persons, and parasols well followed accompaniedfrom by
not so chaste, while the husbands, parents and
— 244 —
 whichtheirthe The young
they find it to be one of the best remedies to be healthy;
occupation, and and when likewise a the child the
women mother. is born, work As with they a matter the
immediately needle of pastime with bathe whichandit
brothers their male walking servants behind and them,
slaves.'followed in their turn
they are proficient and they engage in all kinds of
Their regular daily food is rice, crushed by wooden
needle work. They also weave blankets and spin
cotton pilons or pounders, which is cooked and is
then called and keep house for their husbands and
parents. Theyl morisquetŒ,4 and this constitutes the
daily mainstay for pound the rice which is to be
cooked for their meals the entire country, together
-with boiled fish of which
and prepare and the do the rest house of the chores
food. while They their raise men-folkchickens there is
an abundance, and pork or venison, likewise and
engage pigs in the work of the fields, fishing, boating
— 244 —
and meat of wild buffalo or carabao. They prefer meat
and
farming. The women both married and otherwise, are This
weakness of Indio women that historians relate, it seemg, can
be they obey nati.xrt and 3 Rather than the bark
it is the body itself Of a shrub that is crushed their own
instincts but also to a religious belief that Fr. Chirino tells but not
cooked. It ig strange that Father Buzetn and Bravo, in speaking
us about. "A doctrine planted the devil in some women of
these islands
Of most the common gogo, mention use, its use in mines and washing
clothæ and used not untilits ig and the I believe woman in who
all who docs cannot not have be saved, over. y married ecauge they or
marriageable,say he will which is for washing the hair, as it is now by
almost alt the Indiog. help them in the next life by leading t
y the hand in cross i a ve dangerous river that has no
bridge but a very narrow eee
This practice ig Still done. among
erosged in—õffii710' reach what they eal Kaluat-
S This custom ig found in Japan married women, ag a
hatic,n." (Chirino, chapter XIX). As to the reat, the priest-hi
C The of virtue. Spaniards Today think it is so declining.but the!
are The Indios are very g the missons in the of first un years
•women of Christianitition who resisted give and numerouspreferred
mistaken. examples of the
ti careful not to take a bath during Blesta, after
luncheon, the first two death to •urrenderl e o ence an take
threats Of the soldiers and endays of a catarrh, when
they have herpes, some women durin eomenderoa. This weakness for
the "pay" we believe, is not defect tion, etc., etc. Fr. Chtrino says
(chapter X); "They monopolized by Filipino men and women. we find
it everywhere in the the bent and almost seated for modesty' immerge
world, in Europe itself so satisfied with its morality and throughout its
until the throat, with the greatest eare not to be æcn, though history,
many times connected with crimes, scandal', etc.' etc. The cult there
general may bathing-hour not be is sunset who can ,after see the
them, day'g The work most and common to carry and watermost Of anonasvege- of-wood" iron spearheads, which
ot Venus, prostitution Priapug, in Christian Bacchus, etc., Europe, the
orgies and and Bacchanalia all in the kone the historyOf the
shields are smooth of light inside, wood which
home. After a funeral they bathe." This hygienie custom of the inha-
popes, prove that in this matter there gno nation that can throw things
bitants that of the prove tropics the .outhern has been orion preserved
with their cover "coats-them various or the
of some in of Japan, her inhabitants.like •many other to the blush first
before stone. the At women any rate, of today the most the chaste
custard-apples, land.kinds of fruit oranges and and
Filipino nation women of the have worlð.no reason
vegetables other citruses, which abound and
i Though this work ia not very hard, for the pestle ig light, it ig
Thf8 custom can still be seen in some places.
now done generally by men, leaving to the women cleaning of the 4 otherin waists from head they to wear foot a and
Morisqueta to the Spaniards, because the Tagalon eall ft kanin. rie
— 247 — four-inch which wide they call dagger, carasŒs8.
I
with a On Sharo-their
n some provinces the weapons of these people
corv also fish, salffish eat boiled which sweet-
potatoes begin to decompose which resemble and
werg of the drink coconut-trees that which and
drips of out the of nipa-palms the tender
smell.' the Theyor- Islands, sist of bows the arms whichflo- call of point gold it a Bararaos foot
or ivory long, and with the have handle two
and arrows are medium but generally, spears with
plain two being edges double uncovered with
throughout well-madethe edges, woodenand and madethey They are
abundant and which are raised like vineyard-
grapes bards or of finely engraved buffalo
tables, dinary all potatoes, kinds of kidney-bean, horns'. They are

bananas, guavas, quiliti$, pineapples, and other

— 244 —
 rately, like fermented drunk tubak containers, although meetings, singing drink and weddings,by have a fewa
water juice throughout it with is but it from stoves gunpowder they defended was their not forts as refined
medicinal becomes less the the care and strong palms, and towers as that although used by theirthe
Islands. strong for and other and the they difficulty.
utensils, or It stomach dry. distil becomes light When the good time, although this habit does not carry with it,
Upon and liquor and same a used when clear taking Spaniards.
good which in mode-fluidtheirit fortheisis ful
holding cut carry very his dexterous it so head away him according to their estimation, any dishonor or infamy.*
that off by people in when the with order will hair a they Their vessels and craft are of many types. In the
to single consider and hang go with blow after it them in
the of their their brave the other house adversary, nation, s This in the ig another matter preoccupation ot food, loathe
balarŒw, and hand, to venge-showtheyandby o
f
th
at
tb
e
S
very it off, of their enemies and p
the evildoers. a
ni
phlegms and other kinds of rheums. When ar
d
mixed with After they had watched the a
Spaniards handle their Spanish wine, it to
becomes a pleasant liquor which is arms, many w
hi
of them can handle the arquebusque and c
tasteful and wholesome. musket very well. h
th
Formerly they had posessed brass e
The natives of these Islands drink this liquor in the y
mortars and other pieces of tempered steel with which w
h
o,
who feasts day and are and so night inclined circles, ar
e
without accompanied and end who in come their by to li

— 244 —
 k e
e c
n a
ot n
a o
n e
y s
ot a
h c
er c
u
ri s-
v tomed or is unknown to them. The Engliù, for is horrified or
er bancag made of boards attached to the keels. There on nant and a
a he Spaniard can't understand eating snailg; how to raw the
n beefsteak Spaniard can be eaten; is repug-the are also the viceroy
d type and the barŒngŒy craft which Chinese who eat takuri and
st shark cannot stand Roquefort cheese etc., etc. are straight and
re light craft, with low body held together The fish that Morga does
a not taste when it beginning 1 to From it rot• anå the all tasted
m Tagalog on the it know contrary: tuba, that juice it it i' i. or not
s bagoong• sap or ot ought the and not palm all to those tree.be
in rotten.who have stern, with wooden accommodating tress-nails,
la many as strong rowers in on the both prow sides, as whichin the
n eaten

d
th
e sailors see regard, in It the are must thanks provinces given be perhaps admitted to
y one this to that or vice, the so the wine drunkard That Filipino mort0Þl
u drunkenness, people anl in Today have Manila however, improved hardly only
s can foreignin thisonenotby craft, expert likewise paddlers have who paddles
propel used the outside same of in the unison,lcraft
e
o
n dangerous, for Colin says: "But rarely do they become furious or
e- wild; thanks to the chanting of their singers Of native heroes
m rather, after drinking, they preserve proper reapect and
a circumspection. They only more gay and talkative and say some
st amusing things. But it ia bown that none of them after leaving a ban
la uet, even at a late hour ot the night, fail to reach their home. And i?
r
g

— 244 —
 buy or sell, and that touch neither and weigh does their gild or band
silver. tremble they nor do It do Wiff th they •o offer make muchtoa of
historians. the the comparison This backwardness weapon The of hitta
has the ot of beew weapong the the lost taEboatee present-day made and
not today are even Filipinos neither with ita name those of in gold their
remains. described or industna ivory. Aby northe•is

mistake." • Bagoong (Book is 1, figh 61)or fish s preserved with

plenty ot salt. Filipinos ther scabbarde ot horn, nor •re they
euriouzly worked. eerve it a. geligh or sauce.I '08trŒr meana to
join, to match rowing or any other movemen
to move in right musical time.
(Dominguez, Diccionario de
Lengga•

— 249 —

— 244 —
pose

made vessel. and their of of Above the quickening bamboo deeds, craft the requires, in rowers' where or their slowing as seats, pass native
many down to there tongue} anå fi the is hting-men fro, a rowing passage-deckfor without the as of pur-dis-thethe draft smaller on their use the
the are rudders border wooden sails the barangŒys and and and tree-nails fewer thirty bows and use soldiers crew. but the fender-beams
assorted Many viceroy-type to top, of metal but them and vessels the nails, no Eommonso longerforth,usingand

size of turbing the rowers' post. From there is handled the sail Spansh style. l which is square and of canvas through a lift made of two
thick bamboos, which serves as mast, and when the The land is covered with shadows: everywhere from vessel is large, it also has a foremast
of the same kind trees of various kinds and fruit-bearing ones which beau-

with vessel. of the adverse, bamboo stin their The is also vessel hot, pulleys on its the is also helmsman placed to same carries lower passage-
deck a cover the another at the sail made compartment stern when on of which, to the palm-leavessteer wind madewhentheiscoastline tify large
in flows dance tasteful the and down of country and small timber fishes to the the rivers throughout which of meadows sea all giving and
species. is cut and are good the down mountains. There navigable year, drinking-water and is both also taken and It along an is aboundfull to
whichabun-thetheof

CŒyŒn0S,thick woven and vessel. bamboos together 1 under There on closely which both is also extremes is to covered a make cage-like of a
the the thick entire devise vessel, roof personnelmade which namedofis which small saw-mills building vessels. are houses and mostly Many
many and navigable. trees edifices logs are are and straight The floated for timber making and down thick, is the large good fit riversandforfor

1 In Tagalog it fa called karang.

— —
water

strongly to the howsoever balance wind but attachd may does rough and hit not prevent to the the interfere it sea sails. and the may with which
It craft get often the or from barely rowing howsoever happens turning touches but that strongservesover,thethe mast flexible, use There as
without is masts so likewise that need for any galleys an of vessel dovetailing abundance and can be galleons, or equipped of cutting timber
both it with for into light hulls a pieces.singleandof

uncovered vessel gets filled with water and capsizes vessels, for their keels, framework, toptimber and any and is destroyed yet it does not sink
to the bottom in futtock-timbers, breast-hooks, knees and small-knees, view of the bamboo balancing devise which serves as upper works and
good timber for decks and sides.'
a buoy, and also prevents drifting away. This kind of The Filipinos, like the inhabitants of the Marianas who are ao vesels were used throughout the Islands since ancient legs famous and skilled in the art of
navigation, far from progressing,

times, likewise larger vessels known and ag tapalces. bŒncas They or Vintaaare have we carried can become on say hundred that backward, they rowers are for, as almost erew though
and all now or thirty Eurcpean boats fighting are model. built soldiers in 'The disappeared.the ships Islands,that
uncovered rowing-craft, lapis
used to transport the merchandise and are very roomy appro- The country 2,000 tons that (Hernando at one time de los with Rios, primitive p. 24), methods now has built to resort ships
ofto

can priate float for on the shallow purpose water because and can they be are beached often navigateat andthe and foreign' interior in distrustful ports' navigation return like for system Hong dies,

unserviceable Kong, due of to. government. to the give cruisers. obstacle away The And the created gold rivers Of wrested by all are a thatobstructedtimid from anthe mouth of rivers and canals on which
they
without going out to sea or far from the land. All na- architecture replaced by hardly modern one advancement name or so in is proportion remembered, to killed the centuries without beingthat

tives are able to handle and navigate them. Some are have old vessels elap*ed, in their as it kind has and happened for their in time the were adjacent so countries. and light,And those so large that
they can carry one hundred rowers sitting All those ot the Marianas, that sailors and pilots said: "While we moved

—
 in one shot of arguebus they gave us aix turns so gvaeerul that they cannot more." (Doc. Academia de la Historia).
And they sailed also againet the wind and the Spaniards called them shuttles tovtheir

the

and chapter Through and fabulous even perhaps Xthem in V) their genealogies also It perhaps is work of lamentable the much when and history of vain they that the of deeds are these
past the many. of of adjacent songs the their In Filipinos had these gods." islands.not gongs been could (Colin, they preserved.be book knownrelateI, later swiftness. them took Shady It
seems place Why the that did •ome Betið. they of species (See the not S. trees.think disappeared Ot Vidal the et excusive y perfecting Soler).or at construction least this became kind of of
scarce, vessels?•hips -one thatof

250
There are many fruit-trees in the land such as santol, In the Province of Cagayan there are chestnut-trees
mabolo, tamarind, nancΠor jack-fruit, anonas, papayas, that produce nuts, and in other places there are pine trees
guayabΠand various kinds or oranges both small and and other kinds of trees which produce large ker nels
large, sweet and sour, citrus and lemons, about ten or and strong good-tasting nuts which are known by the
twelve varieties of bananas,r very tasteful and name of There is an abundance of cedar which is called
wholesome, many kinds of coconuts with good-taste, calanta and also fine red timber called asana, also
from which liquor and common oil is made, very useful ebony, a variety of which is better than the rest, and
for wounds, and other wild palm-trees of the mountain other much esteemed woods fit for everÿ elaborate
which yield no nuts but which,. however, give good purpose, The meats usually eaten are pork which is
trunks, and from the husks of which oakum is obtained, abundant, tasteful and wholesome; beef of which there
very useful for calking vessels. Efforts have been made is plenty in many parts of the islands, considerable
to raise olives and quince and other European fruits but breeding-stations and ranches' where cattle are raised.
so far, they have not succeeded excepting They originated in China and New Spain. The cattle
pommegranates and grapes which yield excellent fruits from China are small and very prolific and have small
after and curved horns which they use and butt with. They
carry a large hump on their shoulders and are quite
two years, and quite abundantly and three times a year; tame. There is a large variety of chickens like those of
likewise figs. Vegetables of all kinds thrive in Castile and others still larger, the breed having been
abundance but they do not seed well, and it is necessary brought over from China, and they taste well and make
to bring seeds from Castile, China or Japan.

255 —
 1
Buzeta• and Bravo say that there are more than 57 species. (p. 35)
nut..
There was such an abundance cattle that Fr. Gaspar de San Avuaén
says, •peåkinz Dumangas (p. 259) "Thia convent has an extensive farm
for cattle, of go many cowe that there was time when they were aver and
thia also has many avd very fine
252
good capons. Some of the hens are black in their
feathere, skin, flesh and bones and they taste
good' There are broods of geese, swans, ducks
and tame doves or squabs brought-over from
China. There is an abundance of wild game
such as deer and wild boar, and in some places,
purcopine, buffalos called carabaos which are
raised in the fields and there are fierce carabaos
aside from the tame ones brought from China, of
which there are a great number, and very
beautiful ones only useful for dairy purposes,
their milk being thicker and better tasting than
cow's milk.
Goats are also raised although owing to the
dampness of the land, their flesh does not taste
good and they easily get sick and die on this
account, also because they eat certain poisonous
plants. Although sheep have been imported
several times from New Spain, they have never
multiplied, so that they are scarce in the land
now* as it seems that both the climate and
pasture lands are not quite appropriate for them.
—
There were no horses, mares or donkeys in the
Islands until the Spaniards had them brought
over from China and from New
Spain. There are donkeys and mules but few in
number, but a great number of horses and
•mares; and some ranches are full of them, and
most of these have been raised here and are half-
breeds, and good specimens having fine colors
and are well-developed and very satisfactory for
work even if only middle-sized. Those brought
from China are small, strong And have a good
pace, quite treacherous, restless and not so well-
developed. There are brought from Japan some
horses with good colors, stout, heavy and
bristly with large bones and feet, looking like
aray horses, with large heads, strong mouths, are
poor runners but good pacers, lively and with
good determination. Their regular fodder
throughout the year is the green camalote 2
unhusked rice which makes them become fat.
There is an abundance of country-fowl, wild
game of fine colors, very nice in appearance.
There are al go no singing-birds fit to keep
cages, although from
The flesh of these chickens that the Tagalogs called ulikbΠis
•aid to have medicinal value.
1 They -exiat however now, though little
esteemed. or sakcte, that is, grass
fodder.
 — 258
Japan there have been brou ht some calendar larks
which are smaller than the gpanish kind which sing
finely and are called fimbaros. There are many turtles
doves some very green-colored pigeons besides wild
doves or pigeons, said green ones having very red
feet and bills, while some pigeons are white with a
red spot on the breast like the pelican. In the place of
quails, there are fowl resembling them although
smaller known as ponosl and some small ntayΠbirds.
There are likewise some wild cocks and chickens
which are very small and which taste like partridges.
They also have royal herons both white and brown
also fly-catchers and seabirds, ducks, lauancös,
egrets, sea-crows, eagles, bu hŒrros2 and other birds
of prey, although one of them are used like falcons
for hunting'. There are jays and thrushes as in Spain,
storks and cranes. They do not raise turkeys, rabbits'
or bares, although they sometimes use them too. They
either eat or destroy the wild, destructive animals
living in the mountains and fields such as wild cats,
foxes, badgers, large and small rats which abound,
also Other land-animals.
An infinite number of small and large •monkeys
thrive and sometimes bend the branches of the trees,
throughout the Islands. There are likewise green and
white parakeets6 but they are poor talkers, also very
small parrots bearing green and red colors, called
lcu¿a- Sisi which also do not talkØ. The hills and
settlements abound in snakes of different colors, the
ordinary ones being larger than those in Castile. Some
boa-constrictors have been seen in the mountains
which are strangely large and admirable in appearance.
The most dangerous snakes-are very thin and shorter,
and they drop from the trees where they usually live,
on those who pass below, and sting them. Their poison
is 80 active that the victim dies of madness within four
hours.
In the rivers and streams there are very large
and small scorpions and a great number of very
fierce and cruel crocodiles which frequently get
the natives from
their bancas on which they ride, They work a great
havoc on the cattle and horses in the ranches when
they go to the river to drink water. However mueh the
people may trap catch and kill them, these reptiles
hardly seem to åiminish in number. For this reason, the
natives build on the border of their rivers and streams
in their settlements where they bather—traps and
fences with thick enclosures and bars Of bamboo and
timber within which they do their bathing and
washing, secure from these monsters which they fear
and respect to the degree of veneration as if theÿ were
somehow superior to them.2 Likewise, these reptiles are
involved or mentioned in their oaths, execrations, etc.
hurled to their important hated peopler—even among
Christians—in the Buhayan Moro language, thus:
"May the crocodiles kill him!" and there have been
cases where God has permitted those who have sworn
falsely or broken their promise, to become victims of
2 Pogo* from the Tagalog pugo, a small bird.
Buh08, a species of owl.
255 —
the crocodiles, in view of their violation of the
authority and purity of the truth or promise.2
Fishing of all Hndg 'Of fish in the sea or in fresh
waters of rivers and streams, is very greatly indulged in
and is quite productive; in fact, this industry is quite
general in the entire country and is considered a natural
2 Also there had friar. eaten by eroeodilea *hile the Indioa who
accompanied them able to escape; in •thfs• ease, however. his-• torians
rive favorable explanation of the happening and • different one when
the victim ig an Indio.
S
lf oar memory dba not fail •s, in the Phllippinu thera is a
fish called pampano.
Rio Grande.

activity for the self-support of all the people. There is

an abundance of good sardines, bass, seabreams called —
bŒCOCOS, dace ells. bicuda, tanguingue, flounders,
þlantanos3 and tarŒMtb8, pin-pointed fish, golden fish,
eels, large and small oysters, mollusks, crabs, shrimps,
sea-spiders, marine crabs and all kinds of mollusks, etc,
also shad and white fish. In the Tagus River' (Rio
Grande) of Cagayan, in the proper season, there is an
abundance of booby-fish which come to
1 Perhaps for the same reason, other nations have great enteem for
the lion and •putting them on their shields and giving them honorable
epithets. Tbe mysterious life ot the the enormoue Size tha 3it sometimes
reachu, its fatidieal aspect, without •counting any more Lita
voraciousness, must have influenæd greatly the Imagination of the
layan

3 It might allude to falconry or hunting with

falcons. 4 Now there are house rabbits and turkeys
abound. s Kakatua or katalŒ.
RulŒgiei, Tagalog 'tame

—254—

—
 shallow water in the bay to spawn. In the Bonbon lake, strong, thin and solid, made into strong cables for their many tunny fish not as large as
those in Spain, although vessels and other •purposes. These traps are attached having the same shape, flesh and taste, can be caught posts stuck
into the bottom of the lake and they gather during the proper season. The seas are full of large the fish caught from said traps through wicker
and fishes such as whales, sharks, caellas, bufeo cetaceans, bamboo baskets and smaller and various fishing-nets and other unknown species
having unusual size and besides other contrivances and also fishing-rods. The shape. In the year fifteen hundred nine-six, during a ordinary
food of the natives is a very small fish which great storm occurring then in the Islands, there was is netted, dried in the sun or air, then cooked
in various stranded a fish so large and strangely deformed that ways; and they enjoy them better than the larger fishes. although the water was
three and one half bra.zŒ8 or Among them they call this fish lŒ1dau i three meters deep, it was no longer able to swim again In lieu of
olives and other aperitive fruits, they have and it died there. The natives said they had never seen a green, very small fruit, more
diminutive than a nut, had before two an horns animal on it having which a dropped similar appearance, down its back, and An-it than ealled
the paosmango, 2 which comes which in when several properly sizes, but piepared all smallerfor

other such fish was brought to Manila and it was co- eating, has a good taste when served as pickles or brin vered with its thick skin or hide,
having no bristles or ed. They likewise prepare charŒs 3 and other vebetablés scales, being white, large and about twenty feet long, in a similar
manner, making good appetizers,
bulky from the head and torso and thinning down proportionately to its tail, being a little hunch-backed and There is an abundance of ginger
which is eaten not quite round-looking, very solid and, all in all, cau- raw, in vinegar or pickled, likewise much cŒchunba
sing extreme surprise among those who saw it.ia plant giving both taste and color, used in cooking
a large it,

IA

it, having

It much to are is the to several called which hunting sea fresh-water
those be five inhabited streams lake of its had. a Bail blow, leagues
one roughening running is thereon from become natives thirty and coast
to leagues and who middle very another it of
debouchesextremelyespeciallynavigatetroubledthe there Manila.fish
areca and feéling made the in mulberry bonga is the the rolled so
leaf, betel if of tidbit of which burned, mainland, and a lengthwise
Its and whitish not with plantis Islands into a addicts spices. the bit in
by •an the several At towns means$of uninhabited can Lake times
sailing river waters having island* Along flow, It by
the in considerable the coast which Manila through
aroundwherewithlakeinis It in offered This
intoxication. rolled place out palm' is Asian strong throughout as cut
safforn coupled leaf leaf Those is stimulating these is with placed of
used s that a slices the of inside. or buyo seed and to get very The vine
255 —
later mouth it and in or or their regular This wet get it resembling other betel nut induces placed and their quick-lime:mouth nut from countriéswhich
delicacychewed.mouthcalledinsidesleepandthetheis

extensively on the same from their craft.

and dangerous to when the North winds although its coasts are easy to land on. i What is
now called la;wZate is the salted and dried sardine. It
There IS another lake in the province of Bonbon that the author refers to the t.Œgñlie of Batangas, or dilis, whch is

and
(Batangas) bearing the same name, fish. and The although method ofitwith soft stone and 'trong smell. to 5 centimeters long, is not so large, it
abounds with
fishing used by the rattan natives vines is which that of are making very flexible,corralsKasumbŒ. 5 In It Tagalog T. H. a •Pardo kasubha. tree but de a It Tayera, vine which (Bl from S&ngcrito •is the
cultivated Sanskrit la by Kasutnbha.. lewguΠmaking tavaEog).it Malay,dimb
or traps made of
baróboo poles placed in the middle of small capa18 that serve for waterng
former times and about the middle of thfß century, there wereevery two days. A plantation Ot- betel, or the Tagalogs call it. found also *Iòng the Pacific coasta of Luzon,
various monsters which EveryEody bowe that this fruit not of the betel or buyo but we don't if they have bæn studied.of the bong• (Tagalog bungc), or of the areca palm. bland.
T
Not quicklime but very hydrated lime.

—256 —
saliva turn red like blood, and obtain a taste which fingers thick, known in Spanish as chacón i which, enis not unpleasant. After it has been
chewed for some closed tightly in a bamboo cylinder emits a certain time and it has no longer any-juice, it is spit out of fluid or saliva which, t
when mixed With food or drink, the mouth ag zapŒ8 or bagasse. Whatever juice may renders the same poisonous. By presing the body of have
entered the stomach is advantageous and tastes this lizard this liquid is obtained and when mixed as good to the user and for certain ailments, it
strengthens already stated with anything to be eaten or drunk, howand fortifies the teeth and preserves the gums from soever small the quantity
may be it becomes a strong any rheums; and many claim it to be a panacea with poison. There are also other plants or herbs known to wonderful
results for many illnesses. What one can and gathered by the natives for the same purpose, observe is that the buuo-chewing is indulged in by the
some used dry and others fresh, which are given with natives and the Spaniards, both laymen and priests, food or used in fumigation as the case
may be, while men and women, so commonly and regularly, that in some others need only to be touched by the hands and the morning and
afternoon, during meetings or visits feet, or to be sat down or laid down on, to take effect whether sitting alone in the house or with company,
actively and thus poison the victim to death. The naeverybody is affected by the buyo rage or fashion which tives are so clever in making

— 261 —
compounds of this nature makes use of certain well presented buyo or betel goldén that they prepare and apply the herbs so that the same plates or
seYvice -sets, just as in New Spain they also in- may produce the deadly effect immediately or after dulge in sipping chocolate. Many have been
given poison a long or short time as may be desired; in fact even through thése means and have died of It, and this at the end of one year. i
Ordinarily many persons die occurrence is not infrequent. miserably by poisoning, particularly the Spaniards who are imprudent, bad behaving or
who are hated for illIt is a habit among the well-to-do natives, as a show treating the natives with whom they have any dealings of greatnes and
luxury, to carry with them when they in connection with the collection of taxes or in other go out of their houses, their brassware service and sets
matters in which the natives are employed against their of buvo or -betel, the buyo rolls being placed on the will, the matter being beyond any
remedy. There are containers apart from the loose leaves, the bonga or some herbs which are so poisonous that when they go to nuts and the wet
lime. These sets curiously made of gather them they carry with them some herb-antidotes; brass and other materials and substances include sepa-
and in the Island of Bohol, there is a plant that in rate containers for the scissors or cutters and other order to cut it from the main trunk, they
approach it utencils for handling this delicacy are kept with great from a direction against the wind for the reason that care; and wherever they go
they take time out to make the mere smell of it carried by the wind is deadly. these buyo rolls and chew them. In the Parian or mar- Nature has not
left this danger unprovided for, because ket and elsewhere they sell this delicacy extensively in these Islands there are. other herbs and roots
which as well as the articles that go to make a buye service are so effective and potent that they render the poison or set. from other plants
ineffective and harmless and they are used when there is great for them. Thus when it is
Islands ordinarily use which and
As efficacious abound to poisons in that every and they the one venoms, herbs produce of them. having the miraculous They natives these are
propertiesso of results.deadlythese applying known it is not what difficult the particular herb to which offset poisonous is it contra
to done has said on been poison. time used,byIt

There is a lizard somewhat greenish-black palm's length aboundingand three i 2 Tagalog The The period present tuW.mugt toxicology be a typographical in the Philippines ermr is (in
very the backward, Spanish orfgnal).a back. especially in buildings, one wardness that perhaps should appreciated miatee ought to regret it. 8 SaN. There
remains very little empirical knowledge.

