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South Asia Economic and Policy Studies
Sachin Chaturvedi
T. C. James
Sabyasachi Saha
Prativa Shaw Editors
2030 Agenda and

India: Moving from
Quantity to Quality
Exploring Convergence and
Transcendence
Series Editors
Sachin Chaturvedi, Director General, RIS for Developing Countries, New Delhi,
India
Mustafizur Rahman, Distinguished Fellow, Centre for Policy Dialogue (CPD),
Dhaka, Bangladesh
Abid Suleri, Executive Director, Sustainable Development Policy Institute,
Islamabad, Pakistan
Dushni Weerakoon, Executive Director, Institute of Policy Studies of Sri Lanka,
Colombo, Sri Lanka
The Series aims to address evolving and new challenges and policy actions that
may be needed in the South Asian Region in the 21st century. It ventures niche and
makes critical assessment to evolve a coherent understanding of the nature of
challenges and allow/facilitate dialogue among scholars and policymakers from the
region working with the common purpose of exploring and strengthening new ways
to implement regional cooperation. The series is multidisciplinary in its orientation
and invites contributions from academicians, policy makers, practitioners, consul-
tants working in the broad fields of regional cooperation; trade and investment;
finance; economic growth and development; industry and technology; agriculture;
services; environment, resources and climate change; demography and migration;
disaster management, globalization and institutions among others.
More information about this series at http://www.springer.com/series/15400

Sachin Chaturvedi T. C. James
• •
Sabyasachi Saha Prativa Shaw

•
Editors
2030 Agenda and India:

Moving from Quantity
to Quality
Exploring Convergence and Transcendence
123
Editors
Sachin Chaturvedi T. C. James
RIS for Developing Countries RIS for Developing Countries
New Delhi, Delhi, India New Delhi, Delhi, India
Sabyasachi Saha Prativa Shaw

RIS for Developing Countries RIS for Developing Countries
New Delhi, Delhi, India New Delhi, Delhi, India
ISSN 2522-5502 ISSN 2522-5510 (electronic)

ISBN 978-981-32-9090-7 ISBN 978-981-32-9091-4 (eBook)
https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-32-9091-4
© Springer Nature Singapore Pte Ltd. 2019
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Singapore
Foreword
The Declaration by the United Nations in September 2015 of the 17 goals, spanning
all aspects of the development, to be achieved by 2030, has been an epoch-making
event. It opened a new window of development and gently spread the breeze of
sustainability all across the economic and social dimensions of progress. Followed
by the Paris Agreement on Climate Change in 2016, nations have agreed to place
nature along with human beings at the centre of national development model.
India is fully committed to the 2030 Agenda, and it is mirrored in our own
national development agenda. This commitment towards the Agenda 2030 con-
verges with India’s mission for inclusive, equitable and sustainable growth and is
amply resonated by the developmental motto of “Sabka Sath, Sabka Vikas, Sabka
Vishwas”. Given India’s growth trajectory, the priorities have been set for the
implementation of Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) in several areas of
socio-economic and environmental development. The issue of sustainability is
substantially mirrored in the flagship programmes of India like Clean India, Make
in India, Digital India, POSHAN Abhiyaan (Nutrition Campaign), National Health
Mission, Skill India and Beti Bachao Beti Padhao (for girl child).
Soon after the UN declaration, India energised its institutional framework for
defining clear strategies and programmes and also for identifying national priorities
and national indicators for monitoring SDGs. Within the federal set-up of the
country, the National Institution for Transforming India (NITI) Aayog, the premier
policy think tank of the Government of India, has been designated as the nodal
agency for leading the drive to achieve the Agenda 2030 and supervising the
implementation of SDGs both in the centre and in the states. It extensively engages
with different ministries at the central level and all state governments, apart from all
key stakeholders: civil society, think tanks and business sector. To accelerate the
process of localising of SDGs at the sub-national levels, the involvement of the
local self-government and grass-roots level functionaries in the implementation
of the SDGs is being encouraged through a host of structural, institutional and
capacity-building initiatives. To achieve the ambitious targets, NITI Aayog has
been in the forefront of articulating India’s priorities and approach towards inclu-
sive and sustainable development for all.
v
vi Foreword
This volume captures the spirit of unity that reflects India’s own development
plan and flags the blueprint for sustainable development in India, as encapsulated
with the idea of “Sabka Saath Sabka Vikas”, translated as “Collective Effort,
Inclusive Development”, which lies at the core of the Agenda 2030, i.e., “Leave No
One Behind”. This volume has identified and discussed the interlinkages within the
SDG, sectoral priorities and articulated India’s policy landscape and priorities in
convergence to SDGs, in order to achieve quality in economic growth and moving
beyond quantitative milestones. The compendium is well timed and provides
in-depth analysis of planning and monitoring to create a more sustainable economy.
It reflects India’s leadership in SDGs and scrutinises the role and responsibilities
of the multiple actors and stakeholders in the journey to achieve the Agenda 2030.
Rajiv Kumar
Vice Chairman
NITI Aayog
New Delhi, India
Acknowledgements
This volume emerges out of RIS work programme on Sustainable Development

Goals. We acknowledge with thanks the guidance and support provided by the late
Smt. Sushma Swaraj, Former Minister of External Affairs; Shri Hardeep Puri,
Minister of State (Independent Charge), Ministry of Housing and Urban Affairs, and
Former Chairman, RIS; Dr. Rajiv Kumar, Vice Chairman, NITI Aayog; and Mr. Yuri
Afanasiev, UN Resident Coordinator in India. We also acknowledge the encour-
agement and guidance provided by Ambassador (Dr.) Mohan Kumar, Chairman, RIS.
vii
Contents
1 Introduction: Sustainable Development Goals and India . . . . . . . . 1

Sachin Chaturvedi, T. C. James, Sabyasachi Saha and Prativa Shaw
Part I Thematic Domain

2 Sustainable Development Goals: Role of Agriculture . . . . . . . . . . . 17
R. S. Paroda and P. K. Joshi
3 Revisiting Industrialisation and Innovation in India:
Roadmap for SDG 9 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 41
Sabyasachi Saha and Prativa Shaw
4 Health and Well-Being . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 65
T. C. James
5 Integrated Development and Sustainable Cities:
Need for an Alternative Development Paradigm . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 97
Amitabh Kundu
6 Family Planning—A Smart Investment for India to Achieve
the Sustainable Development Goals . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 129
Poonam Muttreja
7 SDG 10—A Probe into the Factors Underlying Differences
in Inequality: Evidence at the Sub-national Level in India . . . . . . . 149
Rudra Prosad Roy and Saikat Sinha Roy
8 Ensure Quality Education for All in India: Prerequisite
for Achieving SDG 4 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 165
Beena Pandey
9 Evolving Conceptual Framework and Monitoring Mechanism
for SDGs in India . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 197
Krishna Kumar and P. K. Anand
ix
x Contents
Part II Role of Actors and Partnership

10 The Parliament and the SDGs . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 223
Atul Kaushik
11 Role of NITI Aayog in the Implementation of the 2030 Agenda . . . 239
Ashok Kumar Jain and Sundar Narayan Mishra
12 Sustainable Development Goals: Assam’s Experience
from Quantitative to Qualitative Development . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 255
V. K. Pipersenia, Rudra Mani Dubey and Supriya Khound
13 Sustainable Development Goals in India: Ambitious,
but Achievable . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 265
Pradeep Baisakh and Amitabh Behar
Part III Emerging Paradigm and Global Partnership

14 India’s Pursuit of SDGs: Unfolding Paradigm Shifts
and Convergence . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 281
Editors and Contributors
About the Editors
Prof. Sachin Chaturvedi is Director General at the Research and Information

System for Developing Countries (RIS), an independent policy research institute,
based in New Delhi. He was a Global Justice Fellow at the MacMillan Center for
International Affairs at Yale University. He is on the board of the Reserve Bank of
India. His work chiefly focuses on issues related to development economics, largely
focussing on trade, investment and technology connect within the framework of
global governance and South-South Cooperation. He has also worked on trade and
innovation linkages with a special focus on the WTO. He has served as a Visiting
Professor at Jawaharlal Nehru University (JNU) and has also worked as a Consultant
to the UN Food and Agriculture Organization, World Bank, UN-ESCAP, UNESCO,
OECD, and many other agencies. He has authored several books, edited four books,
and published several research articles in various prestigious journals.
Prof. T. C. James is a Visiting Fellow at the Research and Information System for
Developing Countries (RIS), and President of NIPO, a non-profit Indian Intellectual
Property Foundation. He is also a Member of the Speaker’s Research Initiative and
Guest Faculty on Intellectual Property Rights (IPRs) at the Indian Law Institute, New
Delhi, and Indian Academy of International Law and Diplomacy, New Delhi. He is a
former Director (IPRs) of the Ministry of Commerce & Industry, Government of
India and Member of the Academic Council, Shekhawati University, Sikar. He has
served on Indian delegations to the WIPO and WTO and has been a Consultant
(IPRs) to the FICCI and UNIDO. He has authored books and chapters in books on IP
and also published many articles in several journals.
Dr. Sabyasachi Saha is an Assistant Professor at the Research and Information

