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Basics of Algebra, Topology, and Differential
Calculus
Jean Gallier
Department of Computer and Information Science
University of Pennsylvania
Philadelphia, PA 19104, USA
e-mail: jean@cis.upenn.edu
c Jean Gallier
1 Introduction 11
5 Determinants 139
5.1 Permutations, Signature of a Permutation . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 139
5.2 Alternating Multilinear Maps . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 143
5.3 Definition of a Determinant . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 146
5.4 Inverse Matrices and Determinants . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 153
5.5 Systems of Linear Equations and Determinants . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 156
5.6 Determinant of a Linear Map . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 157
5.7 The Cayley–Hamilton Theorem . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 158
5.8 Permanents . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 163
3
4 CONTENTS
29 Topology 843
29.1 Metric Spaces and Normed Vector Spaces . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 843
29.2 Topological Spaces . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 849
29.3 Continuous Functions, Limits . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 858
29.4 Connected Sets . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 865
29.5 Compact Sets . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 874
29.6 Sequential Compactness in Metric Spaces . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 885
29.7 Complete Metric Spaces and Compactness . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 893
29.8 Continuous Linear and Multilinear Maps . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 899
29.9 Normed Affine Spaces . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 904
29.10 Futher Readings . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 904
Bibliography 1013
10 CONTENTS
Chapter 1
Introduction
11
12 CHAPTER 1. INTRODUCTION
Chapter 2
(G2) a e = e a = a. (identity);
1 1 1
(G3) For every a 2 G, there is some a 2 G such that a a =a a = e. (inverse).
A group G is abelian (or commutative) if
a b = b a for all a, b 2 G.
13
14 CHAPTER 2. VECTOR SPACES, BASES, LINEAR MAPS
Example 2.1.
3. Given any nonempty set S, the set of bijections f : S ! S, also called permutations
of S, is a group under function composition (i.e., the multiplication of f and g is the
composition g f ), with identity element the identity function idS . This group is not
abelian as soon as S has more than two elements.
4. The set of n n invertible matrices with real (or complex) coefficients is a group under
matrix multiplication, with identity element the identity matrix In . This group is
called the general linear group and is usually denoted by GL(n, R) (or GL(n, C)).
and
a e00 = a for all a 2 M, (G2r)
then e0 = e00 .
e0 e00 = e00 ,
e0 e00 = e0 ,
and thus
e0 = e0 e00 = e00 ,
as claimed.
2.1. GROUPS, RINGS, AND FIELDS 15
Fact 1 implies that the identity element of a monoid is unique, and since every group is
a monoid, the identity element of a group is unique. Furthermore, every element in a group
has a unique inverse. This is a consequence of a slightly more general fact:
Fact 2. In a monoid M with identity element e, if some element a 2 M has some left inverse
a0 2 M and some right inverse a00 2 M , which means that
a0 a = e (G3l)
and
a a00 = e, (G3r)
then a0 = a00 .
Proof. Using (G3l) and the fact that e is an identity element, we have
Similarly, Using (G3r) and the fact that e is an identity element, we have
a0 (a a00 ) = a0 e = a0 .
as claimed.
Remark: Axioms (G2) and (G3) can be weakened a bit by requiring only (G2r) (the exis-
tence of a right identity) and (G3r) (the existence of a right inverse for every element) (or
(G2l) and (G3l)). It is a good exercise to prove that the group axioms (G2) and (G3) follow
from (G2r) and (G3r).
If a group G has a finite number n of elements, we say that G is a group of order n. If
G is infinite, we say that G has infinite order . The order of a group is usually denoted by
jGj (if G is finite).
Given a group G, for any two subsets R, S G, we let
RS = fr s j r 2 R, s 2 Sg.
gS = fg s j s 2 Sg,
Rg = fr g j r 2 Rg.
16 CHAPTER 2. VECTOR SPACES, BASES, LINEAR MAPS
From now on, we will drop the multiplication sign and write g1 g2 for g1 g2 .