— 258 — —
has happened on certain occasions that the suspect of there are highlands which run and extend to Cagayan having caused the poisoning has
been forcibly compelled inland where along the sources of the streams, live to bring the antidote-herb and thus prevent the evil. many natives
who have not been as yet pacified, called There are also other general antidote herbs for the pur- Igorrots, whose country has not yet
been penetrated by pose of preserving one's system as well as for offset- outsiders. They have rich mines of gold besides silver, ting the poison
administered. However, the most ef- of which they get as much mineral as they need for fective ones are certain violet-colored flies or wood-
their uses. They take their still unrefined and unperbugs to be found among the bushes of the Visayan fected gold to certain appointed places

255 —
 where they meet Islands (of the tattooed natives) which, when enclosed the people from Ilocos, where, for their gold, they are in a clean
bamboo cylinder tightly stopped, multiply given in trade, rice, pigs, carabaos, blankets and other inside and are fed
with pounded rice and kept enclosed articles which they need? The Ilocanos refine and for about eight days after which the rice is removed
finish the gold and market the same throughout the and new rice given them to keep them alive. Six of plains and the country. Although efforts
haye been these flies when taken in a spoonful of wine or water, made in order to ascertain the whereabouts of their ----they have no offensive
odor and taste like common mines and the manner in which they work them and cress—-produce a miraculous effect. This is ususally done get
the mineral from the ground, nothing has been as a preventive against poisoning, when one goes to learned or ascertained regarding the matter,
because dinners or feasts Of a suspicious nature, and it preserves they were suspicious that the Spaniards would not hesiand secures one grom
every danger of poisoning. tate to go and get their mines for themselves. It was
said that the Igorrots felt that their gold was kept more
Throughout these Islands are certain places and whereother securely in the ground than in their Own homes Or there is an abundance of rich
gold deposits settlementxa

through washing

gold-chains, with Spaniards more mineral what lax products in had they the bracelets wag settled mining already or abundant indeed which of
placer-mming. and in gold, of are the had the earrings.gold/ in inherited land, one collected In themselves. contenting the who the However,
Camarines, form from did natives by In the not of themselvestheir fact, after becamejewelrypossessnativescertainfore-poorthe velopment•of
efforts Visayas, presently sessions more dance which In of importance the yields of of these in Butuan a placer the rest the mine gold-mining, very
Islands Spaniards of world. River to and the called good other as Islands, other However, in gold. were industries much Talibon Mindanaw there
mines, there If concentrated gold could since all is than particularly is as the being and be they the to from obtained activities Cebu, gold-
mming,same on developed,are any the in givingwhereabun-frompos-andthede-

and ancient ingots bears, which were and indigent any

— 261 —
 In Paracale, in the Province of placer and other mines were developed and worked. they will be discussed in the proper place more
extenLikewise in Ilocos this commodity was also being traded, sively than the latter.
because behind this province which is on the sea-cost, In the waters along the coasts of these Islands, there
1
The Indios on seeing that wealth arouæd the capacity of the acco- are to be gathered, ostia de perlŒ81 particularly in the tn.endero. and soldiers, abandoned the work in the mines,
and priest-histo- Calamianes, and some have been obtained which are riaas relate such that, order However, to save them according. from vexations, to Colin, they "informed
recomendedfrom quite large and fine and very oriental. Neither ig there to them procedure. ment and abandonment, in his time According was obtained to manuscript from after the 80 bf
Islands years an old of the discourage-value of throughout any business the of country importance everywhere done there in this is often line, to andbe 100,000 pesos in
gold on an average annually and serious

of thesa Islands, the first tribute of only the provinces ot alone Iloeos found inside the ordinary mother-of-pearl shells, im-
Pangasinan amounted to 109,500 pesos. One in and
2
1587 from Manila on the 'hip Santa Anc that Cavendieh seized, This wu forbidden later.
a
tsels of gold. And in truth they wore right! i
Mother-of-pearl.

255 —
perfect pearls and mothers-of-pearls as large as war rior-shields, out of which curious their most precious and valuable possession, which
articles are made by hands There are likewise seaturtles throughout the islands, so large they keep in their stores and chambers. A jar is worth
that their shells are profited by the natives who sell them as trade-commodities to the a great deal of money, and is adorned on the outside
Chinese, the Portuguese and other nationals, who come to buy them and who esteem with fine goldplating with much elaboration, and is
them Very much, because they make many curios out of them. covered with brocade cloth, so that there are vases
Along the coasts of any of these Islands, there are many shining shells or which are worth
cowries called siguey. The natives pick them and sell them by measure to the
Siam ese, Cambodians, Portuguese and other nationals ot the mainland, where said t Tea, which was not mnch used then.
shells are used as currency with which they purchase things like they do in New Spain
with cocoa-beans. — 262 —
The horns of the carabaos constitute a commodity or sold for two thousand eleven-reales (pieces of
for China, also the skins of deer, and red-wood for eleven) taels each, or less, as the case may be, even if it
is slightly dented or has a flaw, for the reason that this is
Japan. The natives profit by all these articles in
of no consequence so long as tea can be safely kept in
trading with them with these nationals, and derive them. The natives of these islands sell these articles to
much advantages thereby. the Japanese as best they can, and take pains to look for
In this Island of Luzon, especially in the them for this purpose; and as a mat ter of fact, these
provinces of Manila, Pampanga, Pangasinan and vases have become very scarce owing to the great
Ilocos, there are to be found ancient earthen tibors or demand there is for them*
jars, brown in color and not so beautiful to look at. Once in a while, the natives find large chunks of
Some are of
middle size and others are smaller, bearing certain ambergris quainted with, along Inasmuch the coasts, as
marks and seals, and they cannot explain where they which they know they are that already the Span-ac-
got them from or in what period. At present they are
no longer obtainable neither are they manufactured in iards esteem it very much, and have made it a
these Islands, and they are in great demand on the part commodity for trading. Last year, sixteen hundred and
of the Japanese who prize them very much for the two, in the Island of Cebu, the natives found a large
reason that they have discovered that these are the piece of ambergris, and as the news of it spread and
only receptacles in which to properly keep and reached the ears of the encomendero or grant-holder, he
preserve the roots and leaves of a plant called cha, l took it secretly for himself, charging it to tribute or taxes.
the beverage of which they drink hot and which the It was said that it weighed a great number of pounds, and
'Japanese so highly esteem; so that they constitute that it was sold by the ounce at a high price.'

—
— 265 —
 In the Island of Mindanao, in the province and river of
Butuan, which have been pacified and granted as
encomienda to the Spaniards, the natives have another
industry or trade which is quite profitable. Lnasmnch as
there is an abundance of wild or civet cats, although they
are smaller than the Guinea civets, the natives get the
musk or perfume out of the cats and sell or trade the
same, doing good and easy business thereby. During the
crescent moon, the natives go out with nets to catch
Dr., Jagor, in his famous work in den (Berlin, in chapter
XV deals with jars, dæeribing some, giving very curious and interesting
details about their history, shape, and value, some of which reach
enormous prices, like those of tba gultan of Borneo who scorned tha price
of 100000 pesos Offered for one of them. Dr. Jagor himself. in the
Phhippines, was able to get one, found in one of the excavations
undertaken in Ligmtnan (Camarines Sur) with other prehistoric objects to
the bronze ate, attended by knives made of this metal and the of iron, ele.
is a pity that jects had hot studied Discovering these Very
precious jars in Cambodia, Siam, Cochin-china, the Philippines, and other
adj•œnt islands, and their manufacture dating to very epœh, the study of
their structure, seals and inscriptions. would perhaps give us a key to
finding a common center Of civilization for these pwplu.
8
"And long ago", says Colin, (1663)) "was found cloæ to the island
of Jolo a that weighed more than eight arrobas of the beat quality. that
there is, of which the Jesuits ia the and gray'* later It a that took
piecepart it. into the posse—ion
— of textile alone there wag an
civets, a considerable number of which get caught.
Once they have removed the muak out of them, they let
them loose again' Likewise, they keep some of the
civets, put them in cages and sell them all over the
country at modest prices.
Cotton is also raised throughout the islands, and they
spin it into thread and sell it by skeins to the Chinese
and other nationals who come over td trade in it.
They also weave blankets in various ways which they
also sell or trade 2 likewise clothes made out of the fibre
of bananas,a the cloth known as medriñaque.
The Babuyanes consist of many but qrnall
islands, and they lie on the head or point of Cagayan
Province, inhabited by natives whose principal trade is to
come to Cagayan in tapaque vessels carrying pigs,
chickens, provisions and ebony spears, to sell. These
islands are subject to no encomwnda or grant, neither is
any tribute collected from them, and there are no
Spaniards living among them, as they are less civilized
and orderly people. There have been no converts to
Christianity amon¥ them, neither have they any system
of Government.
On the opposite end of Luzon, there are other islands
on the frontier of Camarines province, on fourteen
degrees latitude north of the Espiritu Santo channel, and
they are called the Catanduanes islands. They are well
populated by natives who are good and subject to
Spanish encomenderoe, having parish schools, churches
and
It seems that thia industry ia now very much forgotten, for nothing more is
heard of it.
"Not only did they have large harvest of riee but of cotton which they Wove
into textile for their garments and which very much esteemed in New Spain... Out
cometd•ro who left L fortune of more than 50,0
in a few years." This i' what Chirino says writing in 1903, that is, 31
years after the creation ot the encomi•ndaa. Thia is not surprising it is known how
the eneomenderoa• exploited the Indioa. Now they demanded from them blankets
at the lowe't prices that did not reach the eighth part of their real value, now they
cheated them 'in weights and measures, ecce, etc, which so discouraga the
industrious Filipinos that little by little they abandoned their looms destroying
them and burning them for which they were vexed and oppressed.
Perhaps Morga refers to the ainamav. an abaca made of the fiber ot
Musa Taztüia; the abaca ia obtained from the
trunk and not from the leaves.
Besides this the islands are •o anall that the little that they
could give did pot arouse either the or the af the missionariea.
268 —
 —264
a mayor who governs them„ Most of them are
laborers, while others are engaged in working placer
gold-mines and in trading from one province to
another on the Luzon mainland, which is very near
to them.S
There is in the coast of the Island of Luzon in the
South, less than one hundred leagues from the Cape of
Espiritu Santos, through which the Ca ul Channel is
entered, a bay about thirty leagues wiåe having a
narrow channel; and in the middle thereof, there is an
island lying across is approximately it making it
narrower, two leagues and long, is calledand
Miraveles. i It a half league wide, with elevated fifty
thickly-wooded natives* where land,the
havings a settlement of about guard or sentinel of
the bay has his headquarters and residence. There
are channels on both points of the island through
which to enter the bay, one being half a league on
the South with a lighthouse in the middle called the
Friar Island, and another on the northern part which
is narrower; and through these two chan nels all
ocean-going vessels enter and leave the bay. The
entire bay is fathomable and clear, having many
landing-places everywhere. From these channels to
the settlement of Manila and the river sand-bar, there
are eight leagues. Two leagues from Manila in the
Southern part of the bay, there is a large cove having
an elevated point which covers the same, on which
is a settlement of natives, called Cavite, and the
cove ac-
—
s The men of these islands are great carpenters and shipbuilders
O
who make many of them and very light ones and thy take them to be
sold in the territory in a very Strange way: They make large ship
without covering not iron nail nor futtock timbers and they make
another that fit in the hollow of it, and inaide it they place another so
that in large biroco there go ten and twelve bouts that they call biroco,
virey, barangav, and binitan." They went "painted, and they were
such great rowers and sailors that though they gink many times, they
never •drown." The women are very manly. "They don't drink from
the river though the water is very clear they loathe "The women's
dress is and elegant becausee they wear their akirta Jin Bisayan style,
of fine •tutt Their hair is gathered and very well dreaeed. They put a
flower on top of their head, On the forehead they wear a band ot very
fine hammered gold, two fingers in width, very elegantly .tnadei and
lined with colored $ilk on the aide where it touches the forehead.
They: wear on their ears, on each on three hoops of gold, one in the
place where the Spanish men wear theirs, and the two above On
their feet the wear some brass ornament' that make sound when they
walked... " dolin, book 1, chap. VI) These iRlands have also gone
backwards.
Today it iz called Island ot Corregidor, diminished. It seems that its
pruent population (if there is any) ha. greatly
quires its name from the town, It serves as a port for
all vessels, is very large and safe from the
Southwest* West and Southeast, North-north-east
and North winds. It has a good, clear and
fathomable landing-place. There is a good channel,
over one league and a half wide, through which the
vessels may enter and leave the port. All around
the bay are good and abundant fish supplies and
communities thickly settled by natives. North of
Manila, there is a Province over •1 twenty leagues
in size called Pampanga, having many streams
and canals which irrigate the same, all of which
flow to the Bay, said province being well-
populated by natives, and abounding in rice,' fruits,
fish, meat and other supplies and provisions.
— 265 —
 The sand-bar of the Manila River in the same bay
lies by the City of Manila (walled city) on the one side,
and Tondo on the other, and is scarcely anchorable in
view of the sand banks or deposits it contains, which
are continually being added to by the heavy rains and
floods; so that even past said sand-bar any vessel can
anchor in said river. However, with the exception of
frigates, viceroy-type craft and other small vessels,
ocean-going vessels cannot generally enter the river;
and the galleys, galliots and Chinese junks which can
anchor in shallow water, cannot come in tmless they are
first unloaded, in spring-tides or by towing. These
larger vessels have to anchor in the bay beyond the
sand-bar; and inasmuch as there is not much security
from unfavorable weather there, they usually proceed to
the port of Cavite.
Twenty leagues from the Capul Channel in the same island of
Luzon, there is another port protected from the winds having a good
entrance-channel and anchorage, called Ibalon,l where vessels find a
haven when-
a This province half a century later had so declined in ÞpuIation and
agriculture that Caspar de San Agustfn said: "In theu days the people do
not have ag much as in -the past on account of the rebellion of that when
Mr. Sabiniano Manrique Cutting de Lara Of was timer vernor for theof
Islands and Of the eontinoug work of
it or the building had Wawa: very and fertile of "Formerly *hips lowland
Ot His this that Majesty town they was have." which very And prevent rich
farther, for some them the speaking spacious from numerous cultivatingof
lowlandsGua chPf8a
the abundant harvests they gathered In vbieh at present
are overflown with sea water." the Port of Sor•ogan.
—266—
ever they are lashed by storms and where they are
repained until fair weather enables them to enter
Manila waters, which are eighty leagues away.
Along the coasts of Pangasinan, Ilocos and
Cagayan, there are some ports and sand-bars where
vessels may come and anchor, such as Marihuma, 2
the port of the Friar,' Bolinao, the Pangasinan sand-
bar, Vigan. Camalayuga bar at the mouth of the
Tagus River, two leagues upstream of which is the
principal settlement of Cagayan, aside from other
rivers, sand-bars, coves and other lesser havens
available for smaller vesels, along the coasts of
Luzon Island.
Near the large Island of Luzon, there are several
other large and small islands similar to the former,
inhabited by natives who are like those of Luzon.
They work in placer mines' and farms and are engaged
in other industries as well. Said islands are
Marinduque, Tables, Masbate, Burias, Banton,
Bantonillo and other lesser ones of which latter the
one nearest Manila is Mindoro, which is over eighty
leagues long and almost two hundred leagues in
circumference. It hag many settlements of similar
natives' on the side where it bounds with the province
of Balayan (Batangas) and Calilaya, and is so near the
Island of Luzon that it is only separated from it by a
narrow strait which is featured by strong currents, and
troubled waters about half a leaque wide, through
which vessels ply to and from Manila under strong
currents and winds, most of the time. Here lies the
principal settlement in the island of Mindoro which
has a port call The Veradero or shipyard for large
268 —
vesels, aside trom the other places of anchorage and
sand-bars in the same island for smaller
2 The present port of
Subikt
It seems that {t can from the frequent mention of plaœr8 that fn
those times the Indios devoted themælvu with eagerne• to gold
mining not only to washing the gand for gold but also to doing the
real work of the the Spaniards inepæted mld minea bf
ten
eatadog deep and they found •oma impleinanta used by the Indtos." (Caspar
de San Agugtfn).
Nov Mindoro so debopulated that the Minister Of Overseas Cob in
order to remedy this effect of Spanish colonization. wants to to that {sland
the most -dissolute from Spain to see if great beasts can be made into
Ettters and farmers. Any way, önsldering the genemtton condition of wilt
the know people how who detesthemselva are Ing undoubtedly .nd live •o
that the the followinfal•nf will not depopulated again.
— the men wear a queue as was the old custom in
vessels, coast of also the many island; settlements all
of which of natives localities all abound along thein
rice and food supplies, placer-mines and all kinds of
game and forest products.
The Cape of Egpiritu Santo which is sighted upon entering Philippine waters
from vessels coming from New Spain, on an island called Tendaya l
thirteen degrees latitude, and twenty leagues further along the coast from said
Cape of Espiritu Santo. To the South is the island of Piri and other ones, which.
become visible when a channel can be entered leading to Cebu Island called San
Juanillo, made by these islands, which is neither satisfactopy nor clear for
oceangoing vessels. However, on the Northern side after leaving said channel, the
Island of Capul is reached, causing a strait and channel with strong currents and
waves, half way of which stands an island called San Bernardino where the
vessels pas. Said strait is formed by the coast of the Island of Luzon and that of
Capul. The channel must be a league long, and less than one league wide.
Having entered this channel, and as one leaves the
same, there are three small islets in triable called Maran
jos (orange) Islands, which are high with steep rocks,
—
against which vessels may be dashed owing to the
strong currents there ; and great inhabited, but the are
large ones, having several large native settlements
which are provided with all kinds of food suppliês.
To the southern part of these, lie the Visayan Islands
called the lands of the tattooed people, which are many
and well-populated and are named Iæyte, Ibabao, 8
Samar, Bohol, Island of Negros, Cebu, Panay, Cuyo and
the Calamianes. All the natives who inhabit them, both
men and women, are good-looking and of good
dispostion, living in better conditions and having nobler
manners than those in the island of Luzon and
surrounding ones.
They differ in the way they wear their hair, as
Spain,
Samar. This is a proof against Colin who place• Tcndgya in Leite.
t Capul, Viri, and otheri South east or Samar.
—268
and their bodies are tattooed with many designs, with the
exception of the face.i They wear large earrings of gold
and ivory, also bracelets of the same material on their
arms, a kerchief around their head making a hollow in the
manner of a turban, interwoven with golden strips with
graceful knots, vaquero shirts, with tight sleeves without
collar, falling down to the middle of the thighs, closed in
front and made of colored hemp or silk fabric, They don't
use under-shirts or drawers but long gee-strings with
many folds, with which they cover the middle parts when
they remove their garments. The women are good-
looking, neat and they walk gracefully. They have long
— 265 —
black hair wound around the head, wear multi-colored
blankets or sheets around the waist falling down their
legs, and dresses of the same material, without any collar.
The men and women go out without any outer garments
and barefooted,' but well-adorned with gold-chains and
engraved earrings and bracelets.
paintings are very elegant and very proportional..
The it they would bring them to Europe they would earn much
money by exhibiting them," (Chirino, chap. VIl). Colin
says, however, that they painted their chins and eyebrows. Concerning
the manner how they did it. Colin gives more details: "The paintinv was
done (after the artisans had made the drawing according to the
proportion of the parts of the body and to the sex) with some kind of a
brush or a bundel of thin cane nibs with which they pricked and marked
the body until came out. On this they sprinkled a powder or soct made
of pitch of black color that would never be erased. They did not paint the
•whole body at once but part by part and formerly they did not begin to
paint until after they have• done some deed of valor. Children were no€
painted but the women painted one whole arm and part of the other. Men
painted their on thig island ot Manila also in 'the Ilocoa, but not as much
as in the Bigayag. (Colin, book I, chap. XIV) In the Philippines the
Negritoa, Igorots, and other independent are now tattooed. The
Christians have forgotten the practice. As we have noted in another part,
this tattooing has much resemblance to what the Japanese practice today.
Nevertheless, it aeems that the Filiplnoa did not use any other color but
black, while the Japanese used various colors, lika blue and red, bringing
the art to a rare perfection. On other Pacific iðlandg, women tattoo
themselves almost 88 much men do, which differentiate them from
Japanese women and Filipino women of old. Consult the interesting
work of Dr. Wilhelm Joest about tattooing: Tgetowiren Narbðäsaiohnen
und Koerp•rbemahlon, Berlin, 1887, fn which he discussea the aubject
guccinctlY t Thia is incomprchcnatble after all that h'ae been said and
what Chirino tella us: ''Not even for that do they go about naked... and in
all places they are circumspect and careful in covering their with
extreme modesty and (Chap. VIl)
It seems that what Morga wants to say here ia that they wore nothing
over their ordinary dress when they went out in contrast to the Tagalogs,
men and women, who always put on • kindot cloak for outside tho
house.

268 —
 Their weapons consist of long knives and short and curved ones With single-
edged Ones, spears and They use vessels and sea-craft similar to those used by
the natives of Luzon, and are engaged in the same occupations and raise the
same fruits and have the same industries as in all the other islands. These Visa-
yans are les inclined to tilling of the soil, and are proficient seamen and fond of
the spoils and prizes of war and aggressive expeditions which they call
Mangubats or warlike enterprises, which are equivalent to going out to pillage.
In the Island of Cebu, and near the principal
settlement, there is a fine port for all kinds of vessels,
having a good entrance-channel protected
from all adverse weather conditions, with good
anchorage and landing facilities, aside from the other
ports and sand-bars for leser craft, and smaller in
importance and reputation, existing in all the othét
islands.
This island of Cebu is one over one hundred
leagues in circumference and has abundant
provisions, having mines and gold placers, and is
inhabited by natives.
Opposite the same, there are very good, well-popu
lated islands, especially the Island of Panay which is
large and has a circumference over one hundred
leagues, having many native settlements/ and is
abundant in rice and wine-producing palm-trees and all
kinds of food supplies. Its settlements along the Panay
river are good and rich, the most• important one being
Oton, having a port and sand-bar for galleys and
vessels, shipyards for building ocean-going vessels and
a good supply of timber for construction purposes.
There are many natives who are proficient in building
ocean-going vessels, and close to this island there is an
islet eight leagues in circumference, which is well
a Cgbae in Tagalog fg forest or field; mangubc¿ means to hunting
— 272 —
In the I When forest the and SpaniartJs even to fight.arrived at thig
island (Panay), it WAS said there were on it more than 50 000 families,
but they diminished greatly..
thp.e
had many gold mines and in Panay River they got gold 'by washing the
sand; "but driven by the vexations they from Eme provincial
the same historian gays, "they have abandoned the work, prefering to live
fn poverty to suffering such hardships."
settled by nativea who are all carpenters and good
artisans who are not engaged in any trade other than
said occupation. Although in their island, there they
is not profes a single this tree trade of withany
conseqüence great dedication, and they furnish the
rest of the islands with artisans in this line, that is,
carpentry. They call it
the island of the Cagayans.2
Next to the Island of Cebu to the 'South, is Minda
nao Island, which has a circumference of oveé three
hundred leagues, then follows Jolo or Sulu which is
small. To the South of this is Borneo, which is a very
large island having a circumference of over five
hundred leagues, all of which islands are very well-
populated,. although this island of Borneo has not yet
been pacified and neither is Mindanao entirely so,
except only the settlements along the Butuan River,
Dapitan and the province and coast of Caraga.
To the South of this Island, and before getting to
Borneo are the Calamines Islands numbering several
large and small, being well-populated ones with some
food provisions, its people being engaged in several
lines of industry, but mostly in navigation, trading
— —
and communication between the islailds also and
particularly in fishing. Those who live nearer Borneo,
engage in corsair pursuits and in pillaging the natives
•of other islands.
The ebb and flow, low and high tide of the seas in
these islands are Irregular, in view of the strong•
currents running between the islands and of the secret.
workings of the influence of the moon for which no
satisfactory explanation can be found, because even
according to the effect of the lunar influence of the.
month of March, the tides flow higher than other times
of the year, yet there is a great variety of daily tides
causin surprise and confusion. Some days there are
two tiåes, in the day and night-time, while on other
days there is only one tide,' •while still at other times,
the increase of the tide is sfight in the daytime while
that of the night is considerable whereas ordinarily
there is no fixed time for the changing tides. One day.
into which we have
len,
271 —
it is high at noon-time, while on the next day it
happens either earlier or later by several hours; or one
day the increase is small and the next day when it is
not so expected, it becomes considerable.
The language spoken in Luzon and adjoining
islands is In very Luzon different island there from is
that no spoken in the Visayas. thet
uniform language;
Cagayang have their own dialect, the Ilocanos have their
own, the Zambaleños too have theirs, and the
Pampangos have a dialect all their own, different from
— 270 —
the others. The people of Manila province called
Tagalogs have a rich and abundant language whereby all
that one desires to gay can be expressed in varied ways
and with elegance, and it ig not difficult to learn and to
speak the same.
Throughout the Islands, writing ig well developed t
through certain characters or signs resembling the
Greek
or are Arabic vowels numbering which serve fifteen in
lieu signs of our in all! five three vowels. of whichThe
consonants are twelve. With these and certain points or
signs and commas, everything one desires to sav can be
expressed and spoken fully and easily, just lik te with
our own Spanish alphabet. l
1 It not greater than the that there ia between Spanfah and
Portuguese or Italian.
Tho same thing can't be •aid today. The government In print and In words
tries to educate the Filipinos, but in deed and at it foments fgnoranee, placing
education fn the hands of the friars who aro accused by Spaniards, Flllpinoa, and
fal forclxnara of wantlnx tha brutalita• tlon of the country and they themselves prove
it with thclr behavior and writinzg.
Thi' u•ertion and the Tagalog spirit, a lover of atmplielty and
el•rity,. contradict the error later *duced by other writcrø with respect to
the imperfect writin and the congequent difficult reading of thoaa
charactera, We are far from believing that alphabet offers the simplicity
and clarity of the Latin, but neither can we accept the belict ot other
authors who, without knowin thoroughly that writing, claim to find very
•imperfect for the difficulty of pronouncing the qui•cent conga.nano.
Perhapa tho "eomma•" mentioned served tor this purpose, the dota bein
the Of the vowels just as wo æe in manuscript reproduced by the ai n to
represent the gilent m, n, t, etc. On this many have written, fike Chirino
Colin, Ga•par do Aguatln, J. de San Antonic, Chamiuo, Mag, and others
and in later epochs and with greatcr thoroughneu. Jacquet (Journal
Aristiqu•) and the Filipino Doctor T. H. Pardo de Tavera whose
interesting pamphlet Contribu.ai.h para el •studio da antiguoa al/abetoa
fiËpåo. (Lausanne, 1884) ts almoat resumé and critical appraisal of •Il the
former writer. besides •n Inquiry Into ita origin and relationship
to other in India. Alfred Marche gives however
newer and more ræent data taken from the Tagbanu• (Paragu•) who •till
 use this alphabet and the•e data modify greatly the knowledge of this
subject until recently in vogue.
Writing was done on bamboo pieces or on paper,
the line beginning from the right to the left as in the
Arabis writing.* Almost all the natives, both men and
women, know how to write in this dialect, and there are
few who do not write it well and properly.
This language of the province of Manila is under
stood as far down as the entire province of Camarines
and other islands adjoining Luzon, where they do not
differ very much from each other, except that in some
provinces the language is spoken with -greater purity
than in others.
The buildings and houses of the natives in all these
Philippine Islands as well as their settlements are of the
same design, because they build them on the shores of
the sea besides the rivers and streams or canals, the
natives generally living near each other by forming
barrios or villages and towns where they plant rice and
raise their palm-trees, nipa plantations, orchards Of
bananas and other fruit-bearing trees, and where they
esÆablish their implements and devise for trapping
fishes, also their navigating craft. The minority of the
natives live inland, such as the Tinguians who also seek
homesites near rivers and streams, where they settle in
similar fashion.
All the houses of the natives are generally built on
poles or posts high from the ground, with narrow rooms
and low ceiling made of interwoven strips of wood
and/or bamboo and covered with palm-leaf (nipa) roof
ing, each house standing by itself and not .10ined to any
other, On the ground below, they are fenced by
— 272 —
are 8 some With very regpect codtredictory to the direction opinions. ot It
the must writing be noted of the that Filipinos the writer•there
who have it taken tn be up horizontal. the 'ubject Jamboulo, in these
however, recent times, who seems excepting to seen Marche,this writing
from the centuries top to the before tnttom Christ, (z agrees r w o with r
Chirino n t 10) who Si Colin, saya: Ezguerra, aThey wroteand
•s The Marche Colin horizonal believe attcgta. direction in the the direction
opposite owns adopted that direction, Pardo after de from the Tavera
coming the ot the to and Spaniardsthe whichtop,
Mas aubsequent believes to to the coming the only of one Legazpi by the which
piece•of could manuscrjpt induce him he reproduces,to err like the others and our
Morga.
and What horizontal: can be Vertical deduced it in seems the first in that
they when wrote they in two wrote ways, on verticalcanes and palm leave
because in that way the writing was much easier, and
form horizontal of the when characters the use lends of paper itself became
to these general. different As directions.to the rest, the
278
rods and pieces of bambooo where they raise their
chickens and animals and where they pound and clean
their rice. One goes up the house through stairs made of
two bamboo trunks which can be pulled up. On the
upper part of the house they have their open bataiŒn or
back piazza where the washing and bathing are
performed. The parents and the children room together,
and their house called bahandin a has scant decorations
and items of comfort.
— —
 Aside from the above-described houses which belong
to the ordinary people of less importance, there are
those of the próminent people which are built on tree-
trunks and thick posts containing many rooms both
sleeping and living ones, using well-elaborated, strong
and large boards and trunks and containing many pieces
of furniture and items of luxury and com fort and having
much better appearance than those of the average
people. However, they are covered by roofs of the same
palm-leaves called which give much protection from the
rains and the heat of the gun, and are much better than
the ones with tiles and shingles even if they involve
greater danger of fire.
The lower part of the houses of the natives ig not
used for lodging, because they use it for raising their fowl
and animals, in view of the wetness and/or heat of the
ground, and likewise owing to the numerous large and
small rats which are destructive to the houses and
Country-fields. Besides, the houseS are ordinarily built
close to the shore of the sea and the rivers and canals, so
that the grounds of the houses are penetrated by the
waters and are thus left open to the same.
Throughout these islands, there were neither kings
nor lords to rule them in the same manner as in Hng-
In Tagaloe house is called bahay; pamamahav, what ia inside
ther with the house, the home. It ið vežy po"ible that bahandin hag been
gi•inted for bahayin, nn obsoletc derivative.
In all these islnnds there vero no kings or lords who ruled them like other
kingdoms end provinces
doms and provinces* elsewhere. Instead, in every island
and province many principals were known among the
natives, some being more important and outstanding
than others, each having his own followers and
henchmen, forming and families who obeyed and
— 270 —
respected them. Those principal men used to have
friendship and relationship with each other, and
sometimes even wars and differences' with each other.
These pri'#Zias or high social stations, were
inheriteð by succesion from father to sons and heirs, and
in their default, to brethren and olateral kinsmen. Their
duty was to govern and rule their subjects and
henchmen, and to attend to their problems and needs ;
and in exchange for this, they received the peoples'
respect and esteem, together with their support and help
in their wars, expeditions, general work in farming,
fishing, building houses and structures whenever they
should be called upon to perform the same by their
principals, upon which they would respond with
punctuality. They also paid their tribute with the fruits of
their toil which they called buis, some paying more
than others. Furthermore, the descendants of these
prin. cipales or nobles and their kinsmen were esteémed
and respected, even if they had not inherited their
distniction, and the former were considered and treated
as noblemen, and as exempt from rendering service
which
They were riÈht view of the lack of rapid
com.munications, hand and one ft the will, government and for everything Ot all
the islands had resida to xo to in and only consultone
in one place, .the life the towns would greatly paraJizea. In our times while
Manila is about the repair ot a bridge, months and years pass and when
the deree come, it turns . out that nothing møre remeina ot the bridge,
not even the battre—ea. And What is true of the bridge is true 6t other
things. considering the cireum•tances then, if 'the fate ot these falanda
depended upon one person alone, many fates and many live would
exposed; many would depend on the will ot one man alone, may ignorant,
brutal, ambitious, •vari ciaos, and who does not know or love the subject.
he governs.
.zome chiefs having friendshi and relation with others •me times wars and
dfsagræmenta.n £2) (9-293)
(8' It can deduæd from thi• that frienay rel•tfona were more common than
wars.