System for Developing Countries (RIS), New Delhi. He specialises in economics of
innovation, international trade and international development. In the context of the
SDGs, he has extensively worked on the scope of innovation; technology
xi
xii Editors and Contributors
facilitation and transfer; industrial development; resource mobilisation and the role
of the private sector. He obtained his Ph.D., M.Phil. and M.A. in Economics from
the Jawaharlal Nehru University (JNU), New Delhi at the Centre for International
Trade and Development (CITD). As a Ph.D. scholar he received the WIPO Prize, a
DAAD funded junior fellowship for research in Germany, and Government of India
Travel Award. Previously, he has also worked with premier academic institutions
and think tanks in India as senior member of the research staff. Recently, he
contributed as a Member of T20 Japan Task Force on Trade, Investment, and
Globalisation.
Ms. Prativa Shaw is a member of the research faculty at the Research and
Information System for Developing Countries (RIS), New Delhi. Her areas of
research interest include the SDGs, innovation policy, international trade and
regional cooperation. She has published and contributed to numerous research
reports and working papers on the aforementioned themes. She has over 5 years of
research experience and has previously been associated with Ministry of Finance,
Government of India, as a Research Consultant under the Tax Administration
Reform Commission. Very recently, she was chosen for the prestigious
IDE-JETRO-IDEAS, Japan fellowship and completed her diploma in International
Studies from IDE-JETRO, Japan. She holds a Master’s degree in Economics from
the Jadavpur University, Kolkata.
Contributors
P. K. Anand Core IVB India Habitat Centre, Research and Information System for
Developing Countries (RIS), New Delhi, India
Pradeep Baisakh Global Call to Action Against Poverty (GCAP), New Delhi,
India
Amitabh Behar OXFAM India, New Delhi, India
Sachin Chaturvedi Core IVB India Habitat Centre, Research and Information
System for Developing Countries (RIS), New Delhi, India
Rudra Mani Dubey Centre for Sustainable Developmental Goals, Assam
Administrative Staff College, Khanapara, Guwahati, India
Ashok Kumar Jain Principal Chief Conservator of Forests, Government of
Telangana and Former Adviser (SDGs), NITI Aayog, New Delhi, India
T. C. James Core IVB India Habitat Centre, Research and Information System for
Developing Countries, New Delhi, India
P. K. Joshi International Food Policy Research Institute, New Delhi, India
Atul Kaushik New Delhi, India
Editors and Contributors xiii
Supriya Khound Centre for Sustainable Developmental Goals, Assam

Administrative Staff College, Khanapara, Guwahati, India
Krishna Kumar Core IVB India Habitat Centre, Research and Information
Amitabh Kundu Core IVB India Habitat Centre, Research and Information
Sundar Narayan Mishra Consultant (SDGs), NITI Aayog, New Delhi, India
Poonam Muttreja Population Foundation of India, New Delhi, India
Beena Pandey Core IVB India Habitat Centre, Research and Information System
for Developing Countries (RIS), New Delhi, India
R. S. Paroda Trust for Advancement of Agricultural Sciences, New Delhi, India
V. K. Pipersenia Assam Power Distribution Company Limited, Bijuli Bhawan,
Panbazar, Guwahati, India
Rudra Prosad Roy Department of Economics, Jadavpur University, Kolkata,
India
Sabyasachi Saha Core IVB India Habitat Centre, Research and Information
Prativa Shaw Core IVB India Habitat Centre, Research and Information System
for Developing Countries (RIS), New Delhi, India
Saikat Sinha Roy Department of Economics, Jadavpur University, Kolkata, India
Chapter 1
Introduction: Sustainable Development
Goals and India
Abstract The concept of sustainable development finds echo in the writings of

early economists like Malthus when he talks about depletion of natural resources.
The United Nations has been seized of the idea at least since the Human
Development Conference held in Stockholm in 1972. The Introduction presents a
brief history of the concept of sustainable development and the evolution of
Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs). It expounds how the concept gels with
India’s own development policies and commitments and India’s development
paradigm shifted from quantity to quality in its efforts to achieve the SDGs, which
is the focus of the volume. Introduction also contains a brief overview of all the
other chapters.
The concept of ‘sustainability’ has been built in as a paradigm to measure devel-

opment with the United Nations (UN) resolution on ‘Transforming Our World: the
2030 Agenda for Development’, adopted by the UN General Assembly on 25th
September 2015 in view of the increasing concerns on environmental damages
caused by the existing development pattern. The roots of the issue, however, go
back to the times when human beings started settlements and resorted to agriculture
as a means for ensuring sustainable supply of grains at these habitats. While
agriculture was using biological resources in large scale, it also generated plenty of
such resources. With the industrial revolution use of fossil fuel increased enor-
mously and consequential generation of carbon gas, over the time environmental
damages were becoming visible. Increase in human population and competing
economies were leading to depletion of natural resources at a faster pace than
replacement. Thomas Robert Malthus had addressed the repercussions of depletion
of resources in his famous work, An Essay on the Principle of Population as It
S. Chaturvedi T. C. James (&) S. Saha P. Shaw

Core IVB India Habitat Centre, Research and Information System for Developing Countries
(RIS), Lodhi Road, New Delhi 110003, India
e-mail: tcjames@ris.org.in
© Springer Nature Singapore Pte Ltd. 2019 1

S. Chaturvedi et al. (eds.), 2030 Agenda and India: Moving from Quantity
to Quality, South Asia Economic and Policy Studies,
https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-32-9091-4_1
2 S. Chaturvedi et al.
Affects the Future Improvement of Society, published in 1798 (Malthus 1926).

Similarly, we had observed1 that alarms were raised on resource depletion and its
impact on mankind during the nineteenth century, when focus was on fossil fuels,
such as oil, natural gas and coal (Jevons 1866). By the late 1960s and early 1970s,
idea of progress, sustainability, growth and development started moving toward a
new direction, that of sustainable development. After the two worldwide wars,
people became aware of the possible damages on environment due to rapid pop-
ulation growth and untrammelled industrialisation resulting in, climate changes and
environmental damages.
The idea of ‘productive environment’ found mention in the United Nations
Conference on Human Development held in Stockholm in 1972. The concept of
sustainable development was developed by the World Commission on Environment
and Development set up by the United Nations in 1983. The Commission, later
known as Brundtland Commission after the name of the chairperson, Gro Harlem
Brundtland, former Prime Minister of Norway and a former Director General of
World Health Organisation, in its report ‘Our Common Future’ (1987) defined
sustainable development as ‘development that meets the needs of the present
without compromising the ability of future generations to meet their own needs’.2
Here, the concept of ‘needs’ refers to the priorities of the vital needs of the world’s
poor. The limitation of the poor and emerging countries is the efficient utilisation of
the given technologies and resources to satiate their present and future needs.
Three decades back, the concept of ‘needs’ had obvious reference to the unmet
and vital needs of the world’s poor. Countries had limited choices for efficient
utilisation of existing technologies and resources to satiate both present and future
needs. As a result, the assessment of needs and limitations in acquiring adequate
resources significantly influenced commitments by countries on sustainable
development. This was followed by the United Nations (UN) Rio Conference on
Environment and Development (the Earth Summit) in 1992 that placed environ-
ment at the centre of all future development discourses. The Agenda 21 emerging
from this conference addressed threats of environmental degradation by suggesting
principles applicable at local, national and global levels. The outcome document
‘The Future We Want’ of the UN conference in Rio in 2012 (commonly known as
the Rio+20) reiterated the commitment to Sustainable Development and Chap. 5 of
the same document titled ‘Framework for Action and Follow up’ featured the idea
of sustainability substantially.
The 2030 Agenda was built upon the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs)
whose target year was 2015, but with the dimension of sustainability. Three major
aspects of sustainable development, which is in bare sense, development without
depleting natural resources, are economic development, social development and
environmental protection. It is these elements that differentiate the Sustainable
1
It was evident in the famous work by W. Stanley Jevon’s The Coal Question of 1866.
2
World Commission on Environment and Development, Our Common Future. Chapter 2:
Towards Sustainable Development.
1 Introduction: Sustainable Development Goals and India 3
Development Goals (SDGs) from the MDGs. The SDGs have to be considered
along with the Addis Ababa Action Agenda on financing for development (AAAA)
of 2015 and the Paris Agreement on Climate Change. The SDG resolution referred
to the AAAA in the words that ‘the Addis Ababa Action Agenda supports, com-
plements, and helps contextualize the 2030 Agenda’s means of implementation of
targets’. Most of the SDGs depend on ensuring life-friendly climate and environ-
ment and, therefore, climate action is interconnected with SDGs and both are
interdependent. They together account for a holistic approach to development from
the piecemeal approaches of the past including MDGs.
1 MDGs to SDGs
The United Nations member countries negotiated a global agenda on sustainable

development to be implemented during 2016–2030, as a follow up of the eight
MDGs that were conceptualised as part of the UN’s own work programme at the
start of the century, and slowly found a place in policy design in most countries
over the next 15 years. The MDGs had set quantitative targets proportional to the
burden of dire development gaps in developing and poor countries. Global effort
has been put, since 2000, to address poverty and hunger, achieve universal primary
education, empower women, reduce child mortality and improve maternal health
and ensure environmental sustainability through MDGs. Improvement in social
sector indicators globally since the beginning of the century is attributed to the
MDGs. While countries in the developing world have been selectively successful
on the MDGs, the unfinished agenda is significant. Moreover, global partnership on
collective responsibility and resource generation has paid lip service with much
heavy lifting done by the developing world even as conditions remained plagued
with historical and monumental asymmetries.
The new agenda is called ‘Transforming our world: the 2030 Agenda for
Sustainable Development’ (or, in short Agenda 2030) which sets 17 sustainable
development goals (SDGs) to be mainstreamed in policy interventions in individual
countries, citizens’ initiatives and in global partnerships. To undo the follies of the
MDG era, the SDGs have been thoroughly negotiated at UN platforms and have
emerged from an inter-governmental process between 2012 and 2015. It was the
first time through MDGs that poverty took the centre stage in the global devel-
opment debate and emphasis on international cooperation to eradicate poverty.
The UN presented the MDGs in the report titled ‘Road Map towards the imple-
mentation of Millennium Development Goals’ in September 2001 without nego-
tiating with governments and stakeholders. However, SDGs Agenda ‘Transforming
our world: the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development’ is the result of more
participatory decision-making and comprehensive in terms of addressing the root
causes of the problem.
The SDGs dwarf the MDGs in their conceptual and operational dimensions and
suggest paradigm shifts of overwhelming magnitude. The advantage of the Agenda
2030, as argued, is that it sets a sharp deadline of 2030 and mandates universal
coverage and not merely quantitative milestones. The urgency cannot be exag-
gerated. Second, it embeds strong inter-linkages between development and sus-
tainability objectives. Third, it carries hitherto unprecedented weight as a
twenty-first-century ‘global compact’ to address global inequalities, resource
flows and technology transfers.
While the first set of the SDGs (1–7) may be an extension of the MDGs with a
more comprehensive mandate of mitigating developmental challenges in key sec-
tors in all their forms, the later goals could be referred to as an extension of the
MDG agenda. These, in turn, have two distinct characters. Those immediately
following the first 7 goals (8, 9 and 10) are referred to as enablers of development
covering areas like inclusiveness and jobs, infrastructure and industrialisation, and
distribution. The final set of goals under the SDGs (11–17) lays down the frame-
work for sustainability covering areas like urbanisation; consumption and pro-
duction; climate change; resources and environment; peace and justice; and means
of implementation and global partnership. The two final goals are sometimes
referred to as meta-goals as they set the preconditions for every other goal.
Path towards fulfilment of the Agenda 2030 has to be exhaustive as it needs
participation and inputs from a large set of people representing governments,
inter-governmental organisations and other stakeholders from around the world.
The process that had begun in Rio de Janeiro at the UN Conference on Environment
and Development in June 1992, had matured in the development of the MDGs; and
remarkably transformed further in the twenty-first century with the convergence of
triple processes (Addis Ababa Action Agenda, the Agenda 2030 and the Paris
Climate Accord all in 2015) triggering unprecedented national interventions
globally and pushing for meaningful global partnership in the decades to come.
2 The Path Towards ‘Convergence’ for Achieving