For any g 2 G, define Lg , the left translation by g, by Lg (a) = ga, for all a 2 G, and
Rg , the right translation by g, by Rg (a) = ag, for all a 2 G. Observe that Lg and Rg are
bijections. We show this for Lg , the proof for Rg being similar.
If Lg (a) = Lg (b), then ga = gb, and multiplying on the left by g 1 , we get a = b, so Lg
injective. For any b 2 G, we have Lg (g 1 b) = gg 1 b = b, so Lg is surjective. Therefore, Lg
is bijective.
(1) e 2 H;
Proof. We just have to prove that condition (3) of Definition 2.2 holds. For any a 2 H, since
the left translation La is bijective, its restriction to H is injective, and since H is finite, it is
also bijective. Since e 2 H, there is a unique b 2 H such that La (b) = ab = e. However, if
a 1 is the inverse of a in G, we also have La (a 1 ) = aa 1 = e, and by injectivity of La , we
have a 1 = b 2 H.
Definition 2.3. If H is a subgroup of G and g 2 G is any element, the sets of the form gH
are called left cosets of H in G and the sets of the form Hg are called right cosets of H in
G.
The left cosets (resp. right cosets) of H induce an equivalence relation defined as
follows: For all g1 , g2 2 G,
g1 g2 iff g1 H = g2 H
(resp. g1 g2 iff Hg1 = Hg2 ). Obviously, is an equivalence relation.
Now, we claim that g1 H = g2 H iff g2 1 g1 H = H iff g2 1 g1 2 H.
2.1. GROUPS, RINGS, AND FIELDS 17
Proof. If we apply the bijection Lg2−1 to both g1 H and g2 H we get Lg2−1 (g1 H) = g2 1 g1 H
and Lg2−1 (g2 H) = H, so g1 H = g2 H iff g2 1 g1 H = H. If g2 1 g1 H = H, since 1 2 H, we get
g2 1 g1 2 H. Conversely, if g2 1 g1 2 H, since H is a group, the left translation Lg2−1 g1 is a
bijection of H, so g2 1 g1 H = H. Thus, g2 1 g1 H = H iff g2 1 g1 2 H.
It follows that the equivalence class of an element g 2 G is the coset gH (resp. Hg).
Since Lg is a bijection between H and gH, the cosets gH all have the same cardinality. The
map Lg−1 Rg is a bijection between the left coset gH and the right coset Hg, so they also
have the same cardinality. Since the distinct cosets gH form a partition of G, we obtain the
following fact:
Proposition 2.3. (Lagrange) For any finite group G and any subgroup H of G, the order
h of H divides the order n of G.
The ratio n/h is denoted by (G : H) and is called the index of H in G. The index (G : H)
is the number of left (and right) cosets of H in G. Proposition 2.3 can be stated as
jGj = (G : H)jHj.
The set of left cosets of H in G (which, in general, is not a group) is denoted G/H.
The “points” of G/H are obtained by “collapsing” all the elements in a coset into a single
element.
It is tempting to define a multiplication operation on left cosets (or right cosets) by
setting
(g1 H)(g2 H) = (g1 g2 )H,
but this operation is not well defined in general, unless the subgroup H possesses a special
property. This property is typical of the kernels of group homomorphisms, so we are led to
Definition 2.4. Given any two groups G and G0 , a function ϕ : G ! G0 is a homomorphism
iff
ϕ(g1 g2 ) = ϕ(g1 )ϕ(g2 ), for all g1 , g2 2 G.
ϕ 1 (H 0 ) = fg 2 G j ϕ(g) 2 H 0 g
Ker ϕ = fg 2 G j ϕ(g) = e0 g.
It is immediately verified that ϕ : G ! G0 is injective iff Ker ϕ = feg. (We also write
Ker ϕ = (0).) We say that ϕ is an isomorphism if there is a homomorphism ψ : G0 ! G, so
that
ψ ϕ = idG and ϕ ψ = idG0 .