.—275—

— 272 —
— —
 was demanded from the Timaguasl or plebians. The
privileges of a principalship Were also enjoyed by the
women of noble birth on a par with the men.' When
any of these principal men became more outstanding than the others in
other matters, he thereby acquired (illegabŒ) more privileges and a greater following
of henchmen, and he governed other people even principals themselyes, •while or for other similar reasons, these henchmen
l
retaining for himself his own authority over his particular BarangΚ or clan with datus have
and other particular leaders who attended
directly to the needs of the Barangai.
The authority which these principal men or leaders
that they considered its components as their subjects, to
treat well or mistreat, disposing of their persons,
children and possessions at their will and pleasure
without any opposition from the latter, nor duty on their
part to account for the principals' action. Upon their
committing any slight offense or fault, these henchmen
were either punished, made slaves' or killed. It has
happened that tor having walked in front of lady prin
cipals while these were having their ablutions in the
riveri ; for having looked at them with scant respect;
TimawŒ*
2 Uln this regard the Filipinos acted very ptueh in conformity with natural
lawn, being ahead of the Europeans, whoie women lose their nobility when they
marry plel*ians and among whom •descent ia along the male line •which offera
the least guarantee. This provæ the high conaldcration that tho womcn in theae
Islands had enjoyed 'ince untiquity." a Perhapg the word yUegaba in the original
should b' Ucvaba or cilegaba.
They formed a kind Of confederation, like the states of the Middle Ages, with
their barong, counts, dukes who elected the bravest to lead them or they accepted the
authority of the most og them.
"From the Tagalog balangøv, name of a vessel pn which it is posed the
Indioe who 'inhabit the Philippines came.
These slaves were not alwaya in such dismal condition. Argenaola gays that
they ate with their muter at the table and afterward they married members 0£ the
family, But, tyrants and brutal men whó abused their authority were not lacking,
though they could nqt have surpassed the encom•nderoa, for hiatory mentione
rebelliona and assasai-nations ot encontetderog by their tenants while it not record
•ingle case ot rebellion or assassination of a chict or assassination ot •oma native
leader for reasons or rovenge.
Between thig and that Roman noblewoman who did not brush undreuing in
the bath in the pregenee of a •lave, there is in truth a vaat digtanee. The Roman
noblewoman acted thug of her great contempt of her modesty gnd high regard of
her person.
— 276—
been made permanent slaves.'
Whenever any native had any controversies or dif
ferences with others on pecuniary matters, on property
or regarding insults and physical injuries to their per
sons there were appointed elders among the same clan
or group, who heard them in the presence of the
parties, and their witnesses whenever evidence was
necessary, and then decided the matter on their
findings, thus following the same procedure used by
their forefathers in similar cases. Thus, their decision
was respected and executed without any further
process or
After tha conquest the evil became worse. The Spaniards made
them slaves without these pretext' and even if the Indioa were not
under their jurisdiction. Besides, they sold them, taking them from
their towns and inlands. Hernando de 108 Rios, •peaking ot naval
constructions in the time of Mr. Juan de Silva, wrote to the king: "The
masts of a galleon, according to the governor of the province of IA
Laguna de Bay where they were cut, took Indios to drag them leagueg
very mountuinous region g month and they were paid by the
towns each monthly 40 realea (vellon)' without food. I don't mention
the bad and inhuman treatment that they received and many of thaw
whe died in the mountains, Neiher do I tell Your Majesty about the
lildi08 •who hang themselves, who lett their wives and children, and
haraúed, fled to the mountains, those who were sold a.s slaves to pay
for the irripoats that were assessed to them, the scandal or the Gospel,
and the irreþarable damage caused by the Shipbuilding, and what
inhuman tratment the wretched Indiu received and not only what was
necessary was dqne to them but what the inordinate avarice of the
officials took away fròm them behind their back... (p. 2b). The letter
of Philip Il to Bishop Domingo Salazar wag full of thin, but neither
this nor the effort* of the friars who realized the danger to their
missionary work of the repugnance that the natives were beginning to
towards Christianization remedied the evil. Philip recriminatng the
— —
biahop, said that the Indios had diminished by more than one third,
that they were compelled to pay three times more than the rates fixed,
and that they were treated worse than slaves, and many of them were
gold aa euch by one nconwndero to another, and some died of and
women who died and broke down because of heavy loads, of others
and their •ons who are made to work on the farms and aleep in the
fields and there give birth and nurse their babies and die beaten by
poisonous snakes, and many hang they starve, and othera
taka poisonou• herbs. And there are mothere who kill their children
after birth. (Gaspar de San Agugtfn.)
"This is very •imple and erude but it more •peedYi •ad the judges who
knew were the personn cage the of the customs IEaIity, and forming
usages a better jury, than elected: the by gowned both partiesjudge
who cornea from out.ide to make hig fortune, to judge a case he does
not know and who does not know the usages, .cuatoma, and language
of the Proofs og the backwardness into which we have fallen are the
multitude of' laws, royal orders and the discon• tent have
Of to resort parties to the who, Supreme in order Court to of eek Spain
justice' (if they now can haye and mAny can affordtimes
a 36-day better trip) informed where the judges the country; are more
the honest cases and that Incorruptible, last an eter-it
mot
nity, handed down from fathere to sons and grandaons, the enormous
expensea that the aggrieved party has to defray •o that be may get justice,
277
Their laws throughout the Islands were along
similar lines following the tradition and' customs of
•their ancients in accordance with the unwritten
statutes.2 In some provinces, there were
-different.customs in certäin things, although generally
speaking, they had uniform usages and procedure
[throughout' the Llslands.i
There were three social stations among the natives
of these Islands constituting the commonwealth, to wit:
Principal people, according to. what has already been
—
stated; timawŒ8 which is equivalent to plebeians; and
slaves both of the principals and of the TimaguŒg.4
These slaves were of various Hnds. Some were for all purposes and
servitude just as We have them and these. were called Saguiguüires5
who" •served inside the
*Which in no way affected the peace of the because many •tilheà
custom has more force than writt¿n or printed law, especially When the
written laws are a dead letter to those who know how t.ö evade than or
who abuse of thei+ nigh position. The force Of law is not that it is
vritten on a piece of paper •but it is engraved in the memory Of those
for whom it is made, they know it since their tender age, if it i. in
harmony with their•cu£tomg •and above all if it has stability. The Indio,
since childhood leañed by heart the traditions of his people, live and
was nourished in the -atmosphere of his customs and however
imperfect those laws might hi" at least knew them, and • not as it
happens today that wise laws• are written, but -the people neither, knoit
nor understand them, and tiñes they are- changed or becomë extinct •t
the whim ot persons entirely alien •to thežn. It is' the case of the sling of
David and the armg of ISSUI-
Thig agreement of the at bottom and this general uniformity prove
that the •relations of the islands among thémsélves were Very atrong
and the bonds of friendship were more common •than wars and
differences. Perhaps a existed, for we know through the
first Spaniards that the ruler of Manila a generalissimo of tbe• Sultan of
Borneo. Moreover there exist other documents. of the 'XII century that
attest
This is the eternal division tthat is found •and will be found evene
where, in all kingdoms and republics: the xuling class,' productice class,
and servant class; •bead, and feet.
form We ought can't •to be find the
etymology The root of this gilíd word
which '-in Tagalog•medge",iñ its Tagalog
exeeutdå "bank*' active the suffix action "shore". the an, in it
prepositióñ The the dennteg reduplication future, tho%place-where sa
mean and' •indieat€s of, if' also the it is first plurality place, the not.
ðÿllable, action •time; and and to. of reference. if the in the it i' this *06t
ieerb tonic, eau. The is •is meansaddedoften-theun-
—
accented name in reduplication aingular would can bé . sagilid,. that is,•
won the the last,
thia the slave.
"free'* Ôte. Mao*noo means from in the Tagatoe root. itin.peace,"
*dignity; 'tin' repose" •now. the "peaceful".title pi
the Ehlef$ and theii• group C61fn says, however, that the chiefs used
the title or (Gat Pulintanx, GaeMaitan
•mister", •ate ig its feminine counterpart.
—•278—
apartments •whose children also served in the same
manner. Others had their own houses for their family
apart from the house of their master and who, would
come to the house from time to •time to help in the
tilling of the land and in harvesting, also to Serve as
crewmembers when their masters made sea-voyages;
those who helped in building the master's house and to
serve, frequently as helpers in the same when there
are guests, and to serve there whenever the master
requires them to do so, also without any compensation,
and the latter aie known as Namama.hŒyes6 slaves
whose children and •descendants are also Slaves to
serve in the same capacity. These saguiguilires and
namŒmahay slaves are full: time, half-time and part-
time or one fourth-part slaves. And it happens that if
one.of the parents of a child was
free and the child was the only one, then he was a
half-time slave, being .onlÿ •one-half free. If they had
more than one child, they were distributed as follows:
the first child followed the station of the father being
either bond or free, the second child followed the
status of the mother, and if theùe is an uneven-
numbered the •latter was half-slave•ánd half-free. The
children of these mixed parents, i.e., bond and free,
became only one-fourth part slaves, for. being such
children of a free father or mother and of a half-slave,
These half or.fourth-part slaves, whether sŒguiguiRd
or namŒmaåŒy ones,• serve their masters alternately,
that is, for one moon, and are.free the next moon, and
so on, according
to the rules of slavery.'
The game thing happens with regard to -partitions
among the heirs: a slave may serve. many masters, each
'NamŒmahay from bahag (h0iDe), one who lives his omi house.
Tbig• kind 'laves; they cai called aiiv4 •till' exisì and •re called (for
being. now the §srtñera or laborers of, a eapitálist or farmer.) . Bataan
means *Servant, tae, ste.
This proves the high spirit of strict $ast{ee that prevailed in Filipino-Maliyan•
The priridple of •the law was matbú8• tic.ally observa and it' wag appÜèd
rigorously and
279 —
one on his own time. When a slave is not entirely so
but only half or one-fourth part slave, he is entitled in
view of his part-free status, to compel his master to
compensate him at a just rate,' for his used part-time
freedom from service, which price is based on the per.
sons according to the standing of the saguiguilid or
namamŒhŒy slave whether half or fourth-part slave.
However, in the case of a regular full-time slave, the
master cannot be compelled to exampt him or
compensate him at any price.
Among the natives the ordinary price for a
saguiguilid slave is usually not over ten taels of good
gold worth eighty pesos' each, and only half of this
amount if he is a namamahay slave and the rest at a
—
 proportionate price according to the person, and hig
age,
There is no definite origin or source of this system
of slave among the natives, because they all belong to
these Islands and are not foreigners. It is believed that
this matter started with the controversies and wars
between themselves, and it seems certain that those
who could do so, took this opportunity for whatever
slight differences or reasons there might be, and
reduced the vanquished to salvery. Likewise, slavery
also resulted from debt and -usurious loan-contracts
between the natives, the amount of which increased
with time owing to failure to settle them and to
misfortune, the debtors
then becoming slaves. Thus, all this system of slavery can be traced to
unsavory and unjust causes, among them the suits between the natives, which
have engaged the attention of the Courts of Justice and confessors, and the
human conscience:
*Because the free half had the rights ot a free man. It
proves algo
that the laws were not tyrannical despite their rigorous, the eugtorns of
•eking charge of the rights of the free half. rather than the degradation
the slave halt,
Damariñu, however, the
9.y than two tati.g gold for •lave ( I centuries or Christianization, despite the efforts of a few noble spirits.
•bought by force, Some became •laves on of unpaid loans and
usurious rates of interest.
These slaves constitute the greatest possessions and wealth of the natives of
these Islands, for the reason that they are very useful and necessary to them in
their
—
work and activities. They are sold, traded and made the
object of contracts, like any other commodity, of the
towns, amongprothemselves, in the common markets
vinces and of the Islands. Thus, in order to avoid in
numerbale lawsuits that would ensue if these cases of
slavery would be brought to Court, and their origin and
beginning inquired into, the system and the slaves are
now preserved in the same condition in which they
existed heretofore.*
Thanks to their social condition and to their number at that time,
Spanish rule encountered little resistance and the Filipino chiefs easily
lost their independence and liberty. The accustomed to bondage; would
not defend them against the invader
nor would they fight for the people it
wag just a change of masters, The
nobles, accustomed to gra=ebyfOXžhheiart, toanŽcc:tt fPæUnntfrntntt: gerth
•mong the enslaved masses, found themselves without arms and
without strength. Between a people with a tyrannical aristocracy and
another with an unbridled democracy the people ari balanced equally.
Both easily under the rule ot the first foreign invader, the first for
weakness ands the second for anarchy. Many of the th•t are repressed
due to the systematic brutalization of the inhabitants by one class,
( caste.. tain Itself or race bas that to defend nurrounds absurdities it*lt
with with tinsel peoples, a and which Pike rinciple in order to be to
logical,mainend up without doubt like the tyrannized Persia, India.
succumbing before the first foreigner. The Philippinea, despite so many
religious as well a. civil, still continue, and it f' desired that they con
tinue, almost in the same state aa before, because those who lead them
consider more the present than the future and they are guided more by
fear than The efforts or the religious corporations to im rove
this condition were never so efficacious or so powerful ae could
expected from them. Witnesses •re the doubts Ot Fr, Alon» da Castro,
a missonary of those times:
•ome stolen Indies or Indies made slaves by the Spaniards are in
your and given to the convents by way of donation or gale... to what are
they bound if they were free on their own landa or other people's slaves
and if it would be lawful to give them freedom in ease they become
Christiana so that they can return to their lands" Fr, Juan Quiñones also
bad •cruplea "about the excusive tributes or assøasmewt of of the
—
anconwtd•ros and the ease with whieh Span iards make alavea ot the
infidels. , . but the Father Provincial Manrique ordered him not to the
such points." (Caspar de San AgustíA, p. 355)
2 S that Catholicism not only did not tree the poor class from the
tyranny of the oppr•sor but with ita coming to the Philippinea it
increasa the number of tyranu- Time alone end education that brings
with it mort gentle customs, will end up by raæming the pariang of the
Phil4pipes, fo» we see that againat their oppre•sor, the priests of peace
0 not couragoua enough to fight, and that is in times of great faith' but
rather they indirectly to their miatqrtune. as we •ee in the
281 —
Marriages among the natives are generally
between the principals and their fellow principals or
nobles. Likewise timawas marry among those Of
their own station, and the regular slaves also marry
their fellowslaves, but sometimes they intermarry
among different castes.' The natives have one wife
each with whom a man may wed and she is called the
InasŒwa,4 but behind her are other women as friends.
The children of the first wife were held to be the
legitimate ones and full heirs
of their parents, but the children Of the other women
were not so considered, but some provisions Was
usually made for them, but they never inherited.
The groom was the one who contributed a dowry,
given by his parents, while the bride did not
bring anythings to the marriage community
until she inherited in her own right from her parents:
The solemnization
4 This kind ot Still exists in many placea and in the Province of
Batangas, but it muet be admitted their condition is very different from
of the slave in ancient Grt%e and Rome, from that of the Negro, and
even from that of those were made by tbe Spaniards.
— 280
8
Thia proves that the relations of these classes among tbemselva are
not only far from resembling those of. the masters of the West and their
servants but that they were even more cordial than those of the patricians
and the Roman people among whom at the beginning it was forbidden to
establish family ties through •weddings. If the chiefs and timawa
Filipmos had so tyrannieal towards their inferior as they are depicted to
us, there would not .have been sueh unions. Hatred and contempt would
have separated the classes,
Înasawa more correctly aaaawa (consort) Another proof
of the and foreight of the laws.
She brings nothing.
This custom continued the union between the arid the children, a
wiser practice than that •hich is followed in many parts of Europe where
eases are found of children their . parent* once they have taken
possession of their patrimony, or of parents who do not conænt to the
marriage of their children in order no' to part with their property.
circumstanceg In Europe than can be their seen parents, who who are let
richer pass and months in moreand comfortable years without geeing.
them. be married, There are which parents dæs who not prefer baPpen
their in the • sons Phil-to ippinea, custom conscripted continues not even
than the now, to because this custom survives. bæausa We thig say i" that
senti-this
and not affection.
ment that ía always taken for granted, this affection in many
on veneration. : While the father or mother lives, the home
continues, though an the ehid.lren are married and live apart. Dowry in
the Philippines. Naturally tbe woman did not and helnot earry a dowrw
The charaeter of rather. than a den us f--ahe-is n , re not ec a burden. in
general she
the. In the Philippines the fish take for a heivy a husband.
bruden but or the sh chooses a d; the ampanion husband woman des dæa
to helpnoenot
ma on . yoke, him and to
introduce economy fn the irregular life bachelor.
.—282—
of marriage consisted in the mutual agreement between
the parents and kinsmen of the contracting par¾es, the
paying of the concerted dowry to the father of the
bride,c and in the gathering of all the relaüves in the
house of the bride's parents for the putTose of celebrat-
—
ing with eating and drinking the whole day until sunset.
At night, the groom carried the bride to his home where
she remained in his care and protection. The spouses
could separate and dissolve their marriage ties owing to
trivial causes and upon proper hearing had before the
relatives of both parties and some elders who participate
therein} and who rendered judgment, upon which the
dowry received was returned to the husband, and
s
"This dowry, if it eaø be called thus, represented a for the parents
of the bride for the and education of their daughter. The Filipino woman,
never being • burden on any one, . neither on her
but a for Vhose Iou the Þæeasor must
compensated. And this ig true that even in our times parents
consent With great difficulty to part froth heir daughters. It is almost
never in the Philippines the gad spectacle that many European families
present who æen to be in n hurry to get rid Of their marriageable
daughters, not infrequently the mothers playing a ridiculous role. As it
be neither ia there sale • or purchase in this •custom. The
Tagalor wife is free and respected, she manages and contracts, almo •twa
e-.busÞand's his acts. She the keeper DC
the" money. she édüèa€e€—the belong to berg She is not a Chinese
woman or a Muslim slave •bo is trom the parents, At the bazaar, in order
to her up for the pleaaure the husband or master. She is not tha European
woman who marries, purchases the hueband'u with her dowry, and her
name, right*ð liberty, initiative, •her true dominion beinÈ limited to
reign over the salon; tð entertain guats, and to sit at thd. right of: her
husband.
t
In. which matter they were more advaned than the maern French
and English with their divorce The of both and the atdera from a jury for
family dispute, more gaera than all the and judgen however wise they
might over the affairs of their rutives and the convenience or of the
marr*ages.
Without wizhing we to touch that when here the the and make of
decide the their that relatives andofIs marriage. ot their dispute
divoræ the elders judges the fa• that they have to return the
dowry, the desirable, despite
himself it became or the herself.property of the said spouse, to own byrangai or clan, principal he was or nobleman succeeded was in the a
any more ont Of love for them, thing that certainly does prevent divorce
in Europe.
—
it was called vigadicŒya2 as a voluntary offering, ex-had
acquired. However, if there was any personal or
cept in cases where When the it separation was retained
was for caused the by parentssaidreal timate property
childrre left and by by the the parents, a.sawŒ, in they
the absence were inheritedof legi-
husband's fault, of the wife to keep.by the
nearest relatives from the collateral branches of Their
property which had been acquired in commonthe
main family-tree. This was effected either by will by
both spouses, was divided between them in equalor
testament or, in its absence, by custom. No solemnity
shares, and If any each of disposed the spouses of his
had part any as gain best or he incomeor shewas
leaving required it in written in the making form, or of
by a will stating aside the from lwish simplyver-
d
e
s
i
r
e
d
.
unknown to and not participated in by the other
spouse,bally in the presence of well-known persons.
chief office of or a dig-baIf any
—
the People relatives; could and adopt the adopted any remained then deliver in his whatever house and he or
person child in or the person presence wouldof under she which possessed his the protection, adopted
in by his his eldest default, gon by had the by second his as a therebypresentpersonsame the absence order, of In
a.sawa son or had married by her. wife,In male the absence children, of by legitimate his
daughters children, in thethe
t
o acquiring the right to inherit together with the children
t succesion reverted to the nearest of kin belonging to of
h the foster parents.g the same lineage and family of the
e principal who last possessed it.2
*Adultery was not punished physically but instead,
a the guilty spouse would pay to the aggrieved spouse In
d the event that any native having female slaves, such
o indemnity as the elders adjudged to be right, andshould
p have had intercourse with any of them and come which
t said parties agreed among themselves. Theto have
i children as a result thereof, her child as well grievance
n was thus forgiven and the husband acknowl-as herself
g became free thereby,' but if she failed to have edged to
be satisfied, and he retained his honor andany, she
p remained a slave. resumed his married life with his
a wife, and no mention would hereafter be made of the
r matter.'The children of slave-mothers and those had by
t another man's wife, were considered children of
y illinherited In the equally matter of all inheritance, the
, property all which legitimate the childrenparentsrepute,
and they did not succeed like the legitimate
u gift 2of Bigav*aya meane This to confirms give what further one that
p can, in a the voluntary cue of offering, marriagea heirs to bequeath to the
o any estate, property neither to were them; their and parents even if
n
boundthey rosaries, there was no etc. gale 'in unlike which in one the
does already not give knewn what Ualmø" one can for but scapulars,what