the SDGs
Application of MDGs led to a growing realisation that singular target-oriented

approach is seriously flawed as there are multiple externalities and interdependence
between development and sustainability parameters. The SDGs would clearly
require tectonic shift in paradigms, partnerships, norms and action as the agenda
calls for ‘transformations’. For sustainability to be a credible approach in resolving
existing conflicts between development and sustainability the cornerstones are
many, including quality of economic growth, sustainable consumption and pro-
duction, and above them all ‘equity’ both present and inter-generational. The slated
objectives of social sector development, economic progress and environmental
sustainability are intricately linked and several parameters within each of these
broad spaces have multifaceted inter-linkages and cross-domain connections.
The SDG agenda tries to incorporate some elements of these cross-domain connects
by suggesting interoperability between targets under separate goals and by
proposing similar indicators of progress for multiple targets.
However, the exercise of identifying the 17 goals and numerous underlying

targets, despite being driven through multi-stakeholder discussions at the UN has
by and large retained compartmentalised structures as opposed to thematic domains.
This has apparently led to multiplicity of targets, and an overwhelmingly large
number of proposed statistical indicators, often beyond the scope of existing sta-
tistical systems. The technical component of ascertaining inter-linkages and con-
vergence in policy approaches are currently being worked out by countries
themselves, however, the rigour is not uniform. The demands on sophistication of
such an exercise are huge and hence governments are reaching out to varied
stakeholders like the civil society organisations and the private sector industry, for
deeper understanding and knowledge and also for nested partnerships for
implementation.
Apart from the interconnections and the intertwining of the goals, another dis-
tinguishing feature of SDGs is the holistic approach to development. The silos
approach focuses on separate areas without appreciating the fact that development
is a multidimensional process, and development one sector ignoring the others
cannot be a sustainable and optimal one in the long run. For example, economic,
social and environmental aspects require to be addressed simultaneously. Without
addressing poverty, one cannot ensure quality education or health or even economic
prosperity. The SDGs have adopted a macro approach. It encompasses the 5Ps of
the new development dimensions, namely, people, planet, prosperity, peace and
partnership. Each of these dimensions is related to the others. That is why the SDGs
stress quality more than quantity. Numbers are certainly important but not every-
where and not alone. Improvement of the quality of life of all living beings and the
health of the planet as a whole is what the SDGs aim at. This qualitative
improvement is possible only through peace and partnership of all. Sustained and
all-inclusive development is what it strives for.
3 Quantity to Quality: India’s Emphasis on ‘Convergence’
As the centre of the global economy is increasingly shifting ‘south-wards’ with