In this case, ψ is unique and it is denoted ϕ 1 . When ϕ is an isomorphism we say the the
groups G and G0 are isomorphic. It is easy to see that a bijective homomorphism is an
isomorphism. When G0 = G, a group isomorphism is called an automorphism. The left
translations Lg and the right translations Rg are automorphisms of G.
We claim that H = Ker ϕ satisfies the following property:
This is denoted by N C G.
(2) If g1 N = g2 N , then g1 1 N = g2 1 N .
π(g) = g = gN x
Proposition 2.4. Given an abelian group G, if H1 and H2 are any subgroups of G such
that H1 \ H2 = f0g, then the map a is an isomorphism
a : H1 H2 ! H1 + H2 .
Proof. The map is surjective by definition, so we just have to check that it is injective. For
this, we show that Ker a = f(0, 0)g. We have a(a1 , a2 ) = 0 iff a1 + a2 = 0 iff a1 = a2 . Since
a1 2 H1 and a2 2 H2 , we see that a1 , a2 2 H1 \ H2 = f0g, so a1 = a2 = 0, which proves that
Ker a = f(0, 0)g.
20 CHAPTER 2. VECTOR SPACES, BASES, LINEAR MAPS
The identity element for addition is denoted 0, and the additive inverse of a 2 A is
denoted by a. More explicitly, the axioms of a ring are the following equations which hold
for all a, b, c 2 A:
a + (b + c) = (a + b) + c (associativity of +) (2.1)
a+b=b+a (commutativity of +) (2.2)
a+0=0+a=a (zero) (2.3)
a + ( a) = ( a) + a = 0 (additive inverse) (2.4)
a (b c) = (a b) c (associativity of ) (2.5)
a 1=1 a=a (identity for ) (2.6)
(a + b) c = (a c) + (b c) (distributivity) (2.7)
a (b + c) = (a b) + (a c) (distributivity) (2.8)
a 0 = 0 a=0 (2.9)
a ( b) = ( a) b = (a b). (2.10)
Note that (2.9) implies that if 1 = 0, then a = 0 for all a 2 A, and thus, A = f0g. The
ring A = f0g is called the trivial ring. A ring for which 1 6= 0 is called nontrivial . The
multiplication a b of two elements a, b 2 A is often denoted by ab.
Example 2.2.
2.1. GROUPS, RINGS, AND FIELDS 21
However, the reader should prove that Z/pZ is an integral domain if p is prime (in
fact, it is a field).
5. The ring of n n matrices Mn (R) is not an integral domain. It has zero divisors.
Example 2.4.
1. If A is a ring, for any integer n 2 Z, for any a 2 A, we define n a by
n a=a
| + {z + a}
n
if n 0 (with 0 a = 0) and
n a= ( n) a
if n < 0. Then, the map h : Z ! A given by
h(n) = n 1A
ηλ (f (X)) = f (λ)
(F3) is commutative.
If is not commutative but (F1) and (F2) hold, we say that we have a skew field (or
noncommutative field ).
Note that we are assuming that the operation of a field is commutative. This convention
is not universally adopted, but since will be commutative for most fields we will encounter,
we may as well include this condition in the definition.
Example 2.5.
1. The rings Q, R, and C are fields.
2. The set of (formal) fractions f (X)/g(X) of polynomials f (X), g(X) 2 R[X], where
g(X) is not the null polynomial, is a field.
3. The ring C(]a, b[) of continuous functions f : ]a, b[! R such that f (x) 6= 0 for all
x 2]a, b[ is a field.
and
1 = h(1) = h(x 1 x) = h(x 1 )h(x),
so h(x) 6= 0 and
h(x 1 ) = h(x) 1 .
But then, if h(x) = 0, we must have x = 0. Consequently, h is injective.
24 CHAPTER 2. VECTOR SPACES, BASES