—
 iswere children of dignity or nobility or to the privileges demanded, with •negotiatións persons and
fixed price that can be altered notwithstanding, by in. with the their children,
creasing to the it. This if the Bigay*aua, son-in-law acv,rding wag obedient to natives were if they had
Colin, to hig waa parents-in-raw returned intactabd- generally any, in the
wag no the need belief for that more. the The apirits memory of ancestors of the
parents, came soto
considered capacity of
l
if not, it wa. divided among•all the heir8. "Besides the dowry
illegal; so slaves.
memberslive among their descendant', puniching or protecting them that each The
accordOf the principal class. used give some gifts to •rents and. ing to- them had to common way
their later behavior, prevented any violation of the wills or dfs relatives take care of
and tha giavea to the, rank o? the newly obedience on the part of the of doing
heirs. Only sine tha misaionaries convined himself or business was
see how he the trading of
married.'b (Colin, book I, chap. XVI) the in or lawsuits Hell Indio• did could best
that they and their intrigues have ancestors a need forever for remained certain things
notaries, and ever.toasted stamped and paper, burnd and in Purgatoryto- attend to his for others,
engage Thig sacred -custom still exista, thanW to Providence, thougb business: such as
little by little it is disappearing.
Loans supplies,
contact This with custom other people the is being Filípinoa adopted
have now loat by as many a •result gengibleof their made for blankets,
England, law of Austria, sueceufon ctø., ig etc.now followed by the royal profit were cattle, fowl,
families very common, lands, houses,
and they bore fields, slaves,
husband and tlons more of Europe, just cocx Ltban et among batu to excessive fisheries,
challenge them (cuckold tbq the and English. adulterer beaten). It and interest, thus palmtrees,
seem' Other often more considerations•expue rationalthe doubling or nipa swamps
Lord.custom Ibsmael more Lin spite merciful of the than fact the that
conduct he wag the Abraham just man towardchosen increasing the and forests;
more their and
settlement sömetimes
— 284 285 — was,being when there
of their ordinary delayed, until was a price
fathers, and timawŒ- the cre ditors fixed, it was
only plebeians4 would take paid in gold
remained in like the rest everything as might be
their station of them. their debtors agreed upon,
and were had, together also in metal
The with their bells coming
considered contracts and from China,
—
—
which articles elements of ehiefs and God his magnificent
grant they might So er•aía Mnaeal
are profit and have alwayg• (Barcelona,
considered very usurious adhered to the 1889).
precious interest. letter Of those z The tam-um
jewels. The mntracts t and the (gongs)
This
latter look 4
All these
grievously true that are still
distinctions
like large between and go true that it nséd,
pots legitimate survives to this
givinwvery children who day.. In place 286 —
inherited, the many word
good sound 2 provinces for
children of free
and are much concubines who word. and It in is The
used in their did not inherit, many to towns offenses were
regretted
festivals; and but received
everything that punished
are usually something. the upon
children 0£ slaves not Morga only
taken in their who received says the complaint of
Indiostake. the aggrieved
vessels in nothing, but who
going to war freed and gaved parties.
their mothérs, and
and the children Of
are engaged And Thefts were
in usury it has but
expeditions, married women, reached also the
particularly
and used in though they such, mestizos, a punished
the place of -belonged to the point the that with severity
principal whð did Spaniards, the
drums and hot even inherit by making
Government and
other metal the status of their even itselfsome slaves out of
instruments. fathers but rather religfoug. the thieves,
degenerated,
There were prove the high
and
often delays not of the only sometimes
degree of culture debtor permits to
and and morality of pay it, bat for sentencing
extensions' the ancient (head also the of them to death
Filipinos.
given for the E
So are the
debts demands likewise, oral
the baranøŒy of
payments* contracts of all other the property
de-
of debts, nations and of all . rsons Read and iThis
people and so
needing also is and wag
as what it even horror ot theft
bondsmen baopens Plafidel was so general
the spirit Of the the personto before the
who contracts of •the gaysthe de coming the
participated first Spaniards Barangay on iri Spaniards that the
with the filipino
—
most anti-Filipino the friars the by the European'. beinR feared as
historians could stolen things, can Between this thieves, for
never the Indios gathered from barba,fie praetiee however terribte
of thievery the doubt of Fr. anð the civilized the penalty mizh
despite their most Alonso de Castro: practiæ that we be, it would not
trifling faults and "If it was lawful now have be more than
ot interpreting for the Religioug investigating theft drowning oneself,
unjustly and to receive for by force of a difficult death
attributing to the their sustenance electric machines. whi needs firm
•whole race the and buildings for whippinæ. stoeks, and determined
faults and their churches and other will. The •neient
that are fcund in and convents inquisitorial Filibinog,
individuals all stolen goods by tortures, there is .acmrdinx other
countries. Today way of alms.... i' quite a distance. historians, were
•this horror is Here are However. if •the guided in this by
already 80 some ways how object did not the principle that
deadened that not the ancient Show up after the the ty, beinx
only malefactors Filibinog first attempt. the more afraid than
and highwaymen investigated ancient the innccent, fear
have multiplied theivery: "If it FiliDinos anoher accelerated the
but also they steal consists of the method already palpi •ons of his
chickens, fruits, offense but not of more perfect and heart and
animals etc., or the offender, if civilized physiologically
the very game the suspect* •re inasmuch as it the circulation of
ones whose duty more than one resembled the the an
is to waìch over one judgment of God consequently the
the sæurity Of the was first required and the practicea which
citizens, like the to place in pile of the Mfðdle was thereby
members of the bundle of cloth, Ages. They ghortened. Based
Civil Guard, leaves or what submerged them on the same
forced owners to thev liked, which in water •t the principle that the
sell them their could cover the same time ''come guilty one
properties stolen article and corre each one awallowed his
cheaply. To the if after this with a pole in his saliva or his
gradual formality the hand. "The one mouth dried up,
destruction of article found in who came out of they also made
that sacred 'the pile. the case the water first them chew riel
have ended?' This was held guiltv. spit it out
contributed practice that end thus many Afterwards.
perhapz the leaves a door to drowna for fear declaring guilty
lukewarmness, reoentanee and of punishment." the one who spit
and wc would the honor of the (Colin. p. 70). it out dry and
even say a certain repentant ought That they badly chewed.
participation of to have imitated preferred to die to All thia
—
—
ingenious, but it hysterical excused for some
can happen, and women, itnÞstora.
it happens, that etc., showing that
with more time, also
an iónoent man the intellætu•l difficulty for one to
with a fine æn•e level has gone than have had for
of honor may be down a great offenses a long time,
affected such way deal. Before, they
npon being now, they aro committed sexual
accused, or may satisfied wlth agaiñst intercourse
fear an accident. asking and For persons, or with his
and for thia the enemies of
appear as guilty reasoning this is
injuries mother-in-
They had other called against their law, before
practices besides
28 bodies' commencin
so like of the g to live
Middle ARæ, iike 7 Not
the boiling water much maritally
and the candle, importance with his
we shall let pass. f,mations was given to wife, all of
We must •not and insults immoral this in the
forget, however, particularly
that lately another attachments, presence
famous usage had those seductions and
in vogue. There uttered and incests, knowledge
was in Palo an against the unless they of all the
old friar, parish
priesð of the
principals. were relatives.'
town, who had There was a commited Single
'the ot a list of many on the
and he about young men
things and persons of
robberies, were called
words principal
thefts, •etc. The BŒgontaos,
writer of notes, as considered ladies; and it U
meaning
a ehildt in 1873, extremely was an
went to him once. recently-
insulting ordinary
accompanying a made men,
person who was and occurence and the
going to consult discrediting for a man to
him. The friar not marriageabl
when marry a
only did not e young
uttered woman after
dispel hig error ar women,
suspicion. but he against men living dalagag.
even firmed or women, immorally
them. Now they Men and
which were with sister
also consult old women
—
alike the sentiment. ad families of the etc. Inorder
The '*Ying Christian and to assert sueh
scarcely "There they give devout Europe, dirty stupidities
practiced me all" attributed
to Ferdinand V11 and in the it ia to
continence, describes lawsuits that have them, or
sufficiently this are not heard in believe himself
as from manner of modern in the capable of
their early feeling. For thig naturalist doing the same
reason friarg are
youth, they surpriøed that the
novels, etc. if in the game
intermingle Indios should
Nevertheless, circumstances,
prefer even now perhapg there Neither is there
d with each —ubi lug to bad wag some such mixing in
other very ward or an inault exaggeration bed nor h•ve
frequently and thið which three in saying the Indioa
ought to make reached -yet
centuries that
and with them t ink and
we "it see wag guch depravity.
reflect, only
scant self- auggests to them Spanish very 'From bago, new, and
ordinary", tao, man, one who has
4'Wbat a the deduction that
jut become a man.
high opinion the the Indio is histonas relate
ancient Filipinos kind of monkey for even the
must have Of
moral sibility
or something like
an animal, It is
now most after —288
obviou$ that the absurd more
when they before restraint.
cosidered animals on the and thanridi-
offenses to it earth of the friars.
culous things They have
more serioug than to what is
the oftense• to the happening to when it ig a no regrets
body! European them, know how matter for
civilization at that to feel better the denigrating the
time and even meaning of word Indios. Thið ig whatever
that of today than the force ot said without happened to
never took this the whipping.
into consideration b It
wi5hing to a them, and
Morga with an
in spite of their was not employee-
neither did
pretensions of
idealismse in
impouible writer of our their
that these
spite Ot always
things had
times. room, parents,
placing the øoul the They father brethren and
þefore that of the happened, for say, for is wont
and of similar caæs example, to relatives,
considering the and even worse that mistake especially if
word as the sign are recorded in
of reason, because the the any
sacred and daughter,
always
holding as more
•profane family sleeps pecuniary
serious a dilËt historiez, in the the mother,in consideratio
..ttack on the annals Ot the one
body .nd placing great peopleg ns were
—
—
involved, arrival of the have led from the devil,
giving rise to
and very Sangleys them to that horror of
little of this i (Chinese) invent the flesh that
element was coming from sordid ways dominated the
Cenobites.
necessary China, who for men aud hermits, etc.,
for certain are much women to etc. in the first
things to given to this get together centuries,
happen. depravity, intimately. disgusted
perhaps by the
During both men and They have moral laxity of
all this women, have acquired a Rome and ot all
somewhat bad habit pagan society.
time that the prostitution,
natives had been from youth, however, and
lived as contaminated the boys Cenobite anti-
with it, and making an naturalism, and
gentiles or barren, there is
non- instances incision or
Christians, have not been hole A,
they did not lacking in Because paterno in his
this respect. 2 they saw nothin Civiiüacion
learn sinful in the of Tagalog,
practicing The the spæles. refutes
natives of other peoples, magnificently
the depraved in the chapter
did not see
and sinful the Islands natural instinct "Woman" (p. .
offense of the which baa to be 21) this
tattooed satisfied. The imputation of
against nature Morga that
same bftxaic
or sodomy. people or religion did not later other
After the Visayas, prohibit it writers
arrival of the especially except adultery' repeated.
Only Paterno cites
Spaniards in the women- Christianity texts and
the land, and folk, are made the act testimonies
their much given mortal gin, against it
because, furnished by
consequent to vicious (perhaps various
association practices agreeing with tnigaionary
with them, and the agnostics) it writers and
saw everything traveler•.
the natives sensuality, 2 confirms
carnal as
particularly and their corrupt* bad, that the
after the instincts like something incontinence of
—
the pagan crime and they
Filipinos was have been so
not looseness little
but an xcega of contaminated
naturaliam and that in order to
has -st--ñen fall commit it the
into the Chinese and
abominable other
crime they foreigners
become have to make
disgusted with use of their
prostitution as fellow of the
can be seen in Indio women
many southern who are their
regions of wives, or of
Europe and øma wretched
China, or when vagabonå
excessive children.
privation
compels nature
to adulterate
289 —
itself by
wandering
through
mistaken path¾
as it is
èxperienced in
certain
unisexual and
Study the
history ot and
of all
civilizations.
Despite
what Morga
says
and
deapite the fact
that almost
three centuries
have already
elapsed thenv
the Filipinos
continue
abhorring thig
—
—
in their private organ close to its head, and attaching to it a sort of snake-head of metal of pines. the kingdom Well now, of as Arakan kingdom which
of he this aupÞ*8 name' is has kingdom never of the foundPhili the
or ivory, which is secured to the hole made in the organ, by means of a Archipelago but in Burma, on the east coast of the gulf of Benz•la. we it
same substance to keep it in place. With this contrivance on, the youth has intercourse idle to refute thia assertion ot the illustrious Mata, conniit • ot and later by
with the woman, and he is only able to take it out much other s h phytici•ng and writers.
later after the act, both thereby indulging in a protracted frenzied delight,
notwithstanding the spilling of considerable blood and suffering other injuries. This 290—
contrivance iB called sagra, but only a few of them exist now, because after the natives any knowledge of the true God,z they did not take pains
became Christians, much care has been taken to stop these practices and vic with a to reason out how to find Him, neither did they envision
certain degree of success. a particular one at all. The devil ordinarily deceived
Among the natives, there have generally existed them with a thousand and one errors and blind practices.
certain herbalists and sorcerersa who have not been He appeared to them in various forms as horrible and
persecuted and restrained until they caused any fearful as ferocious animals which held them in dread
particular injury or damage to people, and it was very making them tremble, and very often they worshipped
seldom that the latter could be ascertained or even him through images representing him,a kept in caves and
discussed. in private houses, where they offered to him
There were also men whose occupation Was to brake sweetsmelling perfumes, food and fruits calling them
in or devirginize the maidens, and they were held in Anito8.5
regard and paid for their services, on the theory that Others worshipped the sun and the moon, indulging
when men married virgins, they would not have to bother in feasting and orgies during their conjuction. C There
themselves with overcoming their bride's maidenhood* were those who worshipped a certain bird with yellow
In matters of religion, they proceeded in primitive
2 In this matter of the true God, every people •what is their own,
fashion and with more blindness than in other matters, and as until now there has not found a reagent for the discovery of the
for the reason that, aside from being Gentiles, without true God and distinguish Him from the false ones Morga, •who was a
The witches. In the time of Morga theit was still atrong in the person of superior judgment to many of his can only be
Þwer of witches and the Inquisition persecutd them. Even the very Tika•.g forgiven for such pretension for the sake or the dominant ideas
or snake-tamers. who still in the Philippines. witchu. then and Pigafetta the fact describes that Philip in the Il hag following jugt
The direct of his manner of thinking about this terminated manner the hfa idoPhe rei in
matter. If dancing were sin and is permitted only Sebí: "These idols are of wood, hollow or concave, without the parts
among spouses, the parents would not pay dancing masteri for their behind; the arms are open and the legs apart, with the legs turned upward.
daügbters and men would wrangle over a young woman who least knows The face is rather large with lour enormous teeth similar to the fang* of
how move her tæt or who ia heaviest in waltz, etc., so that they would pe the wild boar; all are covered with paint." Some historians followinz speak
lose time, and tampla on their Pedro Mata in bin Legal quotes the Sorror of idols of Silver, gold, ivory, *tone, etc. that they found in Luzon, •ome in
Of virginity, taking them for thou the possession of the Babagtauag. T•zalogs •had for mountains and

Idea

—
countryr for the planted fields, the sea, to whom they their fisheries and t
sea voyages, for the e
among whom they put their ancestors, they called their images. (Colin, p. n
54). These idols do not alwaya have the shape that Pigafetta attributes t.ô d
them. Sometimes they are seated with their armg crosædi their resting on
their Imees. Sometimes the arms are stuck to the with the hands above the t
abdomen or crossed over the breast and the hands the clavicles, etc. o
They are not found with teth or fangs and those whleh have them are
probably the images of malevolent genii. r
4
Morga evidently reproduces here the aæonnt of the missionaries e
then who saw devils everywhere, for it iB incredible that the author had l
attended the heathen ceremonies of the Indios. All the histori8 written by i
the religioug and after Morga, until almost our days, in stories of devils, g
miracles, apparitions, etc., these forming the bulk of the voluminous i
histories of the Philippines. o
S It sæms that they called Anito tutelary apiriti whether of the family u
or whether alien to it. Now, •with the new religious ideas, the Tagalogs, s
imbued with the *eal ot the missionarie•, calt Antio every superstition,
false cult, idol, ete.
m
'The rat"nal and grateful man ia recognized in the cult of the sun and
a
the sometimes he would see divinities, »metimes in those celestial
bodies. What is more natural than to worship the of the bautiful, t
Of the eternal, of of life, of Divinity itself? What ig there in nature, t
within the reach ot the senæs of man, more grandfoæ, more useful, more e
beautiful, •nð more apparently eternal than the gun? In the they saw the r
wife of the the and for this they also iL in our world there is no s
that can give a than the sun and to worship it
is lus blindneu than to worship man however great and extraordinary be e
might x
c
—291 — e
p
s
t
h
o
u
l
d
color they in they appeased on view the
saw also which belief of them, worshipped
a and the lives that harm leave kneeling in
t by often the the doing and people

— 292 —
mountains, down done revered this, to with alone.the
them the called their monsters by crocodiles these arms
Batala,would animals,crossež whenand
them women whatever was who without Catalonas there
deceived they any any (pythonesses), to particular
wished, the priest them people questions or and ceremony
man and according great communicated of with some
sorcerers or religion a solemnity,thousandold to
theirmenwhoandto
w possible assistance, to rethey called they assigned to him the name
izar
ds
be
nee
ds,
and
ans
wer
ed
Their oaths, imprecations and promises as has al- and
one lies and absurdities. They made prayers and ready
been stated, are to this effect: "May the croco- offered
ceremonies to the idols in behalf of their sick diles
devour you if you do not tell the truth and fulfill people;
they believed in omens and superstitions which your
promise! and words to said effect. the devil inspired them
to do, so that they could tell
— 292 —
in Of idols his There own anywhere were house,no in i
temples whatever the Islands, or houses worship and of
each common of one his performedanit08 worshiphe
apparently and any sick cures event persons and that
through would other the people various live sortileges or
of die ways. these to They And ascertainIslandsmadeGod
as missionaries Blue bird, ought say the to Jesuits Chirino informed. and
Colin the who size in ot their thrush cap•eitythat be prepared with the least
BathalŒ, •aya ceive the preaching of the Gospel so that they might
this Colin. name. Well or There now; golden we ig oriole. a don't yellow Probably
know (though any this blue not bird completely bird never either exuted so) Of and
thie bird if size and it existedor it otis
more to take ease, them and away so that from there darknesswould
of at Juno, one time, the dove it mugt oc Venus, have the been different
like the eagle ot Jupiter, the peacock and error in which the devil held
them in bondage for that is, symbols whieh the populace and the animals
ignorant of Egyptian laymen confuse mythology,with many years. They
never practiced human sacrifice like the the divinities. Creator whom This
they bird, called blue BathalΠor yellow, May would Kapai, in the the
words ot ot Godthe people in other kingdoms. They believed that there
was historians, that is why they would call him Bathala, and the
missionaries a further life beyond where those •who had been brave
•ho believe had and little which interest they deepised, -in
understanding would confuse hing• everything, in which they as aa
did ñotrot and had performed daring deeds were rewarded and
 everywherejewels, productive.BabcvZan.said that temptinghig Virgins,Chirinohalf
bodythatnowwasbutof
or Ghost a Negrito or the would symbols do of should the he Apostles see
worshipped represented the at image times of only the folyby a where those who
had done evil would be punished bull, an eagle, or lion, and vould relate in the
mountain among the accordingly, but they were, however, at a los to deterlaughter
Of bis frienda that the Chri»tiang dove, a bull, eparrow hawk, or a dog aa thoae
symbols appear represented many mine where these things would happen or the
why and in only root over
•times. wherefore of them.8 Concernin
the name Baikala that many (
ungulata say is derived c
h
a
p
.

X
idola were and whom they X
I
)
dieated to the though
?
i
g
a
f
e
his from it form Chirion to anvø the the work Others the of intados Anitog far t
found Sansfrit, (p. "small and 36) or in I .it found Morga tower Taytay spirit' that P. t
and riva more A. we at an of al Paterno himselt of shrines the cited thon entruol a
bamboo, mare.) their they being above.gveak give. to burned joined ancestoi•a did
Probably that wrought thia not of to gerved very to perfume the when make a
oratorie• the for the they neatly..ingenious aeaghore." town as ta he the principal l
sacrifices dedicated in mentioned gacrifiainø in reason a Also smalV It small caves l
interpretation wag in houses there (molti pans. temples that nome house where u
really destroyedplace... nor ChirinoFatherin placesCaber-withonlythethedidde-in n d
e
paralyzed lived paralyzd were Colin the was every the who to case of by public not d
says are figures the religion the the die, honored had of and rich that Anito
testimony sweat sick Francisco despite he been people •these the wax, to and could i
or of ottcred profession all pricata, eateemed their and Amitos of silver, not d
Armandao the if his well he fellowmen." move, to Massea called and heathenism." o
to would the dressed of prove other prieat and who, Asito? by offered be othera the l
and more they Thie cured, their has while missionary But. What adorned to s
considered always Catalona proyea attraetive falsehcod, then the sick, if would the
different halt with that been offered concluded and half and thembe Fr. of

— 292 —
 i Heaven, Uluøan. Kalualå.aCiŒn In Pansy, (a noun however that they survives had
n theiruntil

" wit\ sacrifices, for He remained always just

m Olympus good •wise and incorrupt{ble, in contrast to the were k%itoa
a
n called who, ulangelike Biaayan »uls and Elysia went.fielde in the Madias
y
mountain. to whú:h the blessed little' houses, offerings, and gifts. The
t shrines to the
a
b — 298
e They buried the
r
n their dead in householdS of
a their own the deceased;
c
l houses, and after
e keeping their
g
bodies and
b bones for a
u
i
long time in
l boxes, and
t venerating
a their skulls as
l if they were
o
n
living in their
g presence.' In
their funeral
rites, neither
Kaput travelling." nor "Perhaps did It they seems 50' ever that pomp nor
that offer they tbøy him did (A*àto) sacrifices, not raise may perhaps rest processions
temples there for to when BgthalΠthey Mayare played any
Other they historians, did right however' by
their Hell ignoranceSolad part, except
only those
God, to be performed by
entertained Creator or ot applauded the Universe did not need such little houses members of
believing nor men, needthat

— 292 —
 We find it probably will aloes 'that they adjusted that no
much more never remember called "Eagle" air could get in.
natural and pious ug- wood, very And of this
for them to 5 There was acceptable and carefulness, At the
venerate the something more, much used in all end of many
remains of the howevel% There thgi, India outside years, numerous
parents to whcm were mourners ot the Ganges. bodies were found
they owe who eulogized the They also used intact. These
everything and dead in the style for this the gap Of coffins were
they call "second of what is done the leat Of the placed in one of
gods on earth", today' "To the buyo- They put a three places in
than to venerate sound of this quantity Of this accordanæ with
the memory, mournful music sap through the the winhes and
bones, har, etc. of they washed the mouth that would order of the
certain saints, IX>dy, perfumed go inside the deeeaaed-—in the
many of whom it with the gum Of body. The grave house among the
were foreign the storax-tree or of the poor wag jewels, or below
maniacs and of benzoin and other hole in the it, Above the
doubtful sanctity, tree-gums that are gž•ound of his ground, or on the
to whom can be found in all these own house. The ground in an open
applied what St. mountains. After rich •n,d the hole and fenced
Augustine said: this they powerful, after around with
"That they are •shrouded the holding them for railings, another
wor-shipped b'dÿ, wrapping it thræ days without box
where they are not up in more less mourning, were covering
and where they cloth in containing the
are burned." eyes. jewels coffine the best
Idolatry for accordance with with clothes earth.
the rank ot the placed The and in
idolatry, we prefer a coffin with box of Beside the
that of our parents dead. The more deceaeedit they
important ones or was covering
to whom we owe coffine of a single usually place to
our being and our they anointed and time they placed
embalmed in the of of
education to that indestructible thin several dishes
of some dirty style of the containing food.
Hebrews, with piece.sheets and
friar, maniacal of gold the Beside and from
hei•mit, or hromatic liquors, time the men they
which preserved decorated on
fanatical martyr cover the was placed his
whom we don't the bodies from and
putriiaction, mouth with 80
know and with wellrichand beside the women
whom we have no •partieularly the their looms or
dealings and who one done with other tools they

— 292 —
had used. (Colin, houses these or conviction, going nothing
p. 67). prepared censurable in
descriptions. near
Pigafetta enme to contentment tð be this, contrary to
them. Sometimes sure reunited of the Jesuit'n
almost Sebú in that going with opinion. This
eighty the same Nevertheless,the
eoulð to their filial than piety
years manner. not tombs always Heaven. only the of monastic
before and He were Were on the Anit08. suggest venerating
mentioned he "And The fanticism the
they seashore,
beside•the generally aged the memory of
over a rœk, or convietioneagecial making of hia
funeral rites he
inside a house ly•aya saints
gaw the the progenitors of
built there grieving for
mournig hair of theiris
the deceased,
the dæeased, of for times the
whole purpose. they
—confreres, less
the done Neither served indulged in reprehensible
Bisayang, the was as the coffins, eating and availing
coffin especinny
by a woman,
always made for
drinking to themselves of
the most
which Of the as those the degree of ridiculous
alternating were described* who in intoxication inventions and
Some-life among grasping, to
husband. white,
themselves, speak, even at
The with the had t:ken great the beards,
died sailors a the relatives like that of
modern the
natural or were and friends s Bishop .Aduarte,
cutting lamen-dis- death, fond of or Some natives etc., etc. "And
of t*tions of the sailing.they knew of the Island of the at tha old
that their end wax Borneo began to time men
vita embracing come to the Island
of Luzon, themselves their
of the tomb' When they ricknee. died
paråcularly the
thems4ves for this with and death
and funeral urns of
critical moment pride
(Alfred Marche, with such teriougnegg and
Colin, "whæver
Lugo* at Patcoan, fraud,ayd
can get away
Paris. 1887) approaching, that with attributed
confirms buried died tianqnilaty divinity to his •nakiaø that
wid the were this father when he appear to them
the accuracy in of died." We see seemed divine."
they and

— 292 —
 Between this In this are gtill held is. The Pasiam
tranquility, sweet eonnection, " that today and which with the
solaee crisis primitive religion were adversely Ratapuaan is
that •was offered of the ancient Fil interpreted by nothing more
by that religion inos was more in the Spanish than a prayer for
st -the last conformity with writers, have no the repwe of the
moments of life, the ot more soul of the and
and the anguish, Christ and of t e gignffieanee that the friends who
fear, the first Christians the custom of the corne to pray for
terrifying and than the religion Filipinos to him and to
cheerless cense of the friars.' compliment all console and
that monaatie Christ came to thoæ who are at accompany tha
fanaticism the world to their homes at family are
infused in the teach the doctrine meal time. Well complimented
mind of the of love and hope now• as many for the same
dying, the mind that may the come to help and rea»n as stated
free from every in his that may console the above with tea
preoccupation lift up the family of the and which not a
ean judge. If the downcast and deceased, not feast, for Filipino
lofty judgment ot may serve as a only by word of not invite anyone
God ig not balm for all the mouth but by just to Offer him
unknown to us; ff sorrows of lite. deed — giving tea. The
the Omnipotent • It is th not money and other Ratapusan (the
has given us lite sur caffed rigin« gifts — it iz final, the last day
for our ruin, why that the funerals natural that in Of prayer) has
embitter the last ghould end in the eyes of the the feast,
hours of life, banquets and superficial because it Is
torture and feast that e Ttbao, observer, it more than tca
discourage according to Fr. would seem and In fact it fs a
brother prectÙ at San Antonio feast. The thin is due to the
the moat terrible (Degeripciðn de evldenee that it general cust3rn
moment of hie tas Istaa hipåaa), not ig that no one wanting always
life and on the considering the is invited to ft to end things
threshold of belief that the who is not with somethtnz
eternity? It will one who died grander and
said; so that he was going to of better and the
may mend and happy and in this Already in the Filipino does not
reform. It in not regard the house and the •find afiythifig
the means, nor Filtpfno• were do not wait intermediate tea
the Sian, nor logical. The to begged as the and supper.
is there time left. "banquets" that custom at parties Naturally there

— 292 —
reigna more ani
mation at that
because more
friends come,
whether it i'
the day or for
any other
motive, and not
havin the custom
of utting on a
appearance, they
uSualIy forget
conven{onalities
-which ave made
many Spaniards
that the
Ratapügan wag a
feast* later
applying this
name to all
feasts, like Mr.
Cannmaque who
so satisfied
with the word
that he made it
synonymou Of
refera eeñain
frlAN during the
SpanfBh regime.

— 295
—

— 292 —
 Manila and Tondo, with their wares and merchandise,
the a few inhabitants years before of the the Spaniards
Islands and pacified intermamed the people amongand
themselves. The newcomers being Mohamedans, they
thus commenced to spread the creed of their sect
among the natives, distributing among and
handbooks, them their through religious somelite-
rature, ceremony rituals
the crazizeS principal who men had began arrived to
with adopt them, Mohammedanism so that many andof
even circumcising themselves: and to assume Moorish
names; and if the Spaniards had delayed their arrival
further, this religion would have spread over the Island,
over every other place in the Islands; and it would have
been difficult to demohammedanized them. The mercy
of God put a timely remedy to that. Since this sect had
just began to spread in the country, it was successfully
uprooted from the Islands as they were freed from the
same, at least as to the regions which the Spaniards had
pacified and placed under the Government of the
Philippine Islands; while it has been extensively spread
over the rest of the Islands which are outside of said
Governinent, the inhabitants of which are already
296 —
entirely Mohammedan, ruled and taught by the
Mohammedan priests and other morabites, who sail
riodically through the straights of Malacca and the Red
Sea to these Islands, to preach and teach them.
Many changes and novel things have been the result
of the arrival of the Spaniards in these Islands, and their
pacification and conversion of the people and the
change in the system of their Government, as well as
what His Majesty has accomplished for their welfare,
since the year fifteen hundred and sixty-four, as usually
happens in kingdoms and provinces which are made to
change their 'law and rulers. And the first thing that
happened to them was that, besides acquiring the name
of Philippine Islands which they received from the first
day of their conquest, the entire Islands now constitute a
new kingdom and domain, which our master, His
Majesty, Philip the Second, has named the Kingdom of
According to Lord Stanley, it is a wrong use the Arabic word Kasi',
meaning Christian priest.
*This custom has not loot among the Filipinos even among the Catholics
them•eiveg.
—
New Castilel of which, was in made view its of
capital, her Royal the privileges,latter obthe as a
speanila one among its privileges, a coat-ofg arms
with a crown, devised by his own Royal person
himself, the escutcheon being divided across into
halves, the upper one representing Castile on a red
field, and the 'lower one, a crowned, rampant
golden lion, holding a bare sword on his right paw, urbanized and develo ed into one of the best ones in
the half of whose body being a dolphin on the that part of the worlå
seawaters, signifying that the Spaniards crossed the
seas with their arms in order to conquer this The entire City was surrounded by a stone-wall over
kingdom for the Crown of Castile. two and a half (82.5 inches) •varas and in certain parta of
The City of Manila was founded by the it, said wall is over three •varas thick, and has a f ew
adelantado Miguel bpez de Legaspi, the first watch-towers and beams' at certain intervals from each
Governor of the Phil- other. It has a fortress of hewn-stone at the point which
ippine where Islands Rajamura in the (the Island i Or "Reyno de Nueva Costilla." Fort
Young of Rajah) Luzon, formerly on the same had Santiago.
sitehis S The convents occupy almost one third of the Walled City,
At that time it did not have moats. Thee were dug after the British
invasion of 1762. The walls were 41so changed and in the course of time
own settlement and fort—-as has already been and in •ecordance with the ot the City.
stated for the purpose—at the mouth of the river
flowing to the Bay and by the sea. He occupied the — 297 —
entire site and distributed the same among the
Spaniards into equal-sized lots, and well ordered,
regular and level stables, making allowance for a
main ample plaza or square, where he built the
principal church and City Halls. Besides, he provided
for another square or military parade-grounds where
the forts stood and there he built the Royal
Government mansions. He also granted sites for the
monasteries' and for the hospital and heritages, all
of which were to be occupied or built upon, as the
City was bound to grow and improve in the course of
time, as in fact it now has grown. As the days went
by, this city which had been duly won, became

296 —
 Tracing Origins: Ilustrado
Nationalism and the Racial
Science of Migration Waves
FILOMENO V. AGUILAR JR.