increased economic heft and weight of countries like China and India, policy
choices made by these countries on sustainability would be closely watched.
Moreover, these are also among the countries that care for a disproportionately
large share of the global citizenry. Nevertheless, these countries are already pur-
suing a progressive agenda on sustainable development and are keen to lead and
shape future ideas of sustainable development and global governance. Also,
countries’ focus on the SDGs may differ depending on their national priorities.
Riding on rapid economic progress, India has fast-tracked many of its development
interventions and has enthusiastically welcomed the Agenda 2030. We are inspired
to explore the Indian context within the broader framework of the Agenda 2030 and
are convinced about the utility and timeliness of the exercise as we enter the third
year of the reference period (2016–2030).
The wholesome approach of the SDGs is in line with India’s traditions which lay
emphasis on the unity that encompasses human as well as non-human life forms
and between living forms and environment, as encapsulated by the Vedic dictum
Vasudhaiva kutumbakam (the earth is one family), that is, everything on earth form
one family. The concept of sab ka vikas (development of all) that the Government
of India is following epitomises this. India includes in its development process the
convergence of the goals and the stress on quality in the SDGs. India has
fast-tracked many of its development interventions in recent years. The economy
and society are progressing well without harming the environment. It is committed
to climate control measures as envisaged in the Paris Agreement on Climate
Change. In the social sectors, it is constitutionally bound to provide health and
education to all and guarantee gender equality. Prosperity with peace has always
been a guiding principle of India.
At the same time, India faces many unique challenges. It is a large country with
continental diversities in population and languages. There is also considerable
geographical diversity with deserts, evergreen forests and snowy mountains and is
home to great biological diversity. All these with economic backlog and the burden
of a huge population make it a challenge for India to achieve the SDGs within the
time frame envisaged. However, there have been many fruitful initiatives and
interventions in the last few years towards inclusive development. This volume is
an attempt to capture some of these efforts in the framework of the SDGs. An
underlying theme of all these programmes is convergence and quality.
The most interesting dimension of a discussion on India in this context, with or
without the Agenda 2030 in purview, would not only be the scale of India’s
challenges but also about an impressive volume of ingenuity that India nurtures.
With India’s economic emergence, which is further magnified by its size, India is
poised for its natural and due leadership in a world beyond 2030. India would be
rendered more strength for its credible actions and rational choices on inclusive and
sustainable development. It is encouraging that the Indian polity and citizenry
acknowledge the existing gaps and are strongly focused on the options and
opportunities. The key concern for India, however, as it strives for all-round and
sustainable development of a continental-size nation is apparent challenges of
moving beyond numerical notions of degree, scale and coverage towards quality
outcomes that are not only durable and sustainable but also holistic and are able to
mitigate exclusions in all their forms. The emphasis on ‘convergence’ therefore is
paramount and spontaneous.
For the task of policy planning, Government of India appointed the National
Institution for Transforming India (NITI Aayog) as the nodal agency to ensure
coordination among government departments for implementation of SDGs. NITI
Aayog has already put in significant efforts to mainstream the idea of SDGs in
India. It has developed a comprehensive mapping of goals and targets with
respective government policies (of primary and secondary importance) and that of
the nodal/subsidiary government departments and ministries. Along with proper
implementation of policies related to SDGs, it is pertinent to monitor the impact of
the policies in place. For monitoring the progress made on the path of attaining
SDGs and its targets, The Ministry of Statistics & Programme Implementation
(MoSPI) of Government of India is the nodal agency.
Against 17 SDGs, 169 associated targets and 244 global indicators have been
published by the Inter-Agency and Expert Group (IAEG)-SDGs of the UN
Statistical Commission. The IAEG-SDGs is the empowered apex mechanism with
the UN to produce the SDG indicator framework that could be adopted by countries
as per local priorities and relevance. In the latest framework, nine indicators are
repeated under multiple goals and therefore the effective number of individual
indicators is 232. The indicators are classified into three tiers. Tier 1 capture the
indicators which are conceptually clear with established methodology nationally
and internationally. Tier 2 refers to the indicators in which there is a standard
method internationally but the availability of data is not regularly produced by the
countries. Tier 3 indicators refer to indicators in which there are no standard
methodologies or standards/methodologies will be developed or tested. As of 13
February 2019, the tier 1 contains 101 indicators, 84 indicators are listed in tier 2
and 41 in tier 3. Additionally, there are six indicators that have multiple tiers (i.e.
different components of the indicators are classified into different tiers).
In India, efforts have been made to identify the inter-linkages among various
policy areas. Given Indian priorities and specifications, SDG indicators have been
constructed by the MoSPI. Indicators are drafted based on a nationwide partici-
patory process among all stakeholders that includes federal and state governments,
academia, think-tanks, private and public enterprises and civil society organisation
(CSOs). The MoSPI subsequently came up with National Indicator Framework
(NIF) for measuring the progress of SDGs in India. The MoSPI is also responsible
for facilitating coordination with various line Ministries and Departments along
with other relevant data source agencies for SDG indicators, and assisting capacity
development of various statistical institutions. Besides, the Ministry has helped in
assisting states and union territories (UTs) in putting the monitoring framework in
place at respective levels.
4 Layout and Scope of the Volume
In light of the above, this edited volume puts together a collection of thematic
chapters largely aligned with selected SDGs incorporated after due consideration of
their relevance for India. This volume primarily focuses on economic development,
human well-being and sustainable pathways with special attention to financial and
knowledge resources, and measurement concepts. In doing so, the volume makes a
distinction between sustainability and sustainable pathways by refraining from
dealing with broader and more direct issues of social, economic and environmental
sustainability. The choice of the themes, apart from their relevance for India, is
guided by the extent of convergence they could possibly demand among several
SDG targets cutting across multiple SDG goals. This would uncover intricacies of
systemic relationships and dilemmas in policy choices. Thus, through this volume,
an attempt has been made to explore how India’s own development priorities gel
with the SDGs.
The book consists of 14 chapters spread over three parts along with Introduction.
Part I is devoted to themes aligned with SDGs that highlight India’s preparedness
and its earlier achievements that are pre-requisites for a future sustainable growth
strategy. In continuation, Part II looks at the role of actors and the criticality of
partnerships in order to comprehend the breadth of diversities and bring to the fore
the inter-linkages for determining the tools of convergence. The role of the NITI
Aayog of the Government of India, the State Governments, the Parliament of India,
and the civil society organisations are separately explored in-depth as part of this
intellectual exercise. The Part III deals with emerging paradigm and global part-
nership within the framework of SDGs in India.
Chapter 1 ‘Sustainable Development Goals: Role of Agriculture’ by Paroda and
Joshi explores India’s agricultural challenges and their importance for achieving
SDG goals and targets. Despite rapid economic growth, India’s agriculture faces
severe threats due to technological change, climate change, and resource degra-
dation. As a result, agriculture being the major contributor to food, nutrition and
livelihood security in India becomes vulnerable. The chapter has attempted to
explore the major challenges like declining productivity in agriculture, adverse
impact of climate change, and declining farmers’ income. To accomplish SDG 2
targets for effective, sustainable and resilient agriculture, the chapter succinctly
discusses the current status of the targets related to poverty, hunger, malnourish-
ment, land degradation and climate risks and on the new approaches in agro-food
system. Further, the chapter examines the potential and effective contribution of
technology to achieve the given targets in SDGs. The chapter also identifies the
major initiatives undertaken by the Government of India and outlines the roles of
institutions, policies and various programmes which are directly or indirectly
contributing to the achievement of the SDGs. The chapter also vividly discusses the
policy recommendations to accelerate the pace of eradication of poverty, elimina-
tion of hunger, and achievement of food and nutrition security.
Chapter 3 ‘Revisiting Industrialisation and Innovation in India: Roadmap for
SDG 9’ by Saha and Shaw is inspired by the idea that industrialisation has tradi-
tionally been the key driver of structural transformation, earlier in developed
countries and later in the emerging economies. India’s emergence, on the other
hand, has been driven by knowledge-intensive services sector, and only marginally
supported through industrialisation (dominantly skill intensive). However, by glo-
bal standards India’s industrial base remains large and diversified; but has failed to
achieve global competitiveness across the board resulting in stagnation in terms of
its share in the GDP. It is observed that productivity gains have been limited to
certain sectors within the services sector and some segments of the industry and is
accompanied by rising capital intensity in both. Productivity linked decent (wage!)
employment creation has been suboptimal leading to wide disparities in the dis-
tribution of fruits of economic growth (casting doubts on the quality of economic
growth!). Structural transformation in terms of moving shares of sectoral GDP has
not been accompanied by commensurate changes in the share of employment.
Moreover, services-led economic growth could be unsustainable in the long run for
variety of reasons including over-dependence on imported industrial goods. This
could be damaging for the achievement of SDG 8 (decent work and economic
growth) in India. This chapter essentially proposes reorientation of industrialisation
in India through building knowledge capacities to take advantage of the emergence
of Industry 4.0. This is supported by the fact that India is well placed to move
beyond its static comparative advantage in terms of production of technologically
sophisticated products as reflected in rising technology intensity of India’s exports.
An interactive process of industrialisation and innovation (as encapsulated in SDG
9) would be critical for India to sustain economic growth, generate decent
employment and move up the value chain. The chapter focuses extensively on the
scope of deepening industrialisation in India and the contours of appropriate
industrial policy design that could be relevant for new technologies, sectoral
competitiveness and value addition. It presents contemporary examples, empirical
evidence and innovation system perspectives to strengthen the policy conclusions.
Chapter 4 on ‘Health and Well-being: An Assessment of Issues of Access and
Prevention’ by James, investigates how the SDG 3 and India’s own policy on
health are aligned with each other. This is done keeping in view the national and
international laws including India’s Constitutional provisions and National Health
Policy 2017. The chapter has done an evaluation of the progress that has been made
in health projects with appropriate suggestions for course corrections to achieve
successful implementation of SDG 3. To make an accurate assessment of the
process that India has to undertake for health and well-being for all by 2030, it is
important to evaluate the current status of health and disease indicators. The chapter
also emphasises on the existing and emerging challenges for achieving quality
universal healthcare. The challenges arise from the various areas that include
governance deficiency, regional imbalance, social parameters, economic develop-
ment, environmental sustainability, innovation bottlenecks and resource limitation.
Further, the chapter focuses on preventive healthcare as the best means to achieve
UHC and also issues related to access to quality healthcare at affordable price.
Achievement of quality health and well-being for all needs robust and compre-
hensive targets that can be measured and monitored. The chapter, also, pays special
attention to the status of SDG 3 at the state-level based on selected indicators and
emphasises on strengthening statistical mechanism for evaluating the targets in
health. How to leverage India’s traditional systems of medicine to achievement of
the UHC has also been elaborated. The chapter makes a special plea for conver-
gence of inter-sectoral policies and programmes for achievement of UHC.
Chapter 5 on ‘Integrated Development and Sustainable Cities: Need for an
Alternative Development Paradigm’ by Kundu, discusses the contemporary para-
digm shifts in urban development in India. The chapter deals with challenges and
opportunities of metropolitan cities globally and their preparedness to tackle the
emerging urban explosion, particularly in Asia. In the recent past, India has
experienced rapid urbanisation. The chapter draws attention to the facts and con-
cerns about shifting of global population to cities. In this context, the author draws
some attention to the dynamics of urban industrial development and its associated
risks. The chapter captures the present pattern of urbanisation in India and reflects
on how the dynamics of development has moved beyond large urban centres to
rural and rustic peripheries extended to larger hinterland, prompting rise of
countless community settlements. Also, the chapter reviews policies and pro-
grammes, with a focus on the present flagship programmes/missions, and
acknowledges the territories of worry with regards to meeting SDG 11.
Additionally, the chapter focuses on the prominence given to restructuring of urban
governance and financial institutions, strengthening of local bodies, shift in the
planning and implementation processes, and emergence of new mechanisms of
resource mobilisation for large-scale urbanisation, in an endeavour to evaluate if all
these are in congruity with the pre-requisites of SDG 11. Also, the author analyses
the UN institutional framework for operationalising the given targets, indicators and
monitoring progress in the context of SDG 11. Similar analysis is made at the
national level with evaluation of progress in order to derive the challenges and
inadequacies in the modalities. Finally, the chapter concludes with key issues along
with potential outcomes for adopting an effective system for integrated and sus-
tainable urbanisation.
Chapter 6 ‘Family Planning: A Smart Investment for India to Achieve the
Sustainable Development Goals’ by Muttreja, discusses importance of family
planning in the context of SDGs. Many health and economic indicators have
improved after the implementation of family planning. It is evident that family
planning has been popularised to meet the development aspirations of many
nations. This chapter attempts to analyse its importance in Indian context SDGs
related to health and gender. Since, SDGs are embedded in India’s development
policies and programmes; the chapter has considered the example of family plan-
ning programme and has evaluated its impact on the development indicators that
were resonating with SDG objectives. The linkages and convergence between
family planning and the SDGs, particularly goals 3 and 5, have been discussed. The
impact of family planning in improving health and demographic indicators has been
chalked out. The author has also attempted to analyse challenges and opportunities.
Further, the gender justice issue has been analysed in-depth for ensuring
socio-political and economic equality. As a signatory of the SDGs, India has both a
responsibility as well as an opportunity at hand to harness its demographic divi-
dend; therefore, an alternative approach towards sustainable development has been
presented through harnessing demographic dividend. The study also focused on the
role of family planning as a cost-effective measure for public health and a best buy
for the development of any nation. Lastly, the importance of strengthening com-
munication for behavioural change has been reported in details.
Chapter 7 ‘SDG 10__A Probe into the Factors underlying differences in
inequality: Evidence at the Sub-national Level in India’ by Roy and Roy, focuses
on the causes of rising inequality in India at the sub-national level in attaining
targets of SDG 10. In a diverse country like India, it is important to understand the
possible determinants for inequality at the more disaggregated level for formulating
a sound and appropriate policy. An analysis has been made reinforced with sup-
porting literature/evidence on possible determinants of consumption and income
inequality. For analysis, the authors have done regression analysis with data from
18 major Indian States from the post-economic reform period. The study has come
up with interesting findings based on the empirical analysis understanding the
impact of structural transformation and trade liberalisation on rising inequality in
India. These conclusions may lead to significant policy implications.
Chapter 8 ‘Ensure Quality Education for All in India: Prerequisite for
Achieving SDG 4’ by Pandey focuses on SDG goal 4. It has presented an outline
and trends in contextualising the goal 4. It discusses major policies and interven-
tions for ensuring quality education and its inter-linkages with other goals. Special
emphasis has been given for formulation of New Education Policy and its positive
role in achieving goal 4. Thorough investigation on the education sector has been
made, and progress of important indicators, like attainments at primary, secondary
and tertiary levels in India, has been evaluated. The chapter also focuses on the
challenges and opportunities for quality education in India. Some of the major
challenges have been explored in detail at the state-level, like dropout rate, social
infrastructure and accessibility issues in education. Finally, a roadmap for India
towards achieving SDG 4 has been drawn.
Chapter 9 ‘Evolving Conceptual Framework and Monitoring Mechanism for
SDGs in India’ by Kumar and Anand analysis in details institutional mechanism
and preparedness for SDG monitoring and associated indicator framework in India.
An exhaustive detail regarding India’s institutional mechanism concerning SDGs
framework in national context has been captured, along with progress of the
national indicator framework has been assessed. The proposed indicator framework
by Ministry of Statistical and Programme Implementation (MoSPI) comprises
numerous indicators; exceeding global indicator framework. This large set of
indicators poses challenges with respect to cost for collection, processing and
dissemination of data. Whether this would lead to difficulties in analysing and
monitoring the success of SDGs in the year 2030 has been discussed. Hence, the
chapter has attempted to address bottlenecks in finalising the list of national indi-
cators, and has suggested a roadmap. It also presents some expectations from
India’s statistical system and has suggested some measures for improving admin-
istrative data collection and functioning of MoSPI. Finally, it has proposed 50
outcome-based indicators as the Key Performance Indicators (KPIs) which can be
considered as the core indicator for SDGs monitoring.
The Part II of the volume opens up with the discussion on the actors and their
roles and importance for achieving SDGs in India. This section has four chapters
including the role of the Parliament and the NITI Aayog; and perspectives from
Assam as the first State to integrate SDGs in their development plans and pro-
grammes and the Civil Society Organisations.
Chapter 10 ‘The Parliament’ by Kaushik, explores primacy of roles and par-
ticipation of members of Parliament for evolution and implementation of SDG
roadmap in India. The chapter deliberates on the initiatives undertaken by the
Parliament to emphasise importance of SDGs to the parliamentarians and enhancing
their ability to coordinate in the implementation of SDGs at all levels, including at
the grassroots. To ensure inclusion of SDGs in the national development plan, the
chapter includes action for building institutional capacity and it captures on the
parliamentary committee processes to highlight issues raised before ministries and
departments of India. The author has captured innovative initiatives by the
Parliament, like the formation of Speaker’s Research Initiative, to deepen the dis-
course in the House. The chapter enumerates close linkages between India national
development priorities and SDGs with reference to various schemes and pro-
grammes of the Government of India.
Chapter 11 ‘Role of NITI Aayog in the Implementation of the 2030 Agenda’ by
Jain and Mishra, examines complex relationship between the governance and the
socio-economic-environmental development. It focuses on the role and mandate of
the NITI Aayog to facilitate implementation of multidisciplinary development
agenda in India. The NITI Aayog being the nodal dagency has the responsibility for
creating interactive and co-operative platforms towards building coherence in the
national agenda-setting and in bringing all actors together for pursuing successfully
SDGs in India. It gives details of the required ecosystem in India for efficient and
effective implementation of Agenda 2030. Also, it argues on sensitisation and
awareness; alignment of development programmes and policies; issues related to
governance; relevance of localisation and its status; action and initiatives under-
taken at the national level and sub-national level, including achievements and
monitoring. Additionally, detailed analysis of the India’s Voluntary National
Review, State-level scenarios, SDG Index and dashboard has been discussed.
Chapter 12 ‘Sustainable Development Goals: Assam’s Experience from
Quantitative to Qualitative Development’ by Pipersenia, Dubey and Khound,
explores Assam as the first state in India in acknowledging and accepting SDGs in
its development plan. It draws the blueprint of integration process of SDGs and the
challenges confronted in the short and long run procedure. It gives in-depth analysis
of the Vision document called ‘Assam Agenda 2030: Our Dreams, Our
Commitment’ for larger vision for future, and has focused on key principles and
orientation in the budget and economic survey. Further, the timeframe for the SDG
implementation at grassroots level has been discussed. Role of other actors (like
Legislature and Judiciary) and their role in the implementation process for locali-
sation of SDGs in Assam is the crux of the chapter. The experience of Assam can
set an example for others in terms of how efficiently the resources can be mobilised
for channelizing SDGs at ground level. With this line of thought, the chapter draws
attention in developing partnership and creating co-operative platform at the local
level for achieving SDGs.
The last chapter of Part II ‘Sustainable Development Goals in India: ambitious,
but achievable’ by Baisakh and Behar, deliberates on the role of Civil Society
Organisations (CSOs) in the implementation of SDGs in India. In this critical
evaluation of the Agenda 2030 has been done and has highlighted striking features
of the SDGs. This chapter throws light on the most vulnerable groups’ need and
their significance to the society for achieving the goal of inclusive and equitable
growth for all and also checks on deliverability of the motto of Sabka Saath Sabka
Vikash (no one left behind). This also captures on the status of the implementation,
and has critically evaluated actions of the government. It draws on the role of CSOs
and their current initiatives during the last three years. Concrete actions at the
ground level are listed so that others draw lessons from them.
Part III builds on Parts I and II to develop a coherent narrative on the current
paradigm shift that evident in India’s policy landscape and priorities that could
define India’s approach on the SDGs in the near future. The thesis of this chapter
revolves around quality of economic growth in terms of moving beyond quanti-
tative milestones and ensuring lesser carbon footprint of economic growth;
embedding inclusive development in the spirit of ‘Sabka Saath Sabka Vikas’ and
achieving convergence of development priorities to take care of multidimension-
ality. Additionally, the chapter evaluates the scope for monitoring the SDGs and
India’s global and regional role through partnership for global public goods.
References
Jevons, W. S. (1866). The Coal Question: An inquiry concerning the progress of the nation, and
the probable exhaustion of our coal-mines (2nd ed.). London: Macmillan. Available: http://
www.econlib.org/library/YPDBooks/Jevons/jvnCQ1.html.
Malthus, T. R. (1926). First essay on population. (An essay on the principle of population as it
affects the future improvement of society, with remarks on the speculations of Mr Godwin, M.
Condorcet, and other writers, 1798). London: Macmillan (1926 edition with notes by James
Bonar).
Part I
Thematic Domain
Chapter 2
Sustainable Development Goals: Role
of Agriculture
R. S. Paroda and P. K. Joshi
Abstract Irrespective of high economic growth the agriculture sector in India is at

high risk due to various reasons. Agriculture is the major provider of livelihood for
the poor, especially in rural areas. With the increasing vulnerability, the major
challenges of the policymakers are to develop strategies to promote sustainable
agriculture for achieving SDGs. In this context, there is urgent need to ensure
reorientation of ongoing efforts toward higher efficiency and effectiveness of var-
ious initiatives for drawing a roadmap and develop a well-established sustainable
model, which can also be shared with other developing countries. Thus, the chapter
makes an attempt to analyze the causes of poverty and malnutrition and explores the
use of technologies to overcome the productivity issues in agriculture. It captures
various challenges and prospects for effective, sustainable and resilient agriculture.
It also discusses issues relating to climate change and suggests ways to mitigate the
same, particularly through the use of technologies. Lastly, the chapter assesses the
role of various programs, policies and institutions in moving forward to achieve
the targets of SDGs in India and makes specific recommendations.
Keywords Food security Land reforms Water management Sustainable

agriculture
This paper has heavily drawn from Paroda and Joshi (2017). Re-used here with permission from
the copyright owner.
R. S. Paroda (&)
Trust for Advancement of Agricultural Sciences, New Delhi, India
P. K. Joshi
International Food Policy Research Institute, New Delhi, India
© Springer Nature Singapore Pte Ltd. 2019 17

S. Chaturvedi et al. (eds.), 2030 Agenda and India: Moving from Quantity
to Quality, South Asia Economic and Policy Studies,
https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-32-9091-4_2
18 R. S. Paroda and P. K. Joshi
1 Introduction
Globally, poverty and hunger are twin challenges before human civilization, despite
specific temporal and spatial efforts. Although extreme poverty has been reduced by
more than half since 1992, still more than one billion people live on less than $1 a
day. And roughly, half of the world’s population lives below $2.50 a day. Besides,
one in every nine persons is undernourished. Among children below five years,
nearly 3.1 million (nearly 45% of total) die every year due to poor nutrition. In fact,
every 3.5 s a child dies because of poverty. Therefore, it is necessary to produce
affordable, nutritive, safe and healthy food more efficiently and sustainably.
Agriculture is a major contributor to food, nutrition and livelihood security in India,
but it is affected by numerous factors, including technology penetration, natural
resource management, climate change, policies and institutions. Today, agriculture
faces a bigger threat than ever before due to degradation of natural resources,
especially land and water, and climate change. Therefore, combating the threat of
land degradation and climate change, without compromising on economic devel-
opment, would require a new set of farm policies, technologies and institutional
reforms.
Recently, the global leaders had a retrospect on the Millennium Development
Goals (MDGs) to find progress on their accomplishment. It was a unique joint effort
by leaders of different countries on combating poverty, hunger, undernourishment
and other global issues. It is a matter of satisfaction that most of the developing
countries have made substantial efforts in achieving various goals, especially
poverty. Most of the countries had achieved the goal of poverty reduction by half
between 1990 and 2010, although the decline in poverty was uneven across
countries. In 1990–92, the number of poor people in Asia was about 740 million,
which declined to 565 million in 2010–12. China has done remarkably well, where
poverty declined from 60% in 1990 to less than 10% in 2008. Other East-Asian and
Pacific countries have also done quite well.
Within Asia, the largest concentration of poor is in South Asia, which houses
nearly 304 million poor. In South Asia, India is the hub of poor and food-insecure
population. As high as 71% of the poor in South Asia, live in India. Like other
countries, India could accomplish most of the MDGs well before 2015, but the pace
has been too slow as compared to China and many countries in South East Asia.
Also, the progress in some of the development goals has been rather inconsistent.
The official estimates reveal that while India achieved the target of poverty
reduction, it fell short in reducing hunger.
To continue the global collective efforts more vigorously, the countries adopted
as post-2015 agenda, a renewed set of goals to end poverty and protect the planet
and ensure prosperity for all as part of new Sustainable Development Goals
(SDGs). The resolution adopted by the United Nations (UN) has a much broader
intergovernmental agreement which, while acting as the Post-2015 Development
Agenda, builds on the Resolution, popularly known as “The Future We Want”.
There are 17 aspirational “Global Goals” with 169 targets under SDGs. Among
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BOOK III.
GREAT SPEECHES ON GREAT ISSUES.
Speech of James Wilson,
January, 1775, in the Convention for the Province of Pennsylvania,
IN VINDICATION OF THE COLONIES.
“A most daring spirit of resistance and disobedience still prevails in