If only our ancestors could resurrected! (R,zal

1890, 90)

Racial Science and the Quest for Origins

History was the key to identity for che pioneers of Filipino nationhood the late
nineteenth century. John Schumacher has recounted the struggle by which che
youthíul Europeanized originators of Filipiri0 nationhood—the ilustrados, literallv
"enlightened —reacted to the "chauvinism common co members of governing
races" (1973, 191—220). Amid the onslaught of Spanish colonial racism, these
educated youths

Filomeno V. Aguilar Jr. (fvaguilar@ateneo.edu) is Professor in the of History and

Director of the Institute of Philippine Culture at Aceneo de Manila Universit-,--
This article is a revised version of a paper first presented at the Fourth European
Philippine Studies Conference, Alcalá de Henares, Spain, September 9—12, 2001. I am
zrazefui for a Visiting Research Fellowship ac the Center for Soucheasc Asian Studies, Kyoto
Uaž-cersicv, in the second half of 2001, which provided the opportunity to pursue the
research project of which this article is a part. I am also indebted to a research leave awarded
James Cook University that enabled research in che Philippines and the United States. In
Kyoto I received valuable comments, questions, and encouragement from Caroline Sy Hau,
Patricio Abinales, Arthur Terry Rambo, Koji Tanaka, and Yoko Hayami. Carol was extreme!y•
kine: in giving me liberal access co her copies of I-A Solidaridad and in being a critical sounding
boa--d for this article, while Jojo and Terry very generously shared with me useful materials.
A: guiring a copy of the rare 1885 report of J. Montano was incredibly easy because of the
generosity of Xavier Huetz de Lemps. ! am grateful co Benedict Anderson, Russell McGregor.
T
-ail" Mendoza and Fr. John N. Schumacher, S.J., for reading earlier versions and giving me
tions, corrections, and advice. I am also gracerul to rnv many colleagues in Philippiae
hiscor,' who participated in "The Mactan Conversation: A Conference on the 'Genealogies ok
Philippine History'" held in Mactan, Cebu, April 4—6, 2003, where a version of this article was
and critiqued. Thanks are also due to the reviewers cornmissioncd by theJournal
Sr:Üze; for their const,-uctive comments and suggestions. Most of all, (hanks gc, to my bc
 606 FILOMENO V. AGUILAR

And!essž:,• patient and understanding wife, Juiiec, for me on to work on this and for sharing
q
.vith me the thrills and perils of visiting Spair;, :o-sha-

The Journal of Asian S:udies 64, no, 3 (August

C 2005 by the Association for Asian Studies, Inc.

lit
JR

defended their collective pride bv searching the past for dignified roots- They
proposed and debated various approaches. which included Pedro Paterno's
extravagant claim that "ancient Tagalog civilization" had long been Christian
(Schumacher 1979, 268— 69). But whatever the view, ilustrados desired to illumine
their origins in order to know themselves- Such was seen as vital to
further political action. Understandably, manifest tendency to glorify the ancients
emerged. The foremost patriot, José Riz.al, articulated "the iluscrado nostalgia for
lost origins" by constructing "a flourishing, precolonial civilization, the lost cden,-•
argues Reynaldo Ileto (1998, 31) "to reconstitute the unicv of Philippine history"
(35). Guided by European notions ot- order, linearitv, and rationality, yet Flirnself
implicated in the "underside of history." Riza]l, in Ileto's view, consciously imagined
a pasc that effaced che differences in colonial society.
Diversity and divisions did mark the Spanish Philippines. But while studies of
this group of pioneering vouch have considered a range of factors and moments in the
formation of national consciousness—such as class, religion, politics, economics,
discourses of kinship ties, gender, and literary strategies l—none has analyzed it in the
context of nineteenth-centurv popular and scientific theories of race and attendant
discourses of The period's dominant paradigm of "positive science" gave rise 10 the
belief that peoples of distinct "races" moved inco territories in discrete waves of
migration. Each successive and progressively more advanced wave pushed the earlier
arrivals into the interior. The extant cultural groups encountered by European
ethtM)logists in their "primitive" state were assumed to be "survivals, residues that
closely aoproximated che races of antiquity. Spanish friars in the Philippines had long
speculated on the origins of its inhabitants (Scotc 1994, 9), but the first svstemaac
formulation of the migration-waves theory purporting to explain the peopling of the
Philippine islands with cwo races and diverse cultural groups was advanced in 1882
 TRACING ORIGINS 607

By Ferdinand Blumentricc in Versucb emer Ethnographie der Philippinen (An

Attempt at Writing a Philippine Ethnography). Blumentritt was a Prague-born
professor of ethnology at the University of Leitmeritz in the Austro-Hungarian
empire (Sichrovskÿ 1987) In 1885 the Frenchman J. Montano published the results of
his "scientific mission," which classined and elaborated upon three races in a
discussion of Philippine anthropology? By the early 1900s, theories of migration
waves pervaded the Southeast Asian region.'
The timely application of che migration-waves framework to the Philippines
colored the intellectual climate in which the early nationalists imagined che past. To
be sure, io this, as in other political questions no monolithic uniformity of ideas
existed among the ilustrados. Isabelo de los Reyes (1889) expressed grave doubts

A vast literature exist: on this subJect- *part from those works cited elsev/fr"tre in this
article, see Agoncillso 1956: Rafael 1990; Schumacher 1991; Quibuyen 1999; Ordoñez 1998.
The question of the male elite-dominated imagining of Filipino nationhood, however, has not
been adequately addressed. Also intriguing is the transmutation of the klustrados• þa:ria, or
"fatherland." to the inane or ünotherland, i ' of popular nationalism.
2
BIumenrritt•s 1980) schema races, Negrito and Malay, contrasted with Montano's
(1885) framework cc: three æcial tV?œs, Negrito, Slalay, and Indonesu•an, Montano located
the last categonr mainlža• in Mindanao. Isabelo de ICS Reyes disputed Moatano•s introduction
of "Indonesian- as a third racial category and supported the two-race schema of Blumencritt
(1889, 7—9)- Rizal siúnilarlv subscribed co Blumentritt's formulation.
3
For instance, Walter Skeat and Charles Blagden published their grand Pagan Races ofthe
Malay Peninsula (1906/1966, 2 vols.", which explored the racial-linguistic affinities of
aboriginal groups- R. J- Wilkinson (1975) also scarced co publish his historical sketches
that located aborigines, proto—Malays, Malays, and Europeans in a temporal-cultural
seq[itnce of migration.
whether the origins of population groups in che Philippines were ascertainable, but
nonetheless attempted to reconstruct the pre-Spanish past through the "new science'
of folklore (Anderson 2000)- For his part, Graciano López Jaena (1951) voiced a
profound ambivalence toward auccxhchony, as will become patent later in this
article. An ardent supporter of the ilustrado campaign for equality, known as the
Propaganda Movement, and a and indefatigable contributor to the ilustrado
periodical, La Solidaridad (Solidarity), Blumentritt propounded key ideas that
attracted a wide consensus among the educated youth. In a propitious and decisive
confluence, Rizal was in Europe at just the historic juncture in which he could be
influenced by and in turn influence Blumencritc's ethnology. Rizal's perception of the
past, thereforž, :vould be incomprehensible apart from Blumentritt, with whom he
formed an indissoluble friendship.
Because the ilustrados believed that there were no court chronicles, manuscripts.
temples, or monuments chat could illumine the past, Rizal relied on the world of
science to construct historv and define an identity- During his stay in Europe in the
 608 FILOMENO V. AGUILAR

1880s, he read countless "scientific" books on the Philippines. 5 In their

correspondence, Blumentritt told Riz¿l about the existence in the British Museum of
a rare copy of Antonio ae Morga's Sucesos de las Islas Filipinas (Events in the
Philippine Islands), originally published in 1609 (Kramer 1998, 30; Coates 1968,
Rizal undertook the monumental project of copying and annotating Morga,
his edition finally seeing print in Paris in lace 1889. 3 Most of the copies were senc co
Manila via Hong Kong- The book was in demand, buc it was soon banned in Manila
and copies were confiscated and destroyed. As Ambech Ocampo puts it, the book
"attained 'rare' and 'out of print' status within a year of its publication" (1998, 185).
Rizal's annotations of Morga were admittedly influenced by Blumentritt•s
Versacb. 6 The edifice of pre-Hispanic migration waves and the associated racial-
cultural classification scheme adumbrated by Blumentritt provided the broad
template within which race, nation, and civilization were exercised in the ilustrado
mind- Dealing with sociocultural heterogeneity was far from straightforward,
however, for Rizal and other ilustrados wrestled with the state of scientific
knowledge along with the facticities of colonial life. With some of its propositions
accepted and others rejected, racial science helped confront the fundamental
existential questions of collective being: "Who are we? Where did we come from?"
Like an adopted child who grew
JR.
5 Disputing de Ios Reyes's criticism that he romanticized the past, Rizal stressed that
he read Antonio de Morga's work seven times and trumpeted the historical sources to back his

claims. "On the subject of the history of che civilization of the ancient Filipinos, I chink

I have read from cover to cover all the works of contemþorary writers, except that of Father
Plasencia and that of another author which had been lost" (Fores-Ganzon 1996, 2: 507, 508;
emphasis in original).
S
Although dated 1890, Rizal's edition of Morga must have appeared in print in late
1889. On December 28, 1889, Rizal wrote from Paris to Bald01nero Roxas saying Chat he had
sent four copies of the book to Lipa in Batangas, Philippines (NHC 1963, 1:413). On
December 31, 1889, Mariano Ponce, writing to Rizal from Barcelona, acknowledged
receivžng a copy and requestúd ten more to be sent to che Philippines (NHC 1963, 1:439). For
a critical discussion of Rizal's view of Philippine history in Morga, see Ocampo 1998.
6 Rizal credited Blumencritc's wœk in a note on Sumatra as "che place of origin of Indios
Filipinos." He advised: "Wich respect r-o the ethnology of che Philippines, as the space at our
command does not allow us co discuss the matter extensively, we recommend to che reader the
most interesting work of Professor Blumencrict, Versuch einer Ethnographie der Philippine-n
(Gotha: Justus Perches, 1882)" (1962, 243; 1961c, 259). Because of my inability to read
German, my understanding of Blumentrict has been mediated by my reliance on Marcelino
Maceda's English translation (Blumeatritc 1980).
 TRACING ORIGINS 609

up in another culture buc is now in quest of roots (Yngvesson and Mahoney 2000)—
reared by Mother Spain but now in search oí inang bayan, or "the motherland" (Ileto
was in search of a narrative of self. He found the answer in scientific
treatises. 7 But given his political project, Rizal posed a question different from that
of Blumentritt, who was concerned with classi9ing and ordering -the races" found in
the Philippine islands- From the ethnologist's tacit question of "Whac races are found
in che Philippines:" Rizal drew and transposed the information co answer che
question with which he grappled: "Who are we?"
Mediated therefore che modernist discourse of European science, Rizal laid the
epistemological foundations of Philippine history and identity. The influence of his
person and his germinal theory made Blumencrltt a cornerstone in this foundation.
Although Blumenrritt did noc propound a noticn of an idyllic pasc- his studies were
mined by Rizal co erect the idea of a "golden age" prior to Spanish in the
sixteenth century- In Morga and in his essays, particularly "Sobre la Indolencia de los
Filipinos" (On the Indolence of Filipinos) (see Fores-Ganzon 1996, Rizal
expressed his longing for the "ancient civilization" that he believed had been lost. The
construct of an ancient bliss and prosperity was eventually refracted, using indigenous
imageries, in Andres Bonifacio'î Hng Dapat Mabatid ng mea Tagalog (What the
Tagaiog Should Know) (see 1979, chap. 3). Indirectly, rac±l science left its traces in
the revolutionary worldview of che Katipunan, the movement that waged the
revolution against Spain in 1896.
As can be gleaned from the ilustrado texts that problematize origins and identity,
this article seeks to show that the hypothesized third migratioc wave provided
ilustrados with basis for claiming Malav—and Filipino—identitï. S That identity,
however, was beset Wich contradictions born of racial science, the iluszrados'
campaign for "assimilation: and their intragroup differences. As a result, their
imagined national community rendered highly uncertain the inclusion of what would
later become known as the nation's cultural and ethnic communities
Indeterminate in relation to the racial science of migration waves, the ilustrados'
mixed heritage would also cloud the borders of Filipinoness. Today the ramifications
of cbe ilustrado quest for origins continue to be palpable. 9 As a Filipino academic. I
decry) ic imperative to shed light on the historv of the boundaries of national
belonging. Thus, this article revisits Blumentritt's migration-waves framework, its
place in the crafting of history and identity by Rizal and his cohort, and the
consequences for nationhood of what heuristically may Be called ilustrado
nationalism.

Racism, Nationalism, and Philippine

Historiography
By examining the theory of racial waves jointly with the nationalist creation of the
past and the delineation of community, this article explores the ineluctable inter-

Unlike de Ios Reves, however, whose de Filipinas (Historv of the Philippines, 1889) debated
issues ot- prehistorv. Rizal did not write as a scientist.
 610 FILOMENO V. AGUILAR

8
Among the ilustrados. there 'F.ZS no sustained engagement with the of origins and
Filipinoness, despite its overarching salience. Various ilustrado in periodicals, private
correspondeoce, and Rizars exemplary works—do provide relevant scat:ered statements- The
statements that I have encountered are analyzed in this article. Because of their different
contexts and direct concern with revolution and state building, Zhe writings of the
revolutionaries Apolinario Mabini and Emilio Jacinto and the edicts Ot- Errilio Aguinaldo are
excluded from the present discussion (but see Agoncillo 1960, 1973; Mait£ 1960, 1967).
9
1n addition to the present discussion, the discourse of ancienr migraticjt-2 waves also
inflects the debate on present-day migraticns (see Aguilar
twining of racism and nationalism in the very narrative that is supposed to provide
the nation with the moorings of its ontological being. In advancing this analysis, I
recognize that che relationship bet-ween nationalism and racism is an unsettled
theoretical question, as a sampling of positions will indicate. For instance, reacting to
Tom Nairn's (1977) view that racism derives from nationalism, Benedict Anderson
contends that these ideologies are distinct and separate in their origins, aspirations,
and expressions (1991, 141—54). Nationalism thrives on political love and dreams of
historical destinies, in contrast to racism's rage and obsession with contamination and
class superiority- Etienne Balibar (1991) proffers a causal schema in which racism
and nationalism are reciprocally determinative of each other. In Balibar's view, the
"broad structure" of racism forms a supplement constitutive of the nation, providing
the basis for its fictive ethnicity and unity. George Mosse (1995) asserts that racism is
distinct from nationalism in that the former thrives on a sharp and totalistic certainty
and the latter is a loosely constructed and flexible belief that can tolerate ethnic
differences. In practice, however, the two have become difficult to distinguish,
especially because the late nineteenth century saw nationalism and racism form an
alliance that allowed racism r.o become operative and eventually ride upon
nationalism.
Many strik:ag parallels characterize narionalism and racism. Both ideologies
construct ideal types and countertypes and are concerned with the principle of
separateness from other political, social, or cultural entities. More important, Mosse
emphasizes that "the search for roots is basic to racism" because "the roots of the race
were thought to determine its future as well" (1995, 166—67). Racism's use of history
and anthropology with nationalism's longing for a biography, a
narrative of identity that prompts nationalism, according to Anderson, to conjure a
genealogy "S up tirne'—towards Peking Man. Java Man, King Arthur, wherever the
lamp of archeology casts its fitful gleam" (1991, 205). To quench the thirst for
identity, modern nations conjure their existence in antiquity, pillaging available
scientific data, even as they look simultaneously to an eternal future. For both racism
and nationalism, the past holds an important key to conceptions of identity.
To expound upon the theoretical relationship of nationalism to racism is not che
object of this article. Rather, it aims to identifr the contradictions from the interaction
of race and nation at che inception of Philippine nationalism in an empirically
contingent interplay that is more complex chan any theoretical position would
suggest. Moreover, this article probes not only the colonial subject's denouncement
 TRACING ORIGINS 611

of racial practices but also the appropriation and marshalling of racial science and
racial identities as a form of resistance. The ilustrados were not unique, for
comparable strategies were resorted to by other dominated, marginalized, or
minoritized groups from the 1870s to the 1920s when "science became both more
specialized and authoritative as cultural resource and language of interpretation"
(Stepan and Gilman 1993, 1 75). '0 The ilustradcs specifically drew on racial science
to form a counter-
I
(Siam presents an anaiogous appropriation of racial science as a form of resistance
against European colonial:sm but with the contrasting effect that, despite social hierarchies,
the kingdom's subjects we: e homogenized and chen nationalized; ideas of a "Tai race" also
fed ultranationalism and expansionism in the 1930s (see Terwiel 1978, 1991, 1996; Streckfuss
1993, Thongchai The rise of nationalism in China and Japan in late nineteenth cencur:,' drew
on racial science to rework indigenous notions of identity into racialized constructs of purity
and descent that included some and excluded others from the nation (see Dikötter 1997). On
recent 7aleoanthropologv inflected by Chinese nationalism, see Sautman 2001; on
archaeology and ethnic/national origins and identities, see Kohl 1998. Within the scientific
community, resiscznce based on che idioms of science by African and Jewish Americans in
chc 1870—1920 period is discussed in Stepan and Gilman 1993.
 612 FILOMENO V. AGIJILAR JR

discourse to the -unsciencific" claims of Spanish friars and colonials. But although
they debunked charges innate inferiority, their enmeshment in racial thought
impinged on the struggle for nationhood. The ironies and compromises of this
process strike deeply at the sense of nation, which may explain the nationalist
historiography's avoiding frontal encounter with this past.
In the 1960s, Renato Constantino pointed out that the designation "Filipino'
originallv referred to Spaniards born in the colonial Philippines, but it was
transformed by ilustmdos into "a class concept" until it "finally embraced the entire
nation and became a means of EÈAtional identification" (1969, 4—1 1). Because
Constantino saw the problemülics of cLass and imperialism as preponderant, he did
not pursue the traces of race. In his last major work, William Henry Scotc countered
that since che seventeenth cencury "Filipino" had sometimes been used to mean the
people of the Philippine islands, thus anteceding ics creole referent (1994, 6—7).
Scott, however, saw no need co narrate che term's change from a geographic to a
national badge. Citing Scott, Vicente Rafael (2000) has signaled at the ironies and
everyday slippages of the national label but, while dissecting the racism of the United
States as colonizer, has stopped at excavating the internal nexus of racism embedded
in Filipino nationahsm.
Also in the 1960s, Edgar Wickberg (1964, 1965) established that the hegerLonic
Filipino elite descended t-nom Chinese mestizos who first g2ined economic
ascendancy in the mid-eighteenth century. The passage from Chinese mestizo co
Filipino, however, has been by the spotlight on the more edifring progress
"from Indio to Filipino," as Dorningo Abelia [1978) titled his work. In the 1970s
Scott stressed chat "cultural minorities" were a colonial artifact and that prior to the
colonial period they weæ indiscinguishable from those that subsequently became the
Hispanized "majority" (1982, 28—41). Scott implied their equal claim to Filipinoness
but did not recount why rn.any did not consider them co be Filipinos. John
Schumacher has admitted char "[i]n che Philippines the pagan Igorots and Muslim
Moros were considered and created by Christian Filipinos as outside the civilized
Filipino community," but claimed that their "humiliating treatment in the 1887
Madrid Exposition "stung many of the educated Filipinos inco identifying themselves
with these their 'brothers' and a countrymen"' (1973, 67). This assertion could not
explain whv, fòr example- Muslim leaders who decided to accept the central state had
to assert a "Muslim-Filipino" identity beginning in che 1930s, as Patricio Abinales
(2000) has elucidated. The Filipinos" have considered Muslims inherently
different, while some Muslims ' •do not appear happy in being called 'Filipinos"'
(Majul 1973, 346). Schumacher's solution to che question of national inclusiveness in
the 1887 exposition wouid appear to have closed the issue, but his has been an
incomplete account.
Paralleling the elisioc-s that pervade the genealogy of "Filipino" are the partial
confrontations with the theory of migration waves. Under the aegis of American
colonialism, racial science continued co exerc its sway upon che Filipino
 TRACING ORIGINS 613

intelligentsia. Using archaeological finds, H. Otley Beyer (1948) starting in the

1920s developed his own version ot- che migration-waves theory, which from the
late 1950s Robert Fox and others would critique and modify. Il Since the 1970s, the
theory has received sustained criticism from anthropologists and historians. F.
LandaJocano (1975, 1991, 1998) has relentlessly argued that che theory distorts,
rather than illuminates, the

II
See Zamora 1967 for ðmporcanc contributions co this debate. Beyer's migration-waves
theory is graphicallv presented in Reyes ec a! . 1953
racial origins and affinities of Filipinos while denigrating the vitality and
autochthonous development of Filipino culture, which would seem to have been
borrowed wholesale from œatside- Arnold Azurin has scored che theory for its
colonial, racist, and anti-Filipino framework, which fuels notions such as the Igorot
"belong to another race" (1993, 15—28). Scctt has called it a "speculative rather than
factual" theory that erroneously tagged Negritos as the archipelago's aboriginal
occupants (1992, 8—12). Rafael has criticized its racialization of Philippine society
and its function in legitimating conquest by the United States (2000, 35—37). The
theory is now widely discredited amorag Filipino academics and intellectuals, who
routinely lament its perpetuation in history textbooks. 7 But, late twentieth-centurv
critiques of the theory, many of which spring from a nationalist impulse, need to be
reconciled with the theorv's salience in the formation of national consciousness.
Because of its centrality to ilustrado nationalism and because of the context that it
provided for the intertwining of race and nation in "Filipino," the racial science of
migration waves cannot simply be wished away.

Tracing Ancestors, Differentiating Ehe Indio

Selectively using science as memory, José Rizal portrayed "the ancient

Filipinos" (los antignos Filipinos) as possessing a civilization of which one could be
proud, in some a.sl*cts even superior to that of Europe. This exalted past was his
riposte to Spanish taunts and insults about che crudity and racial inferiority of indios,
Spain's colonial subjects. Thus, gender equality and cognatic kinship among the
preconquest elites elicited the remark that "the Filipinos acted very much in
conformity with natural laws, being ahead of the Europeans" (Rizal 1962, 276;
1961c, 294). In regard to thievery, Rizal opined that "the ancient Filipinos" resorted
7 Similarly, A- Terry Rambo, Karl Hutterer, and Kathleen Gillagly have lamented che
durability of the migration-waves model in Southeast Asia: "The persistence of such a
cheoreticallv dubious model for such an extended period, desDice its general rejection
elsewhere in the world, raises troubling questions about the state of ethnological research in
Southeast Asia' (1988, 3).
 614 FILOMENO V. AGIJILAR JR

to a "practice chat leaves a door to repentance and saves the honor of the repentant
{which) ought to have been imitated by the Europeans" (1962, 287; see also 1961c,
306). In case this first method failed, "the ancient Filipinos used another method
already more perfect and civilized inasmuch as it resembled the judgment of God
and the practices of the Middle Ages' (1962, 287; see also 1961c, 306; emphasis in
original). The precolonial mode of justice—which prompted Rizal to sigh: " iSi
nuestros antepasados resucitasen! (If only our ancestors could be resurrected!)—was
far better than Spanish practices, which failed to investigate the complaints aired in
1887 by tenants, including Rizal's family, against the Dominican friars who owned
the Calamba estate (1890, 90; Fores-Ganzon 1996, 2:88-93).
The glories of the preconquest golden age of onr ancestcrs underscored the
failure and injustices of Spanish colonialism. The friars were faulted for the colony's
backwardness. Excluding the Jesuits, Rizal asserted that "after the religious saw
their position consolidated, they began to spread calumnies and to debase the races
of the Philippines, Wich a view to giving themselves more importance, always
making themselves indispensable, and using the alleged crudity of the Indio co
excuse their stupidity and ignorance" (1961 c, 329; trans. author). Debased and
brutalized, the ancestors' "intellectual level" plummeted: "In the past they knew how
co reason; at present they are satisfied with merely asking and believing" (Rizal
1961c, 307; trans. author). With the loss of reason, the "ancient Filipinos" were kept
in the dark- The ancestors regressed.
Who were these ancestors? In posing this question, I call attention to the fact that
the iluscrados did not reckon the forebears of all the peoples in the as
ancestors, nor did they consider all natives to be indios. In Rizal's construct, not all
the "races." at the time of the Spanish conquest were at par in their state of culture
and capacity for civilization. The multiple and autonomous preconquesc social
groups that Rizal rep-esented as lay sociedades malayo-filipinas (the Philippine-
Malayan societies) were separable into two distinct categories by his time (1961c,
298)- On one hand were "the civilized Filipinos" (los Filipinos civilizados), who did
not resist conversion to Catholicism; on the other were "the mountain tribes" (las
tribus montañesas), who resisted and therefore were not civilized (see, for example,
Rizal 1961c, 332; 1962, 311). The ancestors were to be identified partially on the
basis of partially on "civilization," principally acceptance
of Spanish culture.
In tracing lineage, Ferdinand Blumentritt's Versuch appeared to have served
Rizal 's purposes well. The ancestors were not found in the first migration wave
comprising Negritos and were also not found in the second wave, which, although
composed of "Malays," had taken to the mountains. The "ancient Filipinos" with
whom Rizal and other ilustrados deciphered racial and cultural affinity were found in
the third migratory wave of "Malays," who settled in the lowlands. In conformity
with the prevailing ideas of the time, che plot underpinning the migration-waves
theory was one of progress, with the last wave as the bearer of civilization. 13 Rizal
 TRACING ORIGINS 615

viewed Spanish colonialism's intervention in this linear plot with ambiguity. When he
was not thinking about how the friar establishment obstructed progress, Rizal
appreciated the access to European civilization and modernity that the colonial
relationship with Spain made possible. But when friars occupied his gaze, Rizal saw
the Spanish conquest as nothing but a scourge that alienated him from his descent
and deprived him of history and identity. Such overpowering moments drove him to
recuperate the past- His "nostalgia for lost origins," however, did not encompass all
of the three hypothesized migration waves but was partial to the third.

The First Wave

Akin to previous and later suppositions, Blumentritc painted Negricos as
constituting the first wave of migrants- M Of a distinct "race," Negri r os were the
original owners of the land," who had been pushed into the forested interiors, except
in the remote northeastern coast of Luzon, where they were "still in possession of
their
I N
The pp,radigmacic narrative of immigration as progress IS not restricted to European
thought. In Flores Island in eastern Indonesia, the descendants of Sumatran migrants assert
their dominance vis-à-vis aborigines by claiming to be the bearers of civilization (Erb
1997)141)e los Reyes doubted the view that Negritos were the aboriginal inhabitants of the
Philippines (1889, 16), a point repeated a century later by Scott (1992, 8—12)- Against those
who saw Negritos as descended from Papuans of Melanesia, de los Reyes preferred the view of
their descent from "the black race," which included the Sakai of the Malay peninsula (1889, 3
—4). For a succinct statement oo current views of Southeasc Asian prehistorv- see Bež]wood
1992.
old native land" (Blumentritt 1980, 18). 15 In Antonio de Morga's account, Negritos
figured as "natives who are of black complexion," whom he described as "barbarians
of trifling mental capacity, who have no fixed homes or settlements" (Rizal 1962,
243; 1961c, 259). These nomadic "barbarians," according to Morga, were dangerous
because they pillaged the settlement of "che other natives." On these
characterizations Rizal made no comment in any of his annotations, as he was wont
to do when he felt that the Spaniards demeaned his people. His silence implied that
Negritos were not his people and did not deserve his defense. His reticence was even
more notable in that Blumentritt defended Negritos as "a lively and talented people
contrary to the report of tbe Spaniards who have described them as being without
any form of intelligence" (1980, 24). Combating the Negritos' fearsome image,
Blumentritt stressed that their isolation made them "almost powerless to resist their
enemies' (1980, 30—31).
Overlooking Blumentritt's point of view, Rizal conformed Wich the standard
colonial practice, which, Scott notes, routinely excluded Negritos from the rubric of
indio (1994, 8). Denigrated by Spaniards and their lowland subjects, Negritos were
strangers, an alien race that the Europeans and "Malay Christians" placed the reach
616 FILOMENO V. AGIJILAR JR

of civilization. Even the most "enlightened" considered Negritos inhc,-r fitly.

primitive.
In reviewing a pamphlet authored by conservative Spanish mestizo Eduardo P.
Casal y Ochoa, an ilustrado using the pen name Bagong-Tauo (New Man) criticized
the author ßr exculpating Spain from responsibility for conditions in the Philippines
(Scbumacher 1973, 53—55, 70—70). Bagong-Tauo, however, conceded Casal's
point about the Negritos' racial inferioriry in this passage from the March 15, 1889,
issue of La Solidaridad: "But, we shall render enthusiastic praise to Señ0L- Casal for
these declaratïons: 'From the Tagalog to the primitive Negrito, therc is a descending
scale of culture, which induces some learned ethnographers to believe in the
inferiority of races. In Oceania as well as in civilized Europe, there exist social
hierarchies of knowledge and culture.' This is also our belief, and therefore, with due
impartiality, we shall not begrudge him our praise" (Fores-Ganzon 1996, I •.60, trans.
author). Despite differences in political sentiments, critic and author shared the
universalist view concerning civilizational hierarchies. In the Philippines, that
hierarchy was unabashedly race based: Tagalog held the highest rank, "primitive
Negritos" the lowest. Although not all ilustrados agreed on the status of the Tagalog,
agreement converged on Negritos as lying at the bottom. This notion of primitivity
defined the outer limits shared by ilustrado thought.
The anatomy of Negritos, as menBers of a "wild race," was taken as evidence in
itself of their incapacity for civilization. They were outside the ilustrados' sphere of
legitimate knowledge and pursuit cf justice. None felt any pang of conscience that
"ancient Filipinos" might have unfairly dislodged Nesritos from their "original
possession" of the land. After all, they were not ancestors. Moreover, their
dispossession was attributed by Blumentritt to the second wave, who also were not
"ancient Filipinos.

The Second Wave

In Blurnentritt's schema, "invading Malayans" composed the second migration
wave. 8 They came from the south and gradually moved north, settling initially along
J
'Although Negricos have dwelled in various lowland areas around the country, the
widespread impression, chen and now, is that they are a mountainous people
the coasts and displacing Negritos. In turn, they would be driven to the interiors by
the next wave of migrants but not before their biological constitution was altered.
The second-wave Malayans "arrived in the Philippines during the time when there
were still many Negritos" with whom they intermarried, resulting in "the strong
Negrico racial elements found among them" (Blumentritt 1980, 13). Blurnencritt
adduced this racial mixing with Negritos rather than with Chinese and Japanese, as

'
8 Beyer popularized this wave's composition as 'Indonesians." with A and B
subcategories.
 TRACING ORIGINS 617

other scholars at that time had claimed. Evidently, the second wave•s recreat to the
mountainous interior and subsequent resistance co Spanish rule and culture were
consistent with racial concepts of métissage, which would envisage intermarriage
with "inferior" Negritos as diluting the intrinsic attributes of these "Malayans,"
rendering them susceptible to displacement by the next wave. Their descendants,
according co Blumencritt, were the "Igorots, Ifugaos, Guinanons, Apayaos, Zambals,
Abacas, Isinays, Italonons, Ibilaos, Ilongots, and Kalingas" (1980, 13).
"Contamination" by the Negiito removed second-wave "Malayans" from
consideration as However, they still fitted Rizal's broad category of
sociedad¿s malayo-filipinas and the specific subcategory of " mountain tribes." As
Scott would stress a centur w later (1982, 28—41; 1992), Blumentritt's descriDtion of
the Igorot highlighted many practices similar to those of the Tagalog at the time of
the Spanish conquest (1980, 66—85). Not impressed that the Igožot and the Tagalog
shared something fundamental, Rizal suggested in his annotations that resistance co
Spain set back "mountain tribes" as primitives, unlike the Tagalog, who became
"civilized Filipinos. " Their backwardness was virtually inherent in their alleged
nature as second wavers. In colonial society, the Spanish-era word "Igorrotes" was
applied to all sorts of mountain dwellers and became synonymous with primitivity
and savagery. As Blumentritt noted even from a distance (he never set foot on the
Philippines), "Together with the name Igorocs much nonsense is attached" (1980,
66). The early nationalists generally shared in such "nonsense.
Only during the 1887 Exposición de las Islas Filipinas (Exposition of che
Philippine Islands) did the youthful patriots have a chance to see themselves as
linked to "tribes" whose members were brought to Madrid for display. This
delegation consisted of eight Igorots, eight Moros, tWO people from the Marianas,
CwO from the Carolines, and about twenty-four others (including Negritos) from
che Philippines (López Jaena 1951, 152-53; Schumacher 1973, 53-73; Scott 1974,
275-79; 1975,

That "mountain tribes" were made to represent the Philippines was distasteful
and offensive to ilzszzados, who were stirred by the appalling accommodation and
treatment of the human exhibits—mirroring the way that Spain dealt with che whole
colony. In addition to the affront to basic human dignity, the exposition was
unacceocable preciselv because "sava oes" embodied the Philippines. Encapsulating
ilustrado feeling, Graciano López Jaena wrote, "[t)he Exposition does not represent
those Islands with dignitv or, at least, with decency; it shows nothino but che
backwardness of the Philippines. Everything modern, related co its progress, has not
been brought to the Exposition" (1951, 151—52). Long before the actual exhibit,
word circulated about the impending fiasco. In November 1886, Rizal reported co
Blumencritt: "According to the newspapers and the information I have, ic will not be
an exposition of the Philippines but, rather, an exposition of Igorrotes, who will plav
music, cook, sing, and dance" (1961b, 22; 196 la, 30; trans. author). As would be
 618 FILOMENO V. AGIJILAR JR

replicated in St. Louis in 1904 (see Rydell 1984; Vergara 1995; see also Afable
2004; Buangan 2004), in Madrid Igorots became emblematic of Philippine
backwardness.
The Madrid Exposition was wide ranging and did not feature only Igorots- Paul
Kramer has observed that it was meant "to reinforce colonial ties co the Pacific,
through promotion of investments, and in addition, greater study and symbolic
affirmation of Spanish dominion,- in light of which "several Filipino ilustrados
received awards for their art and scholarship" (1998, 21—22). Among the awards
was a silver medallion for Isabelo de los Reyes's El Folk-Lore Filipino (Philippine
Folklore, 1994). But confirming the apprehension of ilustrados such as Evaristo
Aguirre, who wrote Rizal about official preparations in Madrid for the exposition
(NHC 1963, 2:66—70, 76—78), the exposition failed to capture the attention of
authorities in Spain. Ic did succeed in giving prominence r.o che Igorot as the
prototype of the "backward" Philippines. The word "Igorrote" elen acquired currency
in Madrid (Scott 1974, 277— 78). Overwhelmed by the Madrileños' taunts, Rizal
and other ilustrados were caught in the frenzy of counterreaction.
At one level, because che Igorot did not exhaust what the Philippines scocx:! for,
the young nationalists saw them as unrepresentative of their homeland, but the Igorot
were also seen as atypical in that Chey were not "the best" that the PhilipDines could
parade before civilized Europt-• The Igorot were "rare individuals" (Rizal 1961b,
106; 1961a, 190; emphæis m original). In strcssing the word "individuals," Rizal
might well have been suggesting chac the Igorot were a numerical minority, a rarity
whose condition should be concealed rather chan exposed co stain impressions of che
Philippines. 'lTh1ey were an oddity undeserving of public attention. These "rare
individuals," said Rizal, served no purpose other chan to entertain the busybodies of
Madrid. In fact, Rizal and his friends would have favored an exposition on the
Philippines chat displayed its manufacturing, hence "progressive," aspects—as if
these would exhaust what the country stood for and as if Europeans would be
imDressed. Plans were afoot precisely for such an exhibit. Rizal intimated co
Blumentritt in June 1887: "Five years ago we wanted to hold an exhibition of Filipino
workers, weavers, etc., and we still want to hold one. - We want an industrial
exposition, but not an exposition of hurnan beings. " (Rizal 1961b, 106; see also
1961a, 190—91). Because Rizal was unaware of the artisanal and hydraulic-
engineering skills of the Igoroc, he thought that a display of craft and proletarian
workers would showcase co the modern capitalist world system the Philippines' best.
At the same time, he implied that displaying industrial workers would no longer be
"an exposition of human beings," suggesting that, under the sway of mechanical
philosophy, such workers cease to be human beings. With industrialization as the
ideal, ilustrado chinking was plainly in line with social evolutionism, which held
science, technology, and modern industry as the pinnacle of civilization (Adas 1989).
In the bosorn of Mother Spain, however, che chasm that separaccd the
"avilized" from che "uncivilized" in the Philippines was bridged, as Schumacher
 TRACING ORIGINS 619

(1973) has noted. The sympathy for and glimmers of identification with che Igorot
were quite genuine for some iluscrados. In August 1885, de los Reyes published in
Madrid "Terminología del Folk-Lore" (Terminology of Folklore), which began by
declaring himself) an Ilocano, as "brother cf the jungle dwellers, the Aeca, the Igorot
and the Tinguian and born in chis remote Spanish colony, where civilization shines
buc with a very faint light" (1994, 20; trans. author). This stunning opening line
would cause the Manila press "to lampoon him for years afterwards" (Scotc 1982.
251). Directed at Spanish folklorists, this opening sentence, which continued with
the author's "confession" of his lack of knowledge of the new field of folklore, was
written tongue
 620 FILOMENO V. AGUILAR
JR.

in cheek, as de los Reyes went on to debate with European folklorists. I? Other

ilustrados could not comprehend de los Reyes's mischievous style and claim to
brotherhood with che "forest dwellers." About two years later, the outrage sparked by
the exposition prompted Evaristo Aguirre, Rizal's creole friend who considered
himself "purely Filipino; to write a newspaper article referring to the dehumanized
persons on display at the Retiro zoological garden as "our brothers" (Schumacher
1973, 53, 67). Rizal also referred to the persons on exhibit as '"my compatriots" and
'"my countrymen" (mis Þaisanos)- In a moment of inclusiveness, LópezÞena referred
to the "simple folks" (sent-illa genre) collectively as "Filipinos' (1951, 155—59). In
their humanism, the ilustrados felt a fraternal bond with the individuals whom they
believed were demeaned and exploited by the exposition.
What did this inclusivenesc imply? In his compassion for •compatriots" on
display, Rizal embraced che Carolines and Marianas, along Wich the areas whence
"tribal" persons came. The territorial expanse of Rizal's pais (country) matched the
inclusion of these Pacific islands in the Philippine Exposition. Although the
Carolines were a budgetary drain Cores-Ganzon 1996, 2:360—61), many ilustrados
considered the islands an integral part of the Philippines. Attachment to the Carolines
was probably created by the banishment of indios to these far-flung islands (Fores-
Ganzon 1996, 2: 538—41, 575—76), In 1891 Nicolas San Pascual asserted in La
Solidaridad that Mindanao "is less important compared with the Carolines" (Fores-
Ganzon 1996, Similarly, the Marianas were deemed part of the Philippines
and, like the Carolines, loomed larger than Mindanao. In the 1890 proposal to create
electoral districts for the hoped-for representation in the Cortes, Marcelo H. dei Pilar
defined the district of Cebu as including the "Marianas and the districts of
Mindanao"; the other electoral districts were those of Manila, Ilocos, Camarines, and
Iloilo (ForesGanzon 1996, 2:242—43)—the proposed five electoral districts
apparently based on the extant ecclesiastical divisions" Sympathies at the Madrid
Exposition revealed the territorial boundary of che ilustrados' Philippines, which was
broader or more malleable than the geograohic limits later drawn by American
colonialism (see figure).
Unlike their inclusion of the Marianas in the political community and
notwithstanding the avowals by a few, however, rare was the ilustrado who prized
"mountain tribes" in deep comradeship—except possibly de los Reyes, if his avowal
of brotherhood with 3ungle dwellers" is taken at face value. Although some
ilustrados

1
-To Scott, the opening statement was "a confession—or boast" (1982, 251). Reprinted in El
Folk-Dre Filip:no, the claim to brotherhood with Aeras, Igorocs, and Tinguianes was not
supported by a reasonable discussion of their folklore. Igorots figured in the "administrative
folklore" centered or: the fictional character Isio, who was driven by the corrupt system to flee
to the mozntains, Where he deluded lgerots with magic even as he uplifted them with his
 TRACING ORIGINS 621
civilizing mission. The tale was "a naughty exposé but one rendered sc subtle by its comic
dialogue" (Scott 1982, 258). Integral to its comic success were cheap shots at Igorots, which
did not aid in recciE-ing prevailing stereotypes. For a different view, see Anderson 2000.
i
*This was pointed out to me by Father John Schumacher. The dioceses that were in
place in the Spanish Pliil:ppines based on a ruling of 1595 were Manila, Cebu, Nueva Cateres
(centered in Naga the Camarines), and Nueva Segovia (with its capital in Vigan in the Ilccos
officially since 1758). The diocese of Jaro was created in 1.865 to include the provinces of
Iloilo, Capiz, Anague, che Calamianes, Negros, Zamboanga, and the present Davao prov
inces- Until Jaro vs establishment, the diocese of Cebu had been the most extensive, covering
the Visayan Islands, Mindanao, and the Mariana Islands. NO Spanish Bishop of Cebu ever
visited the Marianas, however, until the bishopric of Rornualdo Jimeno (see
Fernandcz 1979, 28—35 In effect, after 1865 northern Mindanao and the 'Marianas were part
of Cebu; southern Mindanao belonged to Jaro (Iloilo).

Figure. Rizal's sketch of the spheres of influence of imperial powers, 1889

(Craig 1914, 52).

did identifi with the Igorot in 1887, being actually ieered and called "Igorot" was
deeply humiliating. In a controversial article in the October 31, 18S9. issue of La
Solidaridad, Antonio Luna, using the pen name Taga-llog, complained that in
 622 FILOMENO V. AGUILAR
Madrid young ladies stared at him and muttered, ";Jesás que horroroso:' Es zn
igorrote!" ("Jesus! What a hideous sight! It's an Igorot!") (Fores-Ganzon 1996,
1:444). The ilustrados could not deny the Igorots' backwardness, and when that
backwardness was ascribed to them they felt disgraced. The
embarrassment persisted among future generations of Filipino elites. A century had
to pass before identification with Igorots became cool, as when the alternative
Filipino filmmaker Kidiat Tahimik wore an Igorot G-string in wintry New York in
the late 1980s.

The Third Wave

Blumentritc contended that the third migratory wave was composed of a "second
group of Malay invaders" who possessed "a higher civilization and milder morals as
compared to the first Malay wave. These new invaders, composed of the Tagalogs,
Pampanguimos, Visayans, Bicolanos, Ilocanos, Pangasinanons and Cagayaaons,
conquered the older population groups and drove them from thežr homes along the
coasts into the hinterlands" (1980, 14). Blumentritt specifically named Hispanized
populations in che lowlands of Luzon and the Visayas (but not Mindanao) as
composi ng the third wave.

JR

That this wave supposedly drove away the settled population of "Malays" from
the lowlands did not disturb the ilustrados. The "higher civilization and milder
morals" that they broughc to the Philippines justified their invasion. Conquest of the
third wave was successful- By che time Spaniards set foot in the Philippines, people
of the third wave said to have "occupied all the coastal plains of,the archipelago'
(Blumentritt 1980, 14). This physical domination of the lowlands and coastal plains
also marked the social separation and distinctiveness of the third wave, which
Blumentritt and che iluscrados could not imagine as intermarrying with the first and
second waves. Because they grew up with "ethnic" identities such as Bicolano,
Capampangan, IlQ)cano, Tagalog, Visavan, and so on—isomorphic with old colonial
administrative divisions—ilustrados could see themselves grouped into a single enti
ty, "the third wave," and recognize their putative ancestors: the last-wave "Malays"
were the "ancient Filipinos.
Morga had written chac the people of "Manila and its surroundings were not
natives of the island [of Luzon], but immigrants, who populated it in past times, they
being Malayan natives or natives of their islands and remote lands" (Rizal 1961c, 258
—59; 1962, 243; trans. author). To that statement, Rizal appended a note which
claimed that "[aÆncient tra.didior.s had made Sumatra the place of origin of Indios
Filipinos- (1961c- 259; 1962. 243; trans. author). Rizal was probably influenced by
 TRACING ORIGINS 623
Francisco Colín's assertion in the seventeenth century that the people of Sumatra had
a "tradition" of migration and of peopling ocher islands arid that the Pampangos of
central Luzon spoke the same language as Sumatrans (1663/1900, 1:16). 9 Evidently,
the "Indios Filipinos" whom Rizal had in mind belonged to the third wave, and he
wanted to rekindle their "higher civilization and milder morals"; however, "[t]hese
traditions were complecelv lost as well as the mythology and genealogies that old
historians tell us about, thanks to the zeal of the religious in extirpating every
national, gentile, or idolatrous memento" (1962, 243; 1961c, 259). Rizal's lament was
immediately followed by the advice to the reader to consult Blumentritt's "most
interesting work," Versm-h einer Ethnographie der Philippinen- Ethnological science,
Rizal was confident, affirmed the ancient civilization of Tagalog and ocher "Indios
Filipinos."
Ethnological knowledge also served to accentuate seemingly inherent differences
between "Indios Filipinos" and the earlier arrival of "savage Malays." In contrast to
the latter, third-wave "Malays" possessed a civilization comparable, if not superior, to
that of Europe. In his lacer work Las Razas Indígenas de Filipinas (Indigenous Races
of the Philippines, 890), Blumentrict dignified ilustrado sentiment by cataloging the
Bicol, Ilocano, Pampango, Pangasin. and Tagalog as raza malaya de antigua civi!
ización (Malav race with an ancient civilization). In contrast, che Negrito and groups
cf second--*.'ave provenance were not honored with such a description.
Thac lowland indios of the "Malayan race" possessed an "ancient civilization
seemed completely self-evident because the ilustrados could see in themselves their
incontrovertible capacity for Hispanic civilization- Yes, there were many of their
kind who had not beea "enlightened," but this was not of their own making but that
of Spanish friars. All they needed was the light of modern education, which was
what ilustrados sought to impart. As Rizal intoned, the imperative was "enl
i.ghtenment, enlightenment, che cducacion of our people, education and
enlightenment" (1961 a, 580; 1961b, 306; trans. author).
"Indios were not to be placed at par with "mountain tribes," who were
believed co be devoid of ancient civilization. To equate them was an insult to
illistrados. Blumentritc's observation that many Igorot practices were similar co those
of the ancient Tagalog was conveniently ignored (1980, 66—85). To counter the
views ot- Oceania EspañÐIa (Spanish Oceania), La Solidaridad featured an article
titled "The Philippines before the Blood Compact" ("Filipinas antes del pacto de
sangre") in its issue of December 31, IS91. It asserted: "Our colleague is gravely
mistaken if he believes that the Spaniards found the Filipinos of the coast in the same
state as the Igorot of today, because they, according to Chirino, Morga, Colin, San
Antonio, San Azustín, and others, were Elready organized into large towns and not
small settlements (rsncherías)•• (Fores—Ganzoc 1996, 3:632, 634; trans. author). The
article proceeded to list che hallmarks cf the "ancient civilization" of "Indios
Filipinos": their own alphabet and widespread literacy; sžlk clothing, Indian cotton,
costly jewelry, and a fine taste for clothing; cannons and fortifications; porcelain

9Schumacher informed me chat Rizal Þs source was "undoubtedly" Colín.

 624 FILOMENO V. AGUILAR
plates; a legal system based on gentle (suave) customs; a primiti'õe religion "highly
respected by modern Orientalists and ph210sophers"; and a form of slavery that was
better than what the early Spanish settlers were said to have established (Fores-
Ganzon 1996, 3:633—34). The article's final rebuttal extolled che thirst-for
knowledge and learning of "the indigenous (el indígena) or Tagalog." Unwittingly
signaling differences among ilustrados, the article made iodigenous" and
commensurate and interchangeable. Symptomatically, ocher ethnolinguis:ic groups
were excluded from indigeny and nativeness.
Despite his open disagreement with Rizal on the portrayal of preconquest times,
de los Reyes held the view that "[w]hen the Spaniards arrived in the Philippines in
1521, it was no longer a savage pueblo. Its inhabitants were already grouped into
pueblos" (1994, 288, 290; trans. author). In his El Folk-Lore Filipino, de los Reyes
listed several indicators ot- civilization, such as mercantile relations with neighboring
polities in Asia, che use of firearms, a not-so-backward religion, a system of writing,
and customary law. But while his portrayal of the pre-Hispanic past suggested that
Luzon and the Visayas shared the same cultural heritage, de los Reyes boldly declared
the Ilocos as his Päœrîa (beloved country [fatherland)) (1994, 18). Although he
claimed to have changed his earlier view that "Ilocanos were a distinct race from
Tagalog," his catalog of Iloeano customs asserted that "Ilocanos are the equal of the
rest of civilized FiEpinos" (194). In terms of physique, industriousness, frugality, and
seli-confidence, the Ilocano was even better than the Tagalog (de los Reyes 1994, 194
—97). In the farawav"' Ilocos existed cultural authenticity, for there Ilocano pr:zctices
and beliefs had been "preserved with great purity, and closely approximated thcse at
the time of Conquest" (de los Reyes 1994, 192, 194). The defense ofllocanos in The
liocos was perhaps called forth by the low statUS of Il(xanos in Manila, many of
whom worked as domestic servants and drivers of horse-drawn carriages (de IOS
ReTes 1994, 202; Rizal 1961a, 106; 1961b, 61—62). De los Reyes's unremitting
"'mybeloved-Ilocos' stance" (Scott 1982, 270) gained Rizal's ire as an attempt to
"Ilúkanoize the Ph:lippines" (Fores-Ganzon 1996, 2: 506; see also Rizal 1961 a, 288;
1961b, 167). Thus, the third wave was not a cohesive group; competition between the
Ilocano and the Tagalcg prefigured what would lacer be decried as "regionalism" that,
dragging in •rhe rest of civilized Filipinos," coexisted in a fraught relationship with
nation building throughout the twentieth century (see Aguilar 1998b).
The conteSt over Tagdog or Ilocano supremacy, however, did not enfeeble the
concept or native '—indio—whose meaning was bounded and restricted. When
ilustrados appropriated the term indio in nationalist fashion, they had in mind
specifically the Catholicized "Malays." That the natives were not included in the JR

Inquisition led Rizal to remark in his edition of Morga: "'A wise foresight, for
otherwise the Indios might have fled away from Christianization" (1962, 3 13; 1961c,
334). Thus, indios designated those who underwent religious conversion, with the
Tazalog as che exemplary indio. By implication, those who - tribes
and Muslirns, for example—were noc indios. In an article in the September 15, 1889,
 TRACING ORIGINS 625
issl-ne of La Solidaridad (Fores-Ganzon 1996, 1:352), Rizal used the phrase igorrotes
é ina½os (Igorot and indio) which confirmed the link at the same time that it
demarcated the discursive boundary between these two categories. In critiquing the
1887 exposition, López _Jaena was adamant that "genuine Filipinos, those of the
autochth000LIS race" (los los de la razz autóctona), were not
given "place of honor" (1951, 155, 16-4); indeed, "genuine Filipinos" were excluded
fro rT1 its organizing committee. But in che same breach he used the phrase igorrotes
y jîlipinos (Igorot and Filipino) Jaena 1951, 166)- One could noc help but suspect that
López Jaena considered iluscrados such as himself as the "genuine Filipinos" who
show-lld have been involved in planning the exposition. Apparently, for Rizal and
López Jaen.a, "Igorot" and indio represented dichotomous entities- In the aftermath of
the exposition, Anton-io Luna was even more forthright in chiding Madrileños for
iga«orandy failing to make the all-important disti"ctions: 'To these people Chinese,
Igorots and Filipinos are one and che same" (Fores-Ganzon 1996. 1.•444 45). Luna's
noint was unmistakable: Filipinos should not be confused with Chinese—neither
shoa.lld Filipinos be confused with Igorots, for the Igorot was not an indio and not a
Filipino. López Jaena cited Luna's statement, making the further claim that Filipinos
all over Spain were being "shamelessly mortified" by even educated persons with
epithets such as "'binos, chiniros. negros, igorroßes" (1951, 171). The ilustrados were
enraged: Why do these Spaniards not comprehend that "Chinese, Chinks, blacks, and
Igorocs" are not Filipinos?

The Campaign for Assimilation and Its

Exclusionary Politics of Numbers
Despite the furor surrounding the 1887 exposition, the ilustrados essentially
excLiuded Negritos, highland peoples, and Muslims from the national community
that chew had begun to imagine. This exclusion can be seen in José Rizal's
blueprint for a Philippine studies conference co be hosted in Paris by the fledgling
Asociación Incernaciona] de Filipinisras (Incernational Association of Philippinists).
Drafted in earLw 1889, the program (which did not materialize) included panels
on the "origin, "classification," and "civilization" of the islands' inhabitants
"before rhe Spanish arrival" and panels on "the influence of Spanish civilization on
the social life of the Philippines" (Rizal 1961a, 429—39; 1961b, 229—32; trans.
author). On Ferdinand Blumentritt's suggestion, a new section was added to discuss
"[r]azas y regimes indoendi¾žtes in which we shall include the sultanates and
independenc tribes (Moros, Nezritos, and so on)" (Rizal 1961 a, 454; 1961b, 237;
trans. author). If not for Blucnentritt•s intervention. Rizal's cognitive map would not
have iucluded the " ind,ependent races and regions" within the same territorial area
supposedly designated by las Is]as Filipirns, or "che Philippines "20 Moreover, the
added section's title
 626 FILOMENO V. AGUILAR
2
This omission IS interesting because in chapter 45 of Noli Me Tangere, as Ben Anderson
has pointed out to me, the aggrieved Elias speaks of his desire to flee co the north and "live
contained the insidious suggestion that Moros, Negritos, and others represented
distinct from and inferior to indios. While che indio lived under Spanish
hegemony, non-indio tritxs existed in regions unsubjugated by Spain. Implied were
divergenc historical experiences and two unrelated political projects chac fell
along a racial divide and civilizational ranking. Evidently, Riza!'s
ilustrado thought had been influenced by European racial evolutionism, backed by "
purportedly scientific evidence that innate intellectual and moral differences made
cultural exchanges between 'superior' and 'inferior' races impossible" (Adas 1989,
319). Blumentricc's intervention might not have alerted in Rizal the necessity to
overcome such a dichotomy actively, merely the need co "fill in the gaps" that would
be created by excluding non-indios who lived in spaces encompassed by the name
"the Philippines. "
Sensitive chac ocher Europeans were scoffing at them as "owners only of the
littoral," Spanish authorities in Manila from the 1880s onward sought to conquer the
archipelago's mountainous interior and subjugate the peoples there in a second
re"cción, the forcible creation of settlements that was attempted at the start of
conquest (Aguilar 1998a, 157—58). The ilustrados did not value this late imperial
goal, however, and readilv detached themselves from the and 'c. I spaces occupied by
"independenc tribes" and "wild races." The ilustrados' community was restricted to
the already-colonized lowland inhabitants of third-wave ancestry, those whom Spain
had designated as indios. Jt excluded, as Scott notes, the '•rmountain peoples of
northern Luzon, . whether called Igorots, Tinguians, or Zas:nbals," whom Spaniards
"collectively referred co as tribus. -indePendientes [independent tribes] rather than
indios" (1974, 3). Molded by the nomenclature and reacb of Spanish colcnial state,
the ilustrados found it difficult to think otherwise. Thus, che early nationalists laid
claim co the same sphere over which the colonial state its authority, and excluded
the zones that had eluded the state's incorporative advances. The embryonic nation
was conceived, perhaps unavoidably, in the hearth of coLonial society. Within che
cradle of the state's delimited space was reared che of being native or
indigenous—the indio identity—despite a supposedlv ancestral immigrant past.
Corollarily, descendants of "older" immigrant groups boond the state's reach were
denied the status of rootedness and ultimately of being Filipinos-
In addition to the mold of the colonial state, the genesis of Filipino nationalism
was also entangled with the appropriation and internalization of a high-minded
imperialist agenda- The ilustrados' campaign for "assimilation" was influenced by
the French colonial dictum of assimilation, a logical outcome oí France's mission
civilisaßrice. France•s seeming imperial liberality impressed the ilustrados. Rizal
appreciated that "the French spirit does not shine in zeal for colonization"
(ForesGanzon 1996, 2:37 while Antonio Luna honored French colonies with the
superlative description as places where "the road to a genuine policy of assimilation
of the most beantiful of civilizations" had been paved (Fores-Ganzon 1996, 1:358;
trans. author). Ilusrrados became enthusiastic admirers of the French idea of a
 TRACING ORIGINS 627
"civilizing mission' unavare of the inj'Aries that were being inflicted upon che
Khmer and Vietnamese (Barnett 1990; Marr 1971 Imperial France marked a
standard which, in their view. Spaan failed miserably. In France itself, questions
were raised in Parliament concerning

arncŒ)g che infidel and independent tribes (las tribas infieu'es e independie'ltes)" (Rizal 1
887/1995, 250}), giving che autonomous status of those groups (but not the Muslim and other
groups in the south) some positive connotation. The novel was completed in Europe in 1886. A
few vea-zs lacer, the campaign for assimilation would appear co have required a different kind
of policical imagination
JR.

the cultural assimilation of "natives," but assimilation in French imperial thought

indisputably meant representation of the colony in the legislature of the imperial
country (Leavis 1961). Legitimated by the French model and inspired by the
recollection that Spain's Cadiz Constitution of IS 12 (revoked in 1815) once made for
such provision, Philippine representation in the Cortes became a central plank of the
Propaganda Movement's campaign for assimilation.
This campaign was meant to convince Spain that it ought to be a "proper'•
imperial "Spain perjure herself' bv reneging on pledges made in the
"blood compact" (Fores-Ganzon 1996, In their view, Filipinos deserved
fair treatment bf.cause they were Spaniards. On legal grounds and by patent cultural
affinities but not biological terms, ilustrados deemed themselves Spaniards 22 When
the Pangasinan pk-ovincial governor ordered that indios take off their hats to show
respect when meeting peninsular Spaniards, Graciano López Jaena countered that it
was preposterous because "the indio is as much a Spaniard as a oeninsular" and
stressed chac indios need not concern themselves with "greetings nor kissing hands
(besamanos), but in fulfilling their duties as good Spanish citizens (ciudadano
erþañol)" (Fores-Ganzon 1996, 3:50--.--3). Having internalized the ideology of
empire, the Propagandists found nothing if'; claiming equal entitlement to citizenship
rights like "other" Spaniards. They were also at ease in talking about "our African
possessions" (Fores-Ganzon 1996 I : 322—23), as if Filipinos were co-rulers in
"savage" Africa.
in the campaign for assimilation, however, the 'primitive races were reckoned as
a hindrance because they seemingly overshadowed the indios and conveyed the
message thaz the Philippines had not reached "the stage of enlightenment that would
merit the concession of political rights" (López Jaena 1951, 151). This perception,
the ilustrados believed, had to be rectified by placing primitivity in quantitative
perspective- Blumentritt's prologue to Rizal's edi tion of Morga contains a most
telling statement of the boundaries of the ilustrados' imagined community. In
response to Spanish o*ctions, Blumentritt wrote:
La inmensidad de las razas salvajes no importa, porque cuenta con un pequeño
número de almas, y los Filipinos no pretenden la extensión de las libertades de la
Vida constittxional sobre las tribus salvajes-
 628 FILOMENO V. AGUILAR
[The magnitude of the savage races dCB not matter because they constitute only a
small aurnber of souls, and the Filipinos do not demand the extension of the liberties
of consctutional life over the savage tribes.)
(Rizal 1961c, xvii; trans. author)

21
As in other histories, a critical juncture in the nationalist narrative emplotment of the
past was the conquesz, The question of why the islands fell to Spanish hands called for a
satisfactory •answer. The iluscrado solution to this issue reached Kacipunan members
through Andres Boni£cio s 1896 manifesto, "Ang Dapat Mabatid ng mga Tagalng" ('Wha:
the Tagalog Should Kncj%i'), in which he declared that the Spaniards deceived '*cur leaders"
with "enticing words," making them believe that the Spar.iards would "[g]uide us toward
increased betterment and awakening of our minds" (Ilecn 1979, 832). Spain must be held
accountable, however, because its leader, Leguspi, made an oath with Sikatuna, a native
chief, by "taking blood from "'ach cc—her's veins, mixing and drinking it as a sign of genuine
and wholehearted sincereity-—the "Blood compact" (Ileto 1979, 83). Spain•s failure to
comply with the terms of this agreement e.entually iustified separation trom Spain, a view
shared by rhe ilustrados and the peasant-base Katipunan movement-
22
1n Europe, however, they realized that being Spaniard meant to be backward, even
in fashion. For instance, Máximo Viola Inquired from Rizal, "if the suits I use in Spain can bc
worn there winter, or if, by wearing them, I would be looked upon in Germany as a Spaniard
that is, ba¿õvard- (NHC 1963, 2:65). In a letter by Aguirre ro Rizal, the creole ridiculed
per,insular male Span:ards as saputs (uncircumcised) (NHC 1963, 2-68).
Too few in number, the usavage races" were so insignificant as to a block to
assimilation. Implied was the opinion of racial science that "savage races' had no
future: with their supposed for "moral progress," they would remain forever
primitive—except for Negricos, who were destined for extinction, as Blumentritt
believed (1900, 15). With such tacit admission, "primitive tribes" should not mark
out the Philippines as unworthy of Europe's civilizing mission, for they were, for all
intents and purposes, not "Filipinos.'
Blumentritc's statement was not merely his own invention. Rizal had requested
his friend to write an honest and candid prologue to show his compatriots the fruits of
intellectual debate. Rizal perused Blumentritt's draft and with the latter's permission
expunged portions that he found objectionable (Rizal 1961a, 5 — 9; 1961b, 305).
Obviously, the decisive statement gained Rizal's approval as neither it nor the
whole segment of which it was a part was deleted. Blumentritt's introduction received
high praise from ilustrados such as Mariano Ponce, who described it as "truly
excellent" (NHC 1963, 2:415). Appearing in 1889, che new Morga edition showed
few hints of the fraternal connection with the "rare individuals" whose display a
couple of years earlier had rankled ilustrado nerves. The budding of a possible
comradeship in 1887 was smothered bv the politics of assimilation.
This was not the first time that Blumentritt made the assertion. On editorial page
of I-A Solidazidad of October 1 5, 1889, he wrote:

Yes, PhiliM'ine archipelago is a land with an "immensity of savage races: but I do

not believe that the Filipinos wish to extend suffrage to the infidels but
representation only of Christian Filipinos. Moreover, I have to add that the "great
number of wild races" in reality consists of only a few individuals and forms but a
 TRACING ORIGINS 629
tiny fraction (f the population, accounting 6r at most 15 percent of the cocaL, if the
official and friars' statistics we are referred co are accurate.
(Fores-Ganzon 1996, trans. author)

This statement the editorial scrutiny of López Jaena, despite his excepcional
assertions made ia 1887 chat "savage races" were civilizable. During the exposition,
López Jaena pleasant surprise chat che Igorocs, Muslims, and those from the
Carolines and Marianas who went to Madrid spoke perfect Spanish. He declared that
"Igorots are neither savage nor irrational" and that "they are susceptible to modern
civilization" (1951, 156). He admired "Tek, the Negrito, whose race has long been
considered incaçnble of receiving the gifts of civilization, [but who) is rhe living
protest against such erroneous assevera:žon•• (1951, 153). 23 By late 1889, however,
other graver concerns had superceded the exposition. With the carnoaign for
assimilation in high gear, López Jaena gave editorial nod to Blumentritt•s statement,
paving the way for its repetition in the Morga prologue. Blumencritt's recurring
assertion on the exclusion of "wild tribes" from political reoresentation and from the
imagined community of "Filipinos" thus articulated not onlv his personal view but
also the sentiment of Rizal, Jaena, and other ilustrados.

25
According to Scott, de los Reyes stated that "[t)here are Aecas who surpass tae
Tagalogs in intelligence, and it is recognized that the Tagalogs are ac the same intellectual
level as the Europeans— (1982. 283). De IOS Reyes's unholding of the Aeca or Negrito,
however, was compromised by his ill feelings toward che Tagalog. Among the ilustrados,
López Jaena made the clearest and favorable statement aSout the Negrito.
 630 FILOMENO V. AGIJILAR JR

The "savage races" were clearly outside the framework of justice and liberty
sought by the early natiotzalists because their concept of nation was one that was
modern, cultured, civilized, Catholic, industrial, and progressive—all conformable
with European notions- In addition, none of the ilustrados (except possibly Isabelo de
los Reyes) had lived outside the pueblos in a way that would have allowed direct and
sustained relations with those whom they had excluded from che nation- Although
members of "wi.u tribes" would occasionally visit Manila and some provincial
centers, most had no personal contact with them, save for the 1887 exhibition.
Only dunng his exile in Dapitan, Zamboanga, did Rizal finally come into close and
repeated excSange with one such group, the Subanon. Only then did he appreciate
their humanity and character: "I have known them here, and really thev are a peaceful
people, very honest, industrious, and faithful in their transactions, not reneging on
their word" (1961a- 817; 1961 b, 461 ; emphasis added; trans. author). But,
martyrdom prevented him from expounding what might possibly have been an
alternative vision of based on firsthand understanding, a patria adorada that
went beyond a meæ inversion of colonial racism.
The ilustrados e majoritarian view made population numbers—all rough estimates
in any case—a crucial ingiedienc in the politics assimilation 10 To conjure the
insignificance of primitive races," they tended to underestimate the population count
of ±ese groups. Responding to the charges made by a Franciscan friar, an ilustrado
countered in the October 15, 1889, issue of La Solidaridud that there were not "seven
or eight million inhabitants who still, he says, live in the impenetrable forests- (Fores
— Gazzon 1996, 1:415). The ilustrado proceeded to list "the entire population of the
Philippine archipelago" which he placed ac Chrisciaus and non
— Christians, for a total figure of These figures indicated "non-Christians'
as accounting for 18.4 percent of the total. Interestingly, these numbers appeared in
the same issue ofLa Solidaridad in which Blumentrict calculated che "few
individuals' as constituting "at most" 15 percent of the population.
In the segment of his famous essay "Filipinas Dentro de Cien Años" (The
Philippines a Century Hence) that appeared in the December 15, 1889, issue of La
Solidaridad, however, Rizal wrote, "Spain cannot clai1T1 even in the name of God
himself that six million men should be brutalized, exploited, and oppressed.
(Fores-Ganzon 1996, 1510—11; trans. author). Rizal's demographics disingenuously
included over one million non-indios—the "independent races" that he had elsewhere
marginalized. Spain's inhumanity seemed all the graver if six, rather than five,
million were involved. A vear later, Marcelo H. del Pilar quoted the figure of seven
million in relation co failed attempts to obtain Philippine representation in the Cortes
(ForesGa.azon 1996, The seriality that made the nation imaginable as a
delimited commuruty was also the same seriality that counted those excluded from

10 Since the advent of che modern census, che manipulation of demographic statistics for
political our-poses has been a pervasive phenomenon (see Alonso and Scarr 1987).
 TRACING ORIGINS 631

within. Thus, when it served ilustrado purposes, the excluded were added to pad the
statnstiCS.
Since its original enunciation by Blumencritt, the assertion that •primitive races
coristituced a numerical minority would remain a sticky issue when the United States
began to impose its own imperialist designs. The proannexacion side irŽ the U.S.
debate used the diversity cf Philippine cultures and ethnolinguistic groups to make
the case char the Philippines was nor "a nation" and therefore needed American
tutelage. Antiimperialists, in tandem wirh Filipino nationalists, stressed the
numerical smallness of

tribal peoples. Always the Filipinos' loyal supporter, Blumentritt endorsed the
translation to English of his monograph to aid the anti-imperialist drive. Not
surprisingly, it contained the statement that "the Negritos, the mountain pagans and
the Moros have no part in the Philippine question" (Blumencritt 1900, 21). Sixto
Lopez, secretary of the Philippine mission to the United States, wrote a political tract
reiterating chac "so-called tribes" were a small minority and were analogous to the
"Indian tribes still inhabiting certain parts of the United States" (Kramer 1998, 1 19
— 21). The figure by Lopez was a mere 5 percent. From the time of Blumencritt and
Rizal into che American colonial period (Salman 2001), variants of the same
nationalist discourre that embedded racial science wished away "tribes" and the
"uncivilized" by reclu:ing them to numerical insignificance.

Prevarications on Race and Nation

After publishing his edition of Morga and reading further scholarly works, José
Rizal began to doubt the idea chat indio forebears had emigrated from Sumatra. In his
letter to Ferd;nand L£umentritt dated April 17, 1890, he argued that the cultural
similarities af SIX natra and the Philippines did not warrant the conclusion that one
derived from the other, and he doubted whether it would ever be possible to know the
origin of the Malay race. His reexamination of this Issue echoed the thoughts of
Isabelo de los Reyes, wkM) had raised similar questions regarding the origin of
Malays in the be it Borneo, Sumatra, or some other land (de los Reyes 1889. 9— 12).
De los also asserted that "the Malay race in the Philippines is not pure, there being
"three subcaces" based on admixture with Negritos, Chinese, and "Indonesians and
Arabs" (1889, 4). Although de los Reyes resorted to the concepc of a "subrace," Riml
pushed the issue further. Hinting ac the inherent instability of racial categories, Rizal
questioned the very notion of a "Malay race": "It appears to me chat Malayans should
not be considered the original race or the type of race (die Typen von der Rasse); the
Malayans have been exposed to manv foreign and powerful factors that have
influenced their customs as well as their nature" (1961a, 652; 1961 b, 350; trans.
632 FILOMENO V. AGIJILAR JR

author). 25 Ovzrtly, Rizat was questioning che validity of Malay as a racial type,
perhaps following the theory that "types" were permanent and that deviations from
which were believed to be kept by nature within bounds (Banton 1983, 43—44).
Deviations among Malays, however, seemed out of control, making the category
meaningless. on his own •customs" and "nature," Rizal might well have been
expressing a deep-seated anxiety about his own hybrid ancestry, which did not fit
neatly into the migratioc—waves framework. Was Rizal in search of purity?
Blumentritt admitted in V¿rsuch diner Ethnologie der Philippinen that the Malay
Tagalog "have plenty of foreign blood flowing in their veins, not only Chinese and
Spanish but also Japanese (16th and 17th centuries) which mixtures have bettered
the race as a whole" (1980, Y). Presumably the "foreign bloods" were of superior
quality such chat métissage led co racial improvement, buc Blumentrict's
classification implied that Malays with "foreigt•: blood" remained Malay.. Ac what
poinc would intergroup unions produce offspring bevond the boundary of
Malayness? This was Rizal's question. The potential answer in Versuch was no more
than a residual category of "Chinese, Chinese Mestizos, Japanese" and a last
category of "Whites and Other

23
1 am grateful to Mrs- Lisl Mathew of Townsville, Queensland, for helping clarifv chc
relevant passages in the original German letter af Rizal to Blumcncritt
Population Groups" (Blumentritt 1980, 141—50). Although Blumentritt mentioned
that the "next group after the Malays that are worth our attention are the Chinese' and
the Chinese dubbed "new arrivals" on the Philippine scene (1980, 17), these were not
viewed as representing a distinct migration wave. In Blumeatritt's LIS Razas
Indígenas Filtþizas (1890), Chinese mestizos did not merit any mention at all. In
effect, Chinese and Chinese mestizos designated alien entiaes. The temporal cutoff
point for determining indigeny was drawn teleologically at the "arrival" of the third
wave. Blumentrict had been influenced inexorably by his close association with
ilustrados, such that by 1890 his framework did noc account for the realities of
colonial society. Suffering erasure from his work were Chinese mestizos, who by the
1740s, had formed a classifiable and legally distinct group from whom most ilustt-
ados could trace their ancestry (Wick-berg 1964).
Rizal might well have classified himself as a "Malay Tagalog,- but he could also
have placed himself with Chinese mestizos. To which category did he Belong? As
Edgar Wick-berg has shown, a mechanism existed for changing one's legal Status
(1965, 33—35). Depending on circumstances, one might prefer to be listed in the
roster of mestizos or in that of zatrrales (natural, original, or homegrown), although
both.categories were considered the state as indigenous. Rizal was a fifth-generation
Chinese mestizo, but his paternal grandfather had been able to use wealth to transfer
from che mestizo tax zcgžster co thac of the naturales (Wick-berg 1965, 33—34).
From his maternal side, Rizal allegedlv inherited Japanese and Spanish "blood"
(Craig 1933, 22—23)- His family's connections with Chinese and Chinese mestizas
 TRACING ORIGINS 633

appeared strong, as both of Rizal's parents spent their last years and died in Binor.do,
where these two ethnic groups predominated (Go and See 1987, 94). In the ISSOs,
however, the abolition of the tribute also erased the legal distinction between
mestizos and naturales (Wickberg 1964, 95). By then, wealthier Chinese mestizos
had been Hispanized and "ostentatiously rejected Chinese culture" (Wickberg 1965,
32). In their anti-Sinicism, Rizal (1961a, 781; 1961b, 423), who placed "Chinese and
savages- on che same level, was the exact match OF de los Reyes (1889, 6), who
denigrated Chinese for their "consummate avarice" and condemned their presence as
'•anticivilizarion" (U.S. National Archives, record group 350, entry 5, file 370.86).
Tutored by Spanish prejudices, the ilustradcgs' of their Chinese heritage was a racial
strategy that ensured the exclusion ot- Chinese as aliens and the hegemony of a
Malay template.
Although Rizal designated himself as an his mixed background might not have
escaped him. Antagonisms extant between mestizos and ncnmestizos did not easily
conceal the former's liminality (Aguilar 1998a, 80). But regardless of what Rizal
knew and felt about his Chinese mestizo heritage, he was emphatically keen to efface
differences in the spirit of forging national solidaritv. When the Spanish governor-
general passed a decree in 1888 giving preferences to mes:rzos over naturaies, he
fumed, "it is sheer tally to make this distinction between mestizos and naturales; it is
offensive to the :-r-ajority and fosters stupid antagonisms" (Rizal •-96 Ia. 407;
1961b, 218; trans. author). Rizal raised the concept of a "major:ry,•• which in this
context referred to naturales who were the "pure" indio. Indeed, often used in lieu of
natural. Who, then, were in the minority? Not Negritos, Muslims, end mountain
peoples, for Rizal's implied "minority ' referred to the ••impure m indio, that is, the
mestizo. Rizal and his fellow ilustrados might well have confronted their minority
status-
Rizal was unquestionablv conscious of the multiracial composition of his
imagined communitv, Darcicularly the activists of the Propaganda Movement. As hc
told Blumentritt in April 1887: "They are creole youth of Spanish descent, Chinese
mestizos, and Malayans; but we call ourselves solely Filipinos" (Rizal 1961a, 131;
1961 b, 72; trans. author). Race was not to take precedence over an emerging
collective identity—especiallv in an overseas context where social marginality
accentuates such identities. Rizal was emphatic especially because, about a month or
two before he wrote Blumentritt, acrimonious debates concerning strategies of
journalism divided the vouthful "colony" in Madrid along racial lines. 26 Skin color
threatened to become the basis for identifying "genuine Filipinos' — 4 the genuine or
pare Indios' in contrast to mestizos and Kastila (Spanish, mainly creoles) who acted
like aristocrats" and were not "pure and genuine Filipinos" (NHC 1963, 2-99, 102,
624). Rizal was said to have deplored "not having in [his) veins a',l the blocxå that
could serve as a common bond" (NHC 1963, 2:99). A common race was seen as a
basis of unitv- Rizal had even dreamed of mingling "all the blood" of his compatriots
in his body, perhaps to incarnate the national corpus founded upon total hybridity.
 634 FILOMENO V. AGIJILAR JR

The fantasy of racial fusion, however, faced the reality of a grand political project
shared among a group divisible into indios, mestizos, and Kastila. All were to be
deemed genuine Filipinos," as Rizal enjoined fellow ilustrados, thus the import, zn
the wake of the goings-on in Madrid, of Rizal's reassurance cc Rlumentritt, an
outsider who was almost an insider: ''[Wle call curselves solely FliiDinos.'
The precise relationship becween Rizal's multiracial "Filipinos" and the
thirdwave "Malays," whom he regarded as "ancient Filipinos" or "Malayan
Filipinos" (los malcyosfilipinos) (Fores-Ganzon 1996, 2:341—42), however, was not
confronted. What did Filipinoness consist of for the ancient "Malays" and for the
modern, multiracial Filipinos? Or, did the concept of Filipino float freely through
history? Blumentritt's racial schema, while useful in the search for origins to enable
the imagining of a national biography and a putative line of descent, appeared
concomitantly to undermine the nation by systematizing, if unevenly, the vocabulary
of its internal differences. But, forming a national consciousness required going
beyond racial science through the negation of racial differences. There would be no
majority minority. In this case, there would be no myth of descent, for the binding
element would be territory: las islas Filipinas. 27 Race, in this instance would not be
constitutive of the nation.
Territory had its internal borders, for the "interiors" and "fringes" occupied by
the -primitives" were excluded from the nation-space. The physical inside, the
hinterland, was outside the nation's moral community. The spatial frontiers occupied
by -pure types" stood out in their unambiguous identity as the land of '"wild men'
who were beyond recuperation and national honor. In contrast, the settled lowlands
were a frontier area of sorts; when their children congregated overseas, their hazy

'OLópez Jaena used the phrase manga insic (the intsik or "Chinese") in deriding his
cohort, who organized the periodical España en Filipinas (Spain in che Philippines) along
lines that he disparaged as political timidity (NHC 1963, 2:85). Although insic was used as
an ironic device by voung Filipinos tn Madrid to refer co themselves in a couple of letters
to Raza! in 1886 (NEC 1963, 2:44, in reaction to taunts by Madrileños—the
term subsequently went into disuse. Under a cloud of divisions, it reappeared in López
Jaena's lettž•: to Rizal in March 1887. Although of apparent Chinese mestizo background,
López Jaena asserted, "we the genuine or pure Indios are not the ones who foment disunity but
the mestizos- (NHC 1963, 2:102). But by June 1887, López Jaena was cooperating with the
periodical, although the Filipinos in Madrid remained deeply fractured.
A native language could not bc a unifying force because of che profusion of native tong-
les, while the ilustrados' lingua franca, Spanish, was spoken by only a tiny elite
identities could submerged into one nation: "[W]e call ourselves solely Filipinos."
The oppositional relations between indio lowlands and "savage" interiors denoted an
uncertair- cartography, but it was left unresolved. Despite the imagining of a world of
plurals and the abstraction of sociecv in Rizal's Noli Me Tangere—emblemacic of the
nation's spatul coordžnates, as Benedict Anderson has argued (1991, 22—30)—in the
 TRACING ORIGINS 635

end the territory of Filipinas was indeterminate and beyond mapping. With the
disjuncture between the expanse of an imagined homeland and the excluded zones
occupied by internal Others, the nation's geo-body had no solidity-
The internal exclusion was related to the ilustrados' idea of the nation as a
temporal project. Thev et2Fisaged an educated future in which liberty and justice
could be enjoyed, but only thosž of the third migratory wave were included in this
vision. And even they, with thet: "lost civilization," needed co be (re)civilized. To
reconnect with (a seemingly eternal concept with no historical
mcx»rings, as "ancient Filipinos" possessed a "ciwilization" but their descendents
needed to be "civilized"28) indios had to get out of the friar-constrained present.
They had co go to "free Europe" and remigrate to the motBerIand as agents of change
and modern education- As Rizal observed on his Erst trip to Europe in 1882, "[w]hat
a revolution takes place in the ideas of the mar- who for the first time leaves his
native land and travels around through differenc countries!" (Craig 1933, 253—54).
Armed with knowledge gained from the outside. "a wise traveler carries to his own
councrv the good usages he has seen and tries to apply them there with the necessary
modifications.- Rizal's laudatory view of travel was strikingly similar to the
established practice of rantau among the Minangkabau of Sumatra, which entailed
leaving one's home area and returning someday to enrich it. However, Rizal's
cosmopolitanism, as he referred to it, was applied only to himself and to others who
could lay claim to being indio and therefore of the third wave. Evideatly he did not
see the "rare individuals— who traveled to Spain for the 18S7 exposition as learning
something that they could use on their eventual return. Unlike López Jaena, who
deplored that the persons in the exposition could not tour Madrid (including a
seamstress who eagerly wanted to witness Singer sewing machines in actual use)
(1951, 157—58), Rizal was silent about the possibility that travel to Europe for che
"uncivilized" sojourners might have brought them some txnefit.
Travel, education, ar.d civilization would appear to be the exclusive domain of
indios. In this respect, national solidarity was strengthened and even cut across class
lines, but onlt.- for an exclusive circle of compatriots. In «Filipinas Dentro de Cien
Años," Rizal noted: "The journeys to Europe also contribute much to strengthen the
bonds, for abroad the inhabitants of the most widely separated provinces are drawn
together in patriotism, from sailors even to the wealthiest merchants. [T]hey embrace
and call each other brotherc " (Fores-Ganzon 1996, I Victims of colonial misrule,
migrant seafarers had left the homeland unlettered, buc overseas they embraced "the
wonders of civilization," as López Jaena noted Wich pride of those Beneath their
social class but safely within their racial ambit (Fores-G-anzon 1996, Thus,
nationhood as exemplified in the overseas community excluded "mountain tribes"
but included lower-class third-wave indios, who were civilize and civilizable.
Because civilization encompassed a racial boundary, the ilustrado concept of the
nation depended on a mythology of descent.
 636 FILOMENO V. AGIJILAR JR

RR
On the history of the -a-ord "civilization," see Braudel 1993, 3—8; Williams 1983, 57—
60.
Filipino As Race/Nation

At one level, race would appear to be not fundamental to the nation because of
the ilustrados' self-awareness of their own racial diversity. In this respect, the broad
structure of racism would not provide the basis for the fictive unity of the nation. But at
another level, race was an elemental dimension of nationhood. For ostensibly cultural
and civilizational reasons, the Malayness of the third migration wave was imputed upon
the emerging nation, in which case a racist structure formed the basis of a fictive
commonality. Thus, nation flirted dangerously with race. Rizal had glimpsed the inherent
contradictions of a racialist template in questioning —Malay race" as a categorv. Adding
to the muddle was Marcelo H. del Pilar's insistence that "[t)he Japanese are Malay and
the inhabitants Of the Philippines are Malay" (Muñero 1996, 6). Products of European
thought, Rizal and other ilustrados were too deeply immersed in racial thinking—
colonial oppression was voiced and experienced as the indios' racial degradation—for
them to transcend a race-based discourse. Notwithstanding some questions, they had no
alternative -o the racial paradigm. Perhaps nationalism was the answer. But from the
vantage point of their class, their concept of the emerging nation was inseparable from
race. In addition to repressing the issue of (internal) iluszrado creole-mestizo racial
ancestry, national consciousness was marshaled to resolve the problems of (internalized
external) Spanish racism, the (externalized but internal) Chinese, and the (internal but
exteriorized) "primitive races." To gain from the civilized world, the nation
had to be delineated from a multitude of besieging and contaminating internal and
external Others. Paradoxicaily, all these "excesses," as Caroline Hau (2000) calls them,
and their seemingly distant geographies have been internal to and constitutive of the
nation.
In a semantic slippage that dreamed away these excesses, ilustrados also began
to talk of "the Filipino race" (la raza filiþma). José Rizal did so in his 1889—90 essay
"Filipinas Dentro de Cien Años," arguing that without assimilation "the Philippines
would have to declare itself, some fatal and inevitable day, independent" and any
retaliation by Spain would not "exterminate the Filipino race" (Fores-Ganzon 1996,
Attacking the opponents of assimilation, del Pilar declared erroneous the
view that the Filipino race is anthropologically in a state of inferiority" (Fores-
Ganzon 1996, 1:379—380; see also Fores-Ganzon 1996, 2:538—39). Rizal, del Pilar,
and other ilustrados might well have been using "race" as a substitute for
"nationality.- Race, in this instance, might have anticipated full nationhood. In 1886
Rizal expl.ined to Ferdinand Blumentritt that, apart from the five main racial types,
he used race to refer "to pueblos of more than halfa million souls, those whom you
call nat:ons, but we do not call nations pueblos that are not independent, for example,
the Tagalog race, the Visayan race, and so on" (Rizal 1961a, 57; 1961b, 33; emphasis
 TRACING ORIGINS 637

in original; trans. author). The term "Filipino race" was a collective designation for
Filipinos who otherwise would have been referred to separately as the Tagalog race,
che Visayan race, and so on. The term also circumvented the nascent regionalism
chat distanced the Ilocano from the Tagalog- The prefiguring of nationhood would
have been consistent with the practice in the world, where, before
the midnineteenth centurv, race•• and "nationality" were interchangeable. In that
period. both "race" and "nationalitv" referred to a group of people sharing a common
ancestry, despite perhaps some differences in physical appearance and culture
(Banton 1983, 32—59; Hirschman 1987, 567—68),
By the 1880s, however, "scientific" theory had pegged the idea of race to inherent
differences in appearance, culture, and mental capacities. In this sense, many
Spaniards vituperated the indios. Although he used race as an ordering principle in
ethnology and despite a hint of eugenics, Blumentritt resolutely objected to racism. In
the context of the assimilation campaign, however, the use of phrases such as "savage
races" and "primitive races" implied : a hierarchy of intrinsic biological-cultural
differences, for which reason non-indios were excluded from the ilustrados' demand
for political and civil liberties- In the context of assimilation discourse, the term
-Filipino race" was racist: it applied only to indios who were deemed assimilable and
civilizable. The third wave—comprising the races" Tagalog, Visayan, Ilocano- and so
on—was transmogrified into "the Filipino race-- Disregarded were the "uncivilized
races" of Mindanao, Luzon, and che Visayas as well as the "civilized'" multiracial
communitv of those who claimed to "call ourselves solely Filipinos.
The iiustrados• self-definition of "Filipinõ was ontologically compromised from
the start. A slippery concept, Filipinoness often demanded the certification of
genuineness." The fear of counterfeits was emblemaác of the racist fear of
contamination that could blur cultural-cum-class boundaries- At the same time, as
exemplified by Rizal's martyrdom, many iluscrados overflowed witli nolitical love for
the nation, their self-sacrifice inseparable from their heroism. Fac:ng death, Rizal made
one last essertion of his "pure" identity: "When the document [of his impending
execution] was shown him, he drew attention to the fact that he was incorrectly
described as a Chinese mestizo, saying that he was an indio puro [pure indio)" (Coates
1968, 312). In their search for a narrative of identitv, their politics of imperial
assimilation, and their ultimate dream of national dignity, the i!ustrados left a legacy
of nationhood full ofambiguities, gaps, silences, and excesses. The "Maiayness" of
Filipinos has been reified—Rizal is "the pride of the Malay race," as Roman Ozaeta
made popular in titling Rafael Palma's (1949) biography of the man—and a myth of
origins based on race has endured- Today every child in the Philippine school system
recites, after singing che national anthem, the "Panatang Makabayan" (Oath to the
Nation) in which the promise is made to "love the Philippines," the homeland of "my
race" (aking lahi). The existence of a "Filipino race" (ang lahing Pilipino) is taken as a
certainty. Still, somatic and ethnic differences cannot be denied. The hope is in the
continuous intermingling of racial waves—akin to Rizal's fantasized body—to create a
 638 FILOMENO V. AGIJILAR JR

"Filipino Blend" that "will ultimately come to include the majority of the population,"
as popularizers of the migration-waves theory have expressed (Reyes et al. 1953, 12—
13). But despite frequent references to moreno or žä',rmanggi (brown) as its own color,
the "Filipino race" is an ambiguous, unstable. and even empty signifier The nationalist
rhetoric simply asserts that Filipinos are a "nation" (bayan) and a -race (Ishi),
conflating race and nation in Filipino• Pilipino. The mestizoness—A3ian and European
—of the very same intellectuals who articulated the national idea has been suppressed in
the interest of national homogeneitv. As Palma's biography declares in its opening
paragraph, Rizal's father was a -pure Filipino" (1949, 1). The claim to purity Hags an
invented history of Malay-ness that shrouds the dominant elite's ethnicities. At the same
time, ethnic groups such as Negritos, Chinese, and Indian, although accorded formal
citizenship (Aguilar 1999), are pressurized by notior-s of a Filipino nation-race. The
citizenship rights and national ties of Filipinos born to Filipina mothers and American
fathers, especially those of African heritage—a legacy of the U.S. military bases—are
diminished because they do not "look Filipino- (Eric Jimenez, Hit DFA for
Discrimination," Philippine Daily Inquirer, May
17, 1999; Tonette Orcjas, "'Gapo's Amerasians Bear Discrimination," Philippine Daily
Inquirer, April Il, 2000). Challenged by class and ethnicity, the fictive unity of the nation
has remained problematic. The nation's ontological narrative has not come to terms with
the givenness of a hybrid, plural, and stratified Philippines. With the burdens laid on che
national idea at its inception, it is understandable why no closure has yet been taund to
the perennial question "Who is the Filipino?"
Paramount in che nation's founding myth were civilizational hierarchies,
invidious comparisons, and confounded assertions of status. In effect, "Filipino"
stood for the internally superior and dominant "race" led by an •'enlightened class,"
whose members, although charged as inferior by racist outsiders, were equal to
Europeans in their being civilized and civil Izable, deserving liberty and indeed their
own independent nation. They were not pagans who lived close to nature and by
brute force, without law and legal institutions, and were superior co the spatially
distant "savages of Africa" and the temporally and socially distant "savage races"
epitomized by Igorots. Rather, they were educated and educable; they believed in
religion or reason; they were peace loving, Wich "mild morals" and the art of law and
governance; and they could debate in the Cortes or better yet in their own legislature.
They were industrializing and growing in mastery over nature, although they were
acutelv aware of the need to "catch up," lesr. be left behind by progress- A child of
modernity and the capitalist world system, ilustrado national consciousness impelled
them to demand equality with the colonizer but concomitantly eschew "savages"
from their imagined community- Seeing themselves at the helm of "native m society,
the ilustrados were sworn to uplift the lower classes with their political and
educational leadership. Ultimately, as Norbert Elias (2000) has shown, the
preoccupation with civilization expressed the aspirations of a social class.
 TRACING ORIGINS 639

The iluserados' proimperial-cum-anticolonial politics would be transposed into

che politics of the Philippine ruling class. The "benevolent assimilation" of the
United States built upon the pragmatics of ilustrado nationalism. As Michael Salman
(2001) has elucidated, the American colonial state deployed racial science and
deepened the divide between "civilized" Filipinos and "non-Christian" "wild tribes,"
the former as collaborators, the latter as ideal wards. American authorities
overstudied Negritos until the state rendered them nonexistent and inconsequential
(Rosaldo 1982). Initially, "non-Christians" were administered separately, but
ilustrados and successor leaders sought to integrate them under "Filipino rule."
Elites, especially among Muslim Filipinos, entered into mutual accommodation with
central state actors (Abinales 2000). The class-based hierarchy of civilization and
race/ethnicity persisted, and feelings of superiority hardened. When, in the 1940s,
Carlos P. Romulo declared in Mother America that "Igorots are not Filipinos (1943,
59)," he was speaking as che legitimate heir of ilustrado nationalism.
does not stand still, however, and is ever being reconstituted. In the
1960s, amid che resurgence of Filipino nationalism, the crv was raised in relation to
"cultural minorities": They Are Also Filipinos (Clavel 1969). The Marcos regime
added its share of primordialisc rhetoric. In the 1980s, national and international
movements for che rights of indigenous peoples gained momentum, eventuating in
the embrace of "cultural communic:es" in the national fold or ac least by intellectuals
and officialdom. Despite implementation problems, a law recognizing che rights of
"indigenous peoples" was enacted in 1997 (Castro 2000). Although the place of
Muslims is scili being contested on the nattlefield and Negritos are no better than
second-class citizens, the Philippines today has moved bevond the ilustrado concept
the nation. The role of the Igorot has been reversed, with many freezing chem in
their "unmodernicy" as the static bearers of cultural authenticity. Since the 1980s-
even the formerly
 640 FILOMENO V.
JR.

disparaging term '"Igorot" has gained popularity on the Cordillera highlands as a

badge of resistance against dominanc groups in the Philippines (Labrador 1998,
243), yet everyday social practices on the basis of civilizational hierarchies persist.
The townbased Mindoro man who calls out to a Mangyan as sandzgo (of one blood)
is convinced of his superiority over the mountain dweller, who may have set aside
his G-string for a pair of trousers. On the Cordillera, as the Ibaloi to the Bontok, one
ethnic group feels "more civilized" than the other (Labrador 1998, We all are heirs to
the dreams, achievements, and prejudices of the Enlightenment.

List of References
A BELLA, DOMINGO. (19— S?] From Indio to Filipino and Some Historical
Works. Manila: Milagros Romualdez-Abella.
ABINALES, PATRICIO N. 2000. Making Mindanao: Cotabato and Davao in the
Formation ofÍhe Philipp:ne Nation-State- Quezon City: Ateneo de Manila
University Press.
A DAS, MICHAEL. 1989, "Lachines as the Measure ofMen: Science, Technology,
andIdeologies Western Dominance. Ithaca, N.Y.: Cornell University Press.
AFABLE, PATRICIA O. 2004. "Journeys from Bontoc to the Western Furs, 1904—
1915: The 'Nikimalikz• and their Interpreters." Philippine Stgdies
AGONCILLO, TEODORO A. 1956. T/Æ Revolt of the Masses: The Story of Bonifacio and the
Katip:znan. Quezon City: University of the Philippines Press.
1960. Malo/os: Tbe Crisis of the Republic. Quezon City: University of the
Philippines Press.
1973. Tbe RevcÜtionists: Agvinaldo, Bonifacio, Jacinto. Manila: National
Historical Commiss:on.
AGUILAR, FILOMENO V-- JR. 1998a. C/as/' of Spirits: The History ofPower and
Sagar Planter Hegemony on a Visayan Island- Honolulu: University of Hawai'i Press.
1998b. "A Failure of Imagination? The Nation in Narratives of the 1896
Philippine Revolutiotz- Pilipinas: A Journal of Philippine Studies
1999. "The Triumph of Instrumental Citizenship? Migrations, Identities, and
the Nation-State Southeast Asia." Asian Stt/dies Review
2000. "Nationhood and Transborder Labor Migrations: The Late Twentieth
Centurv from a Late Nineteenth-Century Perspective." Asian and Pacific
Migration Journal 9(2): 171—98.
ALONSO, WILLIAM, and PAEL STARR. 1987. The Politics ofNgmbers. New York: Russell
Sage Foundation.
ANDERSON, BENEDICT- 1991. Imagined Communities: Re/ations on the Origin and Spread
of Natirmg/ism. Rev. ed. London and New York: Verso.
2000. "The Rooster's Egg: Pioneering World Folklore in the Philippines.'
New Left Reviet¿; 2nd ser. ,
 TRACING ORIGINS 641
AZURIN, ARNOLD MOLINA. 1993. Reinventing the Filipino Sense ofBeing and Becoming.
Quezon City: Univers:ty of the Philippines Press.
BALIBAR, ETIENNE 1991. "Racism and Nationalism." In Race, Nation, Class:
Ambiguous Identit:es, E v Etienne Balibar and Immanuel Wallerstein. London:
Verso.
BANTON, MICHAEL. 1983. Racial and Ethnic Competition. Cambridge: Cambridge
University Press.
BARNETT, ANTHONY. 1990. "'Cambodia Will Never Disappear.'" New Left
Review, no. 180:101-26.
BELLWOOD, PETER. 1992. "Southeast Asia Before History.- In vol. 1 of The Cam*idge
History ofSomheast Asia, ed. Nicholas Tarling. Cambridge: Cambridge University
Press.
BEYER, H. OTLEY. 1948. "Philippine and East Asian Archaeology and Its Relations to
the Origin of the Pacific Islands Population." National Research Council of the
Philippines Bxlletin 29: 1—130,
BLUMENTRITT, FERDINAND. 1890. Las Razas Indígenas de Filipinas [Indigenous
Races of the Philippines). In vol. 28, pc. 1 of Boletín de la Sr.ciedad Geográfica
de Afadrid [Bulletin of the Geographical Society of Madrid). Madrid:
Establecimier,to Tipográfico de Fortanet.
1900. The Philippines: Their People and Political Conditions. Trans. David J.
Doherty. Chicago: Donohue Brothers.
1980. An AttemPt at Writing a Philippine Ethnography: With an Appendix,
the Spanish Mar:žime Discoveržes in Philippine ArchiFlago. Trans. Marcelino N.
Maceda. Mar-awi Citv: Mindanao State University.
BRAUDEL, FERNAND- 1993. A History of Civilizations. Trans. Richard Mayne. New York:
Penguin Books.
BUANGAN, ANTONIO S. 2004. "The suyoc People Who Went to St. Louis
Years Ago: The Search for My Ancestors." Philippine Stildies 21
CASTRO, NESTOR T. 2000. "Three Years of the Indigenous Peoples Rights Act: Its
Impact on Indigenous Communities." Kasarinlaz: A Philippine Quarterly of Third
World Studies
CLAVEL, LEOTHINY. 1969. They Are Also Filipinos: Ten Years with the Cultural Minorities.
Manila: Bureau of Printing.
COATES, AUSTIN. 1968. Rizal: Philippine Nationalist and Martyr- Hong Kong: Oxford
University Press.
COLíN, FRANCISCO, SJ. 1663/1900. Labor evangelica, ministerios apostolicos de los
obreras de Is Compañia de lest'S [The Labor of Evangelization, the Apostolic
Ministries of the Workers of the Society ofJesus]. Ed. Pablo Pastells, SJ. Vol. 1.
Reprint, Barcelona: Henrich.
CONSTANTINO, RENATO. 1969. The Making of a Filipino: A Story of Philippine Colonial Politics.
Quezon City: Renato Constantino.
CRAIG, AUSTIN, 1914. Lineage. Life, and Labors ofJosé Rizal, Philippine Patriot: A Study of the Growth of Free Ideas in
the Trans-Pacific American Territory. Yonkers-onHudson: World Book Company.
 642 FILOMENO V.
1933. Rizal's Political Writings: Nation Building. Race Differences, Basic Princiþles of
Good Government. Manila: Oriental Commercial.
DE LOS REYES, ISABELO. 1889. Historia de Filipinas [History of the Philippines].
Manila: Imprenta de D. Esteban Balbá<.
1994. El Folk-Lore Filipino [Philippine Folklore]. Trans- Salud C. Dizon and
Maria Elinora P. Imson. Quezon City: University of the Philippines Press.
DIKÖTTER, FRANK, ed- 1997. The ConstrncÍion of Racial [dentitie: in China
andJapan: Hiszrica/ ContemPoranr PersPectives. St. Leonards, NSW: Allen and
UnwinELIAS, NORBERT. 2000. The Civilizing Prwess: Sociogene;ic and Psychogenetic
Trans. Edmund Jephcott. Rev. ed. Oxford: Blackwell.
ERB, MARYBETH. 1997. "Contested Time and Place: Constructions of History in
To¿o, Manggarai (Western Flores, Indonesia)." Journal of Southeast Asian
Sti/dies 28( I
FERNANDEZ, PABLO, OP. 1979. History ofthe Church in the Philippines (1521-1898). Manila:
National Book Store.
AGUILAR JR.

FORES-GANZON, GUADALUPE, trans. 1996. La Solidaridad

[Solidarity]. Vol. 1,

1889; vol- 2, 1890; vol. 3, 1891. Pasig City:

Fundación Santiago.
Go, BON JUAN, and TERESÏTA ANG SEE, eds. 1987- Heritage: A
Pictorial History of Chinese in the Philippines.
Manila: Kaisa Para Sa Kaunlaran; Prof. Chinben See
Memorial Trust Fund.
HAL', CAROLINE SY. 2000. Necessary Fictions: Philippine
Literature and the Nation. 1946—19SO. Quezon City: Ateneo de
Manila University Press.
HIRSCHMAN, CHARLES. 1987. "The Meaning and Measurement of
Ethnicity in
Malaysia: An Analysis of Census Classifications."
Jourr:.al of Asian Studies

Il-ETO, REYNALDO C. 1979. Pasyon and Revolution: Popular

Movements in the Philippines. 1840—1910. Quezon City: Ateneo
de Manila University Press.
1998- "Rizal and the Underside of Philippine
History-- In Filipinos and Their Revolution: Event,
Discorrse, and HistoriograPhy. Quezon Citv: Ateneo de
Manila University Press.
 TRACING ORIGINS 643
JOCRNO, FELIPE LANDA- 1975. Questions and Challenges in
Philippine Prehistory. Quezon City: University of the
Philippines Press.
1991. 'Questions and Challenges in Philippine
Prehistory." Historical Bulletin 27-28:36-56.
1998. Filipino Prehistory: Rediscovering Precolonial Heritage. Quezon City: Punlad
Research House.
KOHL, PHILIP L. 1998. "Nationalism and Archeology: On the
Constructions of Nations and the Reconstructions of
the Remote Past." Annual Review of Anthropoloo
KRAMER, PAUL A. 1998. "The Pragmatic Empire: U.S.
Anthropology and Colonial Politics in the Occupied
Philippines, 1898—1916." PhD diss., Princeton
University.
LABRADOR, ANA M - T. 1998. 'The Representation of Boncok
Identity in Museums and in Central Bontoc, Northern
Philippines." PhD diss., Cambridge University.
LEWIS, MARTIN DEMING. 1961. "One Hundred Million
Frenchmen: The 'Assimilation' Theory in French
Colonial Policy." ComParative Studies in Society and
History 43): 129—51.
LÓPEZ JAENA, GRACIANO. 1951. Discursos y Arîículos Varios
(Selected Speeches and Articles), with Notes and
Commentaries by Jaime C. de Vora- Manila: Bureau of
Printing-
MAJUL, CESAR ADIB. 1960. Mabini and the Ph ilibPine
Retblution. Quezon City: University of the Philippines
Press.
I F. The Political and Constitutional Ideas ofthc Philippine Revolution. Quezon
Univasity of the Philippines Press.
19—3. Muslims in the Philippines. 2nd ed. Quezon
City: University of the Philippines Press for the Asian
Center.
MARR, DAVID. 1971. Vietnamese Auticdonialism. 1885—1925.
Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California
Press.
MONTANO, J. 1885 "Rapport à M. le Ministre de
lilnstruccion Publique sur une mission aux îles
Philippines et en Malaisie (1879—1881)" [Report to
the Minister of Public Education on a Mission to the
Philippine Islands and Malaysia 1879— 1881]. An-hires
du Missions Scientifiqaes e/ Littéraires, 3rd sere,

MossE, GEORGE L. 1995. "Racism and Nationalism." Nations

and Nationalism
 644 FILOMENO V.

MUÑERO, LUIS, trans. 1996. L: Solidaridad [Solidarity). Vol. 7, 1895. Pa-sig City:
Fundación Santiago.
NAIRN, TOM. 1977. The Break-ap of Britain. London: New Left Books.
NATIONAL HEROES COMMISSION (NHC). 1963. Rizal's CorresPondence with Fellow
Reformists. Vol. 2, bk. 3. Manila: National Heroes Commission-
OCAMPO, AMBETH R. 1998. —Rizal's Morga and Views of Philippine History.'
Philippine Studies 46(Second Quarter): 184—214.
ORDOÑEZ, ELMER A., ed. 1998. The Philippine Revolution and Beyond. 2 vols.
Manila: Philippine Centennial Commission, National Commission for Culture
and the Acts
PALMA, RAFAEL 1949. Tbe Pride of the Malay Race: A BiograPhy ofJose Rizal. Trans.
Rornasž Ozaeca. New York: Prentice-Hall-
QUIBUYEN, FLORO C. 1999. A Nation Aborted: Rizal, American Heganony. and
Philippine Na:ionalism- Quezon City: Ateneo de Manila University Press.
RAFAEL, VICENTE L. 1990. "Nationalism, Imagery, and the Filipino
Intelligentsia."
Critical Inquiry
2000. White Loze and Oxher Events in Filipino History. Durham, N.C.: Duke
Univen;ty Press.
R 'tMB0, A TERRY, KARL L- HUTTERER, and KATHLEEN GILLOGLY. 1988.
In Ethnic Dicersity and the Control of Natural Resources in
Southeast Asia, ed. A. Terry Rambo, Kathleen Gillogly, and Karl L. Hutterer.
Ann Arbor: Center for South and Southeast Asian Studies, University of
Michigan.
REYES, PEDRITO, MERCEDES GRAU-SANTAMARIA, H. OTLEY BEYER. and JAIME
C. DE VEYRA- 1953. Pictorial History of the Philippines. Quezon City: Capitol
Publishing House.
R17-AL, JOSÉ- 1887/1995- Noli Me Tangere. Manila: Instituto Nacional de Historia.
1890. "Sin nombre" [Without a Title). In vol. 2 of La Solidaridad, trans.
Guadalupe Fores-Ganzon. Pa-sig City: Fundación Santiago.
196 Ia. Carras Enrre Rizal y el Professor Fernando Blwmentritt
[Correspondence between Rizal and Professor Ferdinand BlumentrittJ. Manila:
Comisión Nacional del Centenario de José Rizal.
1961b. The RizÆ-Blumentritt CorresPondence. Manila: José Rizal National
Centennial Commission.
1961 c. Szcesos de las Islas Filipinas por el Doctor Antonia de Morga.
obrapzblicada en Méjico el añe dc 1609 nuevamenre sac-ada a laz anotada
[Events Of the Philippine Islands by Dr- Antonio de Morga. Published in
Mexico in 1609, Recently Brought to Light and Annotated). Mam la: Comisión
Nacional del Centenario de José Rizal.
 TRACING ORIGINS 645
1962. His:orical Events of the Philippine Islands by Dr, Antonio de Mcrrga,
Published in Mžxico in 1609 recently bronght to light and annotated. Manila:
José Rizal National Centennial Commission.
ROMULO, CARLOS P- 1943. Mother America: A Lit'ing Ston of Democracy. New York:
Doubleday, Doran.
ROSALDO, RENATO. 1982. "Utter Savages of Scientific Value. " In Politics and
History in band Socierw, ed. Eleanor Leacock and Richard Lee. Cambridge:
Cambridge University Press; Pal is: Editions de la Maison des Sciences de
l'Homme.
RYDELL, ROBERT W. 1984. Al/ the World's a Fair: Visions of Empire at A,nãican
Interna:ional Expositions, 1876—1916. Chicago: University of Chicago Press.
SALMAN, MICHAEL. 2001- The Embarrassment ofSlavery: Contrwersies over Bondage
and Nationalism in the American Colonial Philippines. Quezon City: Aceneo de Manila
University Press.
AGUILAR JR

SAUTMAN, BARRY. 2001. "Peking Man and the Politics of Paleoanthropological

Nationalism in China." Journal of Asian Studies 60(1):95—124.
SCHUMACHER, JOHN N. 1973. The Propaganda Movement, 1880-1895: creators
ofa Filipino Consciousness, the Makers ofRevolution. Manila: Solidaridad
Publishing.
1979. "The 'Propagandists" Reconstruction of the Philippine Past." In
Pæceptions of the Past in Southeast Asia, ed- Anthony Reid and David Marr.
Singapore: Heinemann Educational Books.
1991. The Making of a Nation: Essays on Nineteenth-Centurv Filipino
Nationalism. Quezon City: Ateneo de Manila University Press.
SCOTT, WILLIAM HENRY. 1974- The Discovery ofthe Igorots: Spanish Conta.;s Z'i:h the
Pagans of Northern Lazon. Quezon City: New Day Publishers.
1975. History on the Cordillera: Collected Writings on Monntain Province His"ory.
Baguio City: Baguio Printing and Publishing.
1982. Crackr in the Parchment Curtain and Other Essays in Philippize
History. Quezon City: New Day Publishers.
1992. Looking for the Prehispanic Filipino and Other Essays in Philippize
History. Quezon City: New Day Publishers.
1994. Barangay: Sixteenth-Cent,gry Philippine Culture and Society. Quezon
City. Ateneo dc Manila University Press.
SICHROVSKY, HARRY. 1987. Ferdinand Blgmentritt: An Austrian Life for the
Philippines; The Story ofJosé Rizal's Closest Friend and Companion. Manila:
National Historical Institute.
SKEAT, WALTER W., and CHARLES O-r-ro BLAGDEN. 1906/1966. Pagcn Races
of the Malay Peninsllla. 2 vols. London: Frank Cass.
STEPAN, NRNCY LEYS, and SANDER L. GILMAN. 1993. "Appropriating Idioms
of Science: The Rejection of Scientific Racism." In The "Racial" Economy
 646 FILOMENO V.
BfScience: Toward a Democratic Future, ed. Sandra Harding. Bloomington and
Indianapolis: Indiana University Press.
STRECKFUSS, DAVID. 1993. "The Mixed Colonial Legacy in Siam: Origitxs of
Thai Racialist Thought, 1890—1910." In Autonomo,'ts Histories, Particular
TrtrÒs: Essays in Honor ofJohn R. W. Smail, ed. Laurie J. Sears. Madison:
Center for Southeast Asian Studies, University of Wisconsin.
TERWIEL, B. J. 1978. "The Origin of the T'ai Peoples Reconsidered." Oriens
Extremus

1991- "Thai Nationalism and Identity: Popular Themes of the 1930s." In

National Identity and Its Defenders: Thailand. 1939—1989, ed. Craig J.
Reynolds. Clayton, Vic.: Centre of Southeast Asia Studies, Monash University.
1996- "Foreword to the New Edition." In The Tai Race: Elder Bro;b'.ï of the
Chinese; Results of Experience, Explora:ion. and Research o/ William Clifton Dodd.
Bangkok: White Locus Press.
THONGCHAI WINICHAKUL. 2000. "The Others Within: Travel and Ethno-
Spatial Differentiation of Siamese Subjects, 1885—1910." In Civility and
Sat•agen.• Social identity in Tai States, ed. Andrew Turton. Richmond, Surrey:
Curzon Press.
TJ. S. NATIONAL ARCHIVES. Library Records of the Bureau of Insular Affairs.
1868— 1940. National Archives and Records Administration, College Park, ME.
VERGARA, BENITO, JR. 1995. Displaying Filipinos: PhotograPhy and Co/onz/ism in Early
20th Century Philippines. Quezon City: University of the Philippines Press.
WICKBERG, EDGAR. 1964. "The Chinese Mestizo in Philippine History."Journal of
Southeast Asian History
1965. The Chinese in Philippine Life, 1850—1898. New Haven, Conn.: Yale
University Press.
WILKINSON, R. J- 1975. A History oftbe Peninsular Malays, with ChaPters on Pwak and
Selangor. 3rd ed. New York: AMS.
WILLIAMS, RAYMOND. 1983. Keywords: A Vocabulapy of Culture and Societ).
Rev. ed. New York: Oórd University Press.
YNGVESSON, BARBARA, and MAUREEN A. MAHONEY. 2000. --As One
Should, Ought, and Wants to Be': Belonging and Authenticity in Identity
Narratives." Theory, Culture, and Society 17(6):77—110.
ZAMORA, MARIO D. 1967. Studies in Philippine AnthroPology (In Howr H. Otley
Beyer). Quezon City: Alemar Phoenix.