Massachusetts, and has broken forth in fresh violences of a
criminal nature. The most proper and effectual methods have
been taken to prevent these mischiefs; and the parliament may
depend upon a firm resolution to withstand every attempt to
weaken or impair the supreme authority of parliament over all
the dominions of the crown.”—Speech of the King of Great
Britain to Parliament, Nov., 1774.
Mr. Chairman:—Whence, sir, proceeds all the invidious and ill-
grounded clamor against the colonists of America? Why are they
stigmatized in Britain as licentious and ungovernable? Why is their
virtuous opposition to the illegal attempts of their governors,
represented under the falsest colors, and placed in the most
ungracious point of view? This opposition, when exhibited in its true
light, and when viewed, with unjaundiced eyes, from a proper
situation, and at a proper distance, stands confessed the lovely
offspring of freedom. It breathes the spirit of its parent. Of this
ethereal spirit, the whole conduct, and particularly the late conduct,
of the colonists has shown them eminently possessed. It has
animated and regulated every part of their proceedings. It has been
recognized to be genuine, by all those symptoms and effects by which
it has been distinguished in other ages and other countries. It has
been calm and regular: it has not acted without occasion: it has not
acted disproportionably to the occasion. As the attempts, open or
secret, to undermine or to destroy it, have been repeated or enforced,
in a just degree, its vigilance and its vigor have been exerted to defeat
or to disappoint them. As its exertions have been sufficient for those
purposes hitherto, let us hence draw a joyful prognostic, that they
will continue sufficient for those purposes hereafter. It is not yet
exhausted: it will still operate irresistibly whenever a necessary
occasion shall call forth its strength.
Permit me, sir, by appealing, in a few instances, to the spirit and
conduct of the colonists, to evince that what I have said of them is
just. Did they disclose any uneasiness at the proceedings and claims
of the British parliament, before those claims and proceedings
afforded a reasonable cause for it? Did they even disclose any
uneasiness, when a reasonable cause for it was first given? Our rights
were invaded by their regulations of our internal policy. We
submitted to them: we were unwilling to oppose them. The spirit of
liberty was slow to act. When those invasions were renewed; when
the efficacy and malignancy of them were attempted to be redoubled
by the stamp act; when chains were formed for us; and preparations
were made for riveting them on our limbs, what measures did we
pursue? The spirit of liberty found it necessary now to act; but she
acted with the calmness and decent dignity suited to her character.
Were we rash or seditious? Did we discover want of loyalty to our
sovereign? Did we betray want of affection to our brethren in
Britain? Let our dutiful and reverential petitions to the throne; let
our respectful, though firm, remonstrances to the parliament; let our
warm and affectionate addresses to our brethren and (we will still
call them) our friends in Great Britain,—let all those, transmitted
from every part of the continent, testify the truth. By their testimony
let our conduct be tried.
As our proceedings, during the existence and operation of the
stamp act, prove fully and incontestably the painful sensations that
tortured our breasts from the prospect of disunion with Britain; the
peals of joy, which burst forth universally, upon the repeal of that
odious statute, loudly proclaim the heartfelt delight produced in us
by a reconciliation with her. Unsuspicious, because undesigning, we
buried our complaints, and the causes of them, in oblivion, and
returned, with eagerness, to our former unreserved confidence. Our
connection with our parent country, and the reciprocal blessings
resulting from it to her and to us, were the favorite and pleasing
topics of our public discourses and our private conversations. Lulled
into delightful security, we dreamed of nothing but increasing
fondness and friendship, cemented and strengthened by a kind and
perpetual communication of good offices. Soon, however, too soon,
were we awakened from the soothing dreams! Our enemies renewed
their designs against us, not with less malice, but with more art.
Under the plausible pretence of regulating our trade, and, at the
same time, of making provision for the administration of justice, and
the support of government, in some of the colonies, they pursued
their scheme of depriving us of our property without our consent. As
the attempts to distress us, and to degrade us to a rank inferior to
that of freemen, appeared now to be reduced into a regular system, it
became proper, on our part, to form a regular system for
counteracting them. We ceased to import goods from Great Britain.
Was this measure dictated by selfishness or by licentiousness? Did it
not injure ourselves, while it injured the British merchants and
manufacturers? Was it inconsistent with the peaceful demeanor of
subjects to abstain from making purchases, when our freedom and
our safety rendered it necessary for us to abstain from them? A
regard for our freedom and our safety was our only motive; for no
sooner had the parliament, by repealing part of the revenue laws,
inspired us with the flattering hopes, that they had departed from
their intentions of oppressing and of taxing us, than we forsook our
plan for defeating those intentions, and began to import as formerly.
Far from being peevish or captious, we took no public notice even of
their declaratory law of dominion over us: our candor led us to
consider it as a decent expedient of retreating from the actual
exercise of that dominion.
But, alas! the root of bitterness still remained. The duty on tea was
reserved to furnish occasion to the ministry for a new effort to
enslave and to ruin us; and the East India Company were chosen,
and consented to be the detested instruments of ministerial
despotism and cruelty. A cargo of their tea arrived at Boston. By a
low artifice of the governor, and by the wicked activity of the tools of
government, it was rendered impossible to store it up, or to send it
back, as was done at other places. A number of persons, unknown,
destroyed it.
Let us here make a concession to our enemies: let us suppose, that
the transaction deserves all the dark and hideous colors in which
they have painted it: let us even suppose (for our cause admits of an
excess of candor) that all their exaggerated accounts of it were
confined strictly to the truth: what will follow? Will it follow, that
every British colony in America, or even the colony of Massachusetts
Bay, or even the town of Boston, in that colony, merits the
imputation of being factious and seditious? Let the frequent mobs
and riots, that have happened in Great Britain upon much more
trivial occasions, shame our calumniators into silence. Will it follow,
because the rules of order and regular government were, in that
instance, violated by the offenders, that, for this reason, the
principles of the constitution, and the maxims of justice, must be
violated by their punishment? Will it follow, because those who were
guilty could not be known, that, therefore, those who were known
not to be guilty must suffer? Will it follow, that even the guilty should
be condemned without being heard—that they should be condemned
upon partial testimony, upon the representations of their avowed
and embittered enemies? Why were they not tried in courts of justice
known to their constitution, and by juries of their neighborhood?
Their courts and their juries were not, in the case of captain Preston,
transported beyond the bounds of justice by their resentment: why,
then, should it be presumed, that, in the case of those offenders, they
would be prevented from doing justice by their affection? But the
colonists, it seems, must be stripped of their judicial, as well as of
their legislative powers. They must be bound by a legislature, they
must be tried by a jurisdiction, not their own. Their constitutions
must be changed: their liberties must be abridged: and those who
shall be most infamously active in changing their constitutions and
abridging their liberties, must, by an express provision, be exempted
from punishment.
I do not exaggerate the matter, sir, when I extend these
observations to all the colonists. The parliament meant to extend the
effects of their proceedings to all the colonists. The plan, on which
their proceedings are formed, extends to them all. From an incident
of no very uncommon or atrocious nature, which happened in one
colony, in one town in that colony, and in which only a few of the
inhabitants of that town took a part, an occasion has been taken by
those, who probably intended it, and who certainly prepared the way
for it, to impose upon that colony, and to lay a foundation and a
precedent for imposing upon all the rest, a system of statutes,
arbitrary, unconstitutional, oppressive, in every view, and in every
degree subversive of the rights, and inconsistent with even the name,
of freemen.
Were the colonists so blind as not to discern the consequences of
these measures? Were they so supinely inactive, as to take no steps
for guarding against them? They were not. They ought not to have
been so. We saw a breach made in those barriers, which our
ancestors, British and American, with so much care, with so much
danger, with so much treasure, and with so much blood, had erected,
cemented and established for the security of their liberties, and—
with filial piety let us mention it—of ours. We saw the attack actually
begun upon one part: ought we to have folded our hands in
indolence, to have lulled our eyes in slumbers, till the attack was
carried on, so as to become irresistible, in every part? Sir, I presume
to think not. We were roused; we were alarmed, as we had reason to
be. But still our measures have been such as the spirit of liberty and
of loyalty directed; not such as the spirit of sedition or of disaffection
would pursue. Our counsels have been conducted without rashness
and faction: our resolutions have been taken without phrensy or
fury.
That the sentiments of every individual concerning that important
object, his liberty, might be known and regarded, meetings have
been held, and deliberations carried on, in every particular district.
That the sentiments of all those individuals might gradually and
regularly be collected into a single point, and the conduct of each
inspired and directed by the result of the whole united, county
committees, provincial conventions, a continental congress, have
been appointed, have met and resolved. By this means, a chain—
more inestimable, and, while the necessity for it continues, we hope,
more indissoluble than one of gold—a chain of freedom has been
formed, of which every individual in these colonies, who is willing to
preserve the greatest of human blessings, his liberty, has the pleasure
of beholding himself a link.
Are these measures, sir, the brats of disloyalty, of disaffection?
There are miscreants among us, wasps that suck poison from the
most salubrious flowers, who tell us they are. They tell us that all
those assemblies are unlawful, and unauthorized by our
constitutions; and that all their deliberations and resolutions are so
many transgressions of the duty of subjects. The utmost malice
brooding over the utmost baseness, and nothing but such a hated
commixture, must have hatched this calumny. Do not those men
know—would they have others not to know—that it was impossible
for the inhabitants of the same province, and for the legislatures of
the different provinces, to communicate their sentiments to one
another in the modes appointed for such purposes, by their different
constitutions? Do not they know—would they have others not to
know—that all this was rendered impossible by those very persons,
who now, or whose minions now, urge this objection against us? Do
not they know—would they have others not to know—that the
different assemblies, who could be dissolved by the governors, were
in consequence of ministerial mandates, dissolved by them,
whenever they attempted to turn their attention to the greatest
objects, which, as guardians of the liberty of their constituents, could
be presented to their view? The arch enemy of the human race
torments them only for those actions to which he has tempted, but to
which he has not necessarily obliged them. Those men refine even
upon infernal malice: they accuse, they threaten us, (superlative
impudence!) for taking those very steps, which we were laid under
the disagreeable necessity of taking by themselves, or by those in
whose hateful service they are enlisted. But let them know, that our
counsels, our deliberations, our resolutions, if not authorized by the
forms, because that was rendered impossible by our enemies, are
nevertheless authorized by that which weighs much more in the scale
of reason—by the spirit of our constitutions. Was the convention of
the barons at Runnymede, where the tyranny of John was checked,
and magna charta was signed, authorized by the forms of the
constitution? Was the convention parliament, that recalled Charles
the Second, and restored the monarchy, authorized by the forms of
the constitution? Was the convention of lords and commons, that
placed king William on the throne, and secured the monarchy and
liberty likewise, authorized by the forms of the constitution? I cannot
conceal my emotions of pleasure, when I observe, that the objections
of our adversaries cannot be urged against us, but in common with
those venerable assemblies, whose proceedings formed such an
accession to British liberty and British renown.
We can be at no loss in resolving, that the king cannot, by his
prerogative, alter the charter or constitution of the colony of
Massachusetts Bay. Upon what principle could such an exertion of
prerogative be justified? On the acts of parliament? They are already
proved to be void. On the discretionary power which the king has of
acting where the laws are silent? That power must be subservient to
the interest and happiness of those concerning whom it operates. But
I go further. Instead of being supported by law, or the principles of
prerogative, such an alteration is totally and absolutely repugnant to
both. It is contrary to express law. The charter and constitution, we
speak of, are confirmed by the only legislative power capable of
confirming them; and no other power, but that which can ratify, can
destroy. If it is contrary to express law, the consequence is necessary,
that it is contrary to the principles of prerogative; for prerogative can
operate only when the law is silent.
In no view can this alteration be justified, or so much as excused.
It cannot be justified or excused by the acts of parliament; because
the authority of parliament does not extend to it; it cannot be
justified or excused by the operation of prerogative; because this is
none of the cases in which prerogative can operate: it cannot be
justified or excused by the legislative authority of the colony; because
that authority never has been, and, I presume, never will be given for
any such purpose.
If I have proceeded hitherto, as I am persuaded I have, upon safe
and sure ground, I can, with great confidence, advance a step farther,
and say that all attempts to alter the charter or constitution of that
colony, unless by the authority of its own legislature, are violations of
its rights, and illegal.
If those attempts are illegal, must not all force, employed to carry
them into execution, be force employed against law, and without
authority? The conclusion is unavoidable.
Have not British subjects, then, a right to resist such force—force
acting without authority—force employed contrary to law—force
employed to destroy the very existence of law and of liberty? They
have, sir, and this right is secured to them both by the letter and the
spirit of the British constitution, by which the measures and the
conditions of their obedience are appointed. The British liberties, sir,
and the means and the right of defending them, are not the grants of
princes; and of what our princes never granted they surely can never
deprive us.
“Id rex potest,” says the law, “quod de jure potest.” The king’s
power is a power according to law. His commands, if the authority of
lord chief justice Hale may be depended upon, are under the
directive power of the law; and consequently invalid, if unlawful.
“Commissions,” says my lord Coke, “are legal; and are like the king’s
writs; and none are lawful, but such as are allowed by the common
law, or warranted by some act of parliament.”
And now, sir, let me appeal to the impartial tribunal of reason and
truth; let me appeal to every unprejudiced and judicious observer of
the laws of Britain, and of the constitution of the British government;
let me appeal, I say, whether the principles on which I argue, or the
principles on which alone my arguments can be opposed, are those
which ought to be adhered to and acted upon; which of them are
most consonant to our laws and liberties; which of them have the
strongest, and are likely to have the most effectual tendency to
establish and secure the royal power and dignity.
Are we deficient in loyalty to his majesty? Let our conduct convict,
for it will fully convict, the insinuation that we are, of falsehood. Our
loyalty has always appeared in the true form of loyalty; in obeying
our sovereign according to law; let those, who would require it in any
other form, know, that we call the persons who execute his
commands, when contrary to law, disloyal and traitors. Are we
enemies to the power of the crown? No, sir, we are its best friends:
this friendship prompts us to wish, that the power of the crown may
be firmly established on the most solid basis: but we know, that the
constitution alone will perpetuate the former, and securely uphold
the latter. Are our principles irreverent to majesty? They are quite
the reverse: we ascribe to it perfection almost divine. We say, that the
king can do no wrong: we say, that to do wrong is the property, not of
power, but of weakness. We feel oppression, and will oppose it; but
we know, for our constitution tells us, that oppression can never
spring from the throne. We must, therefore, search elsewhere for its
source: our infallible guide will direct us to it. Our constitution tells
us, that all oppression springs from the ministers of the throne. The
attributes of perfection, ascribed to the king, are, neither by the
constitution, nor in fact, communicable to his ministers. They may
do wrong; they have often done wrong; they have been often
punished for doing wrong.
Here we may discern the true cause of all the impudent clamor and
unsupported accusations of the ministers and of their minions, that
have been raised and made against the conduct of the Americans.
Those ministers and minions are sensible, that the opposition is
directed, not against his majesty, but against them; because they
have abused his majesty’s confidence, brought discredit upon his
government, and derogated from his justice. They see the public
vengeance collected in dark clouds around them: their consciences
tell them, that it should be hurled, like a thunderbolt, at their guilty
heads. Appalled with guilt and fear, they skulk behind the throne. Is
it disrespectful to drag them into public view, and make a distinction
between them and his majesty, under whose venerable name they
daringly attempt to shelter their crimes? Nothing can more
effectually contribute to establish his majesty on the throne, and to
secure to him the affections of his people, than this distinction. By it
we are taught to consider all the blessings of government as flowing
from the throne; and to consider every instance of oppression as
proceeding, which, in truth, is oftenest the case, from the ministers.
If, now, it is true, that all force employed for the purposes so often
mentioned, is force unwarranted by any act of parliament;
unsupported by any principle of the common law; unauthorized by
any commission from the crown; that, instead of being employed for
the support of the constitution and his majesty’s government, it must
be employed for the support of oppression and ministerial tyranny; if
all this is true (and I flatter myself it appears to be true), can any one
hesitate to say, that to resist such force is lawful; and that both the
letter and the spirit of the British constitution justify such resistance?
Resistance, both by the letter and the spirit of the British
constitution, may be carried further, when necessity requires it, than
I have carried it. Many examples in the English history might be
adduced, and many authorities of the greatest weight might be
brought to show, that when the king, forgetting his character and his
dignity, has stepped forth, and openly avowed and taken a part in
such iniquitous conduct as has been described; in such cases, indeed,
the distinction above mentioned, wisely made by the constitution for
the security of the crown, could not be applied; because the crown
had unconstitutionally rendered the application of it impossible.
What has been the consequence? The distinction between him and
his ministers has been lost; but they have not been raised to his
situation: he has sunk to theirs.
Speech of Patrick Henry,
March 23, 1775, in the Convention of Delegates of Virginia, On the

following resolutions, introduced by himself:
“Resolved, That a well regulated militia, composed of gentlemen
and yeomen, is the natural strength and only security of a free
government; that such a militia in this colony, would forever
render it unnecessary for the mother country to keep among us,
for the purpose of our defence, any standing army of mercenary
soldiers, always subversive of the quiet, and dangerous to the
liberties of the people, and would obviate the pretext of taxing us
for their support.
“That the establishment of such a militia is, at this time, peculiarly
necessary, by the state of our laws for the protection and defence
of the country, some of which are already expired, and others will
shortly be so; and that the known remissness of government in
calling us together in legislative capacity, renders it too insecure,
in this time of danger and distress, to rely, that opportunity will
be given of renewing them, in general assembly, or making any
provision to secure our inestimable rights and liberties from
those further violations with which they are threatened:
“Resolved, therefore, That this colony be immediately put into a
state of defence, and that be a committee to prepare a plan
for imbodying, arming and disciplining such a number of men as
may be sufficient for that purpose.”
Mr. President:—No man thinks more highly than I do of the
patriotism, as well as abilities, of the very worthy gentlemen who
have just addressed the house. But different men often see the same
subject in different lights; and, therefore, I hope it will not be
thought disrespectful to those gentlemen, if, entertaining, as I do,
opinions of a character very opposite to theirs, I shall speak forth my
sentiments freely and without reserve. This is no time for ceremony.
The question before the house is one of awful moment to this
country. For my own part, I consider it as nothing less than a
question of freedom or slavery; and in proportion to the magnitude
of the subject ought to be the freedom of the debate. It is only in this
way that we can hope to arrive at truth, and fulfil the great
responsibility which we hold to God and our country. Should I keep
back my opinions at such a time, through fear of giving offence, I
should consider myself as guilty of treason towards my country, and
of an act of disloyalty towards the Majesty of Heaven, which I revere
above all earthly kings.
Mr. President, it is natural to man to indulge in the illusions of
hope. We are apt to shut our eyes against a painful truth, and listen
to the song of that siren, till he transforms us into beasts. Is this the
part of wise men, engaged in a great and arduous struggle for liberty?
Are we disposed to be of the number of those, who, having eyes, see
not, and, having ears, hear not, the things which so nearly concern
their temporal salvation? For my part, whatever anguish of spirit it
may cost, I am willing to know the whole truth; to know the worst,
and to provide for it.
I have but one lamp by which my feet are guided; and that is the
lamp of experience. I know of no way of judging of the future but by
the past. And judging by the past, I wish to know what there has been
in the conduct of the British ministry for the last ten years, to justify
those hopes with which gentlemen have been pleased to solace
themselves and the house? Is it that insidious smile with which our
petition has been lately received? Trust it not, sir; it will prove a
snare to your feet. Suffer not yourselves to be betrayed with a kiss.
Ask yourselves how this gracious reception of our petition comports
with those warlike preparations which cover our waters and darken
our land. Are fleets and armies necessary to a work of love and
reconciliation? Have we shown ourselves so unwilling to be
reconciled, that force must be called in to win back our love? Let us
not deceive ourselves, sir. These are the implements of war and
subjugation; the last arguments to which kings resort. I ask
gentlemen, sir, what means this martial array, if its purpose be not to
force us to submission? Can gentlemen assign any other possible
motive for it? Has Great Britain any enemy, in this quarter of the
world, to call for all this accumulation of navies and armies? No, sir,
she has none. They are meant for us: they can be meant for no other.
They are sent over to bind and rivet upon us those chains, which the
British ministry have been so long forging. And what have we to
oppose to them? Shall we try argument? Sir, we have been trying that
for the last ten years. Have we any thing new to offer upon the
subject? Nothing. We have held the subject up in every light of which
it is capable; but it has been all in vain. Shall we resort to entreaty
and humble supplication? What terms shall we find, which have not
been already exhausted? Let us not, I beseech you, sir, deceive
ourselves longer. Sir, we have done every thing that could be done, to
avert the storm which is now coming on. We have petitioned; we
have remonstrated; we have supplicated; we have prostrated
ourselves before the throne, and have implored its interposition to
arrest the tyrannical hands of the ministry and parliament. Our
petitions have been slighted; our remonstrances have produced
additional violence and insult; our supplications have been
disregarded; and we have been spurned, with contempt, from the
foot of the throne! In vain, after these things, may we indulge the
fond hope of peace and reconciliation. There is no longer any room
for hope. If we wish to be free—if we mean to preserve inviolate those
inestimable privileges for which we have been so long contending—if
we mean not basely to abandon the noble struggle in which we have
been so long engaged, and which we have pledged ourselves never to
abandon, until the glorious object of our contest shall be obtained—
we must fight! I repeat it, sir, we must fight! An appeal to arms and
to the God of Hosts is all that is left us!
They tell us, sir, that we are weak; unable to cope with so
formidable an adversary. But when shall we be stronger? Will it be
the next week, or the next year? Will it be when we are totally
disarmed, and when a British guard shall be stationed in every
house? Shall we gather strength by irresolution and inaction? Shall
we acquire the means of effectual resistance, by lying supinely on our
backs, and hugging the delusive phantom of hope, until our enemies
shall have bound us hand and foot? Sir, we are not weak, if we make
a proper use of those means which the God of nature hath placed in
our power. Three millions of people, armed in the holy cause of
liberty, and in such a country as that which we possess, are invincible
by any force which our enemy can send against us. Besides, sir, we
shall not fight our battles alone. There is a just God who presides
over the destinies of nations, and who will raise up friends to fight
our battles for us. The battle, sir, is not to the strong alone; it is to the
vigilant, the active, the brave. Besides, sir, we have no election. If we
were base enough to desire it, it is now too late to retire from the
contest. There is no retreat, but in submission and slavery! Our
chains are forged! Their clanking may be heard on the plains of
Boston! The war is inevitable—and let it come! I repeat it, sir, let it
come.
It is in vain, sir, to extenuate the matter. Gentlemen may cry,
Peace, peace—but there is no peace. The war is actually begun! The
next gale, that sweeps from the north, will bring to our ears the clash
of resounding arms! Our brethren are already in the field! Why stand
we here idle? What is it that gentlemen wish? What would they have?
Is life so dear, or peace so sweet, as to be purchased at the price of
chains and slavery? Forbid it, Almighty God! I know not what course
others may take; but as for me, give me liberty, or give me death!
Supposed Speech of John Adams in favor of
the Declaration of Independence.
As given by Daniel Webster.

Sink or swim, live or die, survive or perish, I give my hand and my
heart to this vote. It is true, indeed, that in the beginning we aimed
not at independence. But there’s a divinity which shapes our ends.
The injustice of England has driven us to arms; and, blinded to her
own interest for our good, she has obstinately persisted, till
independence is now within our grasp. We have but to reach forth to
it, and it is ours.
Why then should we defer the declaration? Is any man so weak as
now to hope for a reconciliation with England, which shall leave
either safety to the country and its liberties, or safety to his own life
and his own honor? Are not you, sir, who sit in that chair, is not he,
our venerable colleague near you, are you not both already the
proscribed and predestined objects of punishment and of vengeance?
Cut off from all hope of royal clemency, what are you, what can you
be, while the power of England remains, but outlaws?
If we postpone independence, do we mean to carry on, or to give
up the war? Do we mean to submit to the measures of parliament,
Boston port bill and all? Do we mean to submit, and consent that we
ourselves shall be ground to powder, and our country and its rights
trodden down in the dust? I know we do not mean to submit. We
never shall submit.
Do we intend to violate that most solemn obligation ever entered
into by men, that plighting, before God, of our sacred honor to
Washington, when putting him forth to incur the dangers of war, as
well as the political hazards of the times, we promised to adhere to
him, in every extremity, with our fortunes and our lives? I know
there is not a man here, who would not rather see a general
conflagration sweep over the land, or an earthquake sink it, than one
jot or tittle of that plighted faith fall to the ground.
For myself, having, twelve months ago, in this place, moved you
that George Washington be appointed commander of the forces,
raised or to be raised, for defence of American liberty, may my right
hand forget her cunning, and my tongue cleave to the roof of my
mouth, if I hesitate or waver in the support I give him. The war, then,
must go on. We must fight it through. And if the war must go on, why
put off longer the declaration of independence? That measure will
strengthen us. It will give us character abroad.
The nations will then treat with us, which they never can do while
we acknowledge ourselves subjects, in arms against our sovereign.
Nay, I maintain that England, herself, will sooner treat for peace with
us on the footing of independence, than consent, by repealing her
acts, to acknowledge that her whole conduct toward us has been a
course of injustice and oppression. Her pride will be less wounded by
submitting to that course of things which now predestinates our
independence, than by yielding the points in controversy to her
rebellious subjects. The former she would regard as the result of
fortune; the latter she would feel as her own deep disgrace. Why
then, why then, sir, do we not as soon as possible change this from a
civil to a national war? And since we must fight it through, why not
put ourselves in a state to enjoy all the benefits of victory, if we gain
the victory?
If we fail, it can be no worse for us. But we shall not fail. The cause
will raise up armies; the cause will create navies. The people, the
people, if we are true to them, will carry us, and will carry
themselves, gloriously, through this struggle. I care not how fickle
other people have been found. I know the people of these colonies,
and I know that resistance to British aggression is deep and settled in
their hearts and cannot be eradicated. Every colony, indeed, has
expressed its willingness to follow, if we but take the lead. Sir, the
declaration will inspire the people with increased courage. Instead of
a long and bloody war for restoration of privileges, for redress of
grievances, for chartered immunities, held under a British king, set
before them the glorious object of entire independence, and it will
breathe into them anew the breath of life.
Read this declaration at the head of the army; every sword will be
drawn from its scabbard, and the solemn vow uttered to maintain it,
or to perish on the bed of honor. Publish it from the pulpit; religion
will approve it, and the love of religious liberty will cling round it,
resolved to stand with it, or fall with it. Send it to the public halls;
proclaim it there; let them hear it, who heard the first roar of the
enemy’s cannon; let them see it, who saw their brothers and their
sons fall on the field of Bunker hill, and in the streets of Lexington
and Concord, and the very walls will cry out in its support.
Sir, I know the uncertainty of human affairs, but I see, I see clearly
through this day’s business. You and I, indeed, may rue it. We may
not live to the time when this declaration shall be made good. We
may die; die, colonists; die, slaves; die, it may be, ignominiously and
on the scaffold. Be it so. Be it so. If it be the pleasure of Heaven that
my country shall require the poor offering of my life, the victim shall
be ready, at the appointed hour of sacrifice, come when that hour
may. But while I do live, let me have a country, or at least the hope of
a country, and that a free country.
But whatever may be our fate, be assured, be assured, that this
declaration will stand. It may cost treasure, and it may cost blood;
but it will stand, and it will richly compensate for both. Through the
thick gloom of the present, I see the brightness of the future, as the
sun in heaven. We shall make this a glorious, an immortal day. When
we are in our graves, our children will honor it. They will celebrate it
with thanksgiving, with festivity, with bonfires and illuminations. On
its annual return they will shed tears, copious, gushing tears, not of
subjection and slavery, not of agony and distress, but of exultation, of
gratitude, and of joy.
Sir, before God, I believe the hour is come. My judgment approves
this measure, and my whole heart is in it. All that I have, and all that
I am, and all that I hope, in this life, I am now ready here to stake
upon it; and I leave off as I begun, that live or die, survive or perish, I
am for the declaration. It is my living sentiment, and by the blessing
of God it shall be my dying sentiment; independence now; and
INDEPENDENCE FOR EVER.
Speech of Patrick Henry,
On the expediency of adopting the Federal Constitution delivered in the

convention of Virginia, June 24, 1788.[78] Enunciating views which have ever
since been accepted by the Democratic party.
Mr. Chairman:—The proposal of ratification is premature. The
importance of the subject requires the most mature deliberation. The
honorable member must forgive me for declaring my dissent from it,
because, if I understand it rightly, it admits that the new system is
defective, and most capitally; for, immediately after the proposed
ratification, there comes a declaration, that the paper before you is
not intended to violate any of these three great rights—the liberty of
religion, liberty of the press, and the trial by jury. What is the
inference, when you enumerate the rights which you are to enjoy?
That those not enumerated are relinquished. There are only three
things to be retained—religion, freedom of the press, and jury trial.
Will not the ratification carry every thing, without excepting these
three things? Will not all the world pronounce, that we intended to
give up all the rest? Every thing it speaks of, by way of rights, is
comprised in these three things. Your subsequent amendments only
go to these three amendments. I feel myself distressed, because the
necessity of securing our personal rights seems not to have pervaded
the minds of men; for many other valuable things are omitted. For
instance: general warrants, by which an officer may search suspected
places without evidence of the commission of a fact, or seize any
person without evidence of his crime, ought to be prohibited. As
these are admitted, any man may be seized; any property may be
taken, in the most arbitrary manner, without any evidence or reason.
Every thing, the most sacred, may be searched and ransacked by the
strong hand of power. We have infinitely more reason to dread
general warrants here, than they have in England; because there, if a
person be confined, liberty may be quickly obtained by the writ of
habeas corpus. But here, a man living many hundred miles from the
judges may rot in prison before he can get that writ.
Another most fatal omission is, with respect to standing armies. In
your bill of rights of Virginia, they are said to be dangerous to liberty;
and it tells you, that the proper defence of a free state consists in
militia; and so I might go on to ten or eleven things of immense

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2030 Agenda and India Moving from

Quantity to Quality Exploring

The Palgrave Handbook of Development Cooperation for

Socio Economic Impact Assessment of Genetically

Management of Water Quality and Quantity Martina

Asia Africa Growth Corridor Development and Cooperation

Disaster Management for 2030 Agenda of the SDG V. K.

Universities and Sustainable Communities Meeting the

Addressing the Uneven Distribution of Water Quantity

The Quality Agenda in Early Childhood Education

2030 Agenda and

More information about this series at http://www.springer.com/series/15400

Sabyasachi Saha Prativa Shaw

2030 Agenda and India:

Sabyasachi Saha Prativa Shaw

ISSN 2522-5502 ISSN 2522-5510 (electronic)

This volume emerges out of RIS work programme on Sustainable Development

1 Introduction: Sustainable Development Goals and India . . . . . . . . 1

Part I Thematic Domain

Part II Role of Actors and Partnership

Part III Emerging Paradigm and Global Partnership

About the Editors

Prof. Sachin Chaturvedi is Director General at the Research and Information

Dr. Sabyasachi Saha is an Assistant Professor at the Research and Information

Supriya Khound Centre for Sustainable Developmental Goals, Assam

Sachin Chaturvedi, T. C. James, Sabyasachi Saha and Prativa Shaw

Abstract The concept of sustainable development ﬁnds echo in the writings of

The concept of ‘sustainability’ has been built in as a paradigm to measure devel-

S. Chaturvedi T. C. James (&) S. Saha P. Shaw

© Springer Nature Singapore Pte Ltd. 2019 1

Affects the Future Improvement of Society, published in 1798 (Malthus 1926).

The United Nations member countries negotiated a global agenda on sustainable

2 The Path Towards ‘Convergence’ for Achieving

Application of MDGs led to a growing realisation that singular target-oriented

However, the exercise of identifying the 17 goals and numerous underlying

3 Quantity to Quality: India’s Emphasis on ‘Convergence’

As the centre of the global economy is increasingly shifting ‘south-wards’ with

4 Layout and Scope of the Volume

R. S. Paroda and P. K. Joshi

Abstract Irrespective of high economic growth the agriculture sector in India is at

Keywords Food security Land reforms Water management Sustainable

© Springer Nature Singapore Pte Ltd. 2019 17

January, 1775, in the Convention for the Province of Pennsylvania,

IN VINDICATION OF THE COLONIES.

“A most daring spirit of resistance and disobedience still prevails in

March 23, 1775, in the Convention of Delegates of Virginia, On the

As given by Daniel Webster.

On the expediency of adopting the Federal Constitution delivered in the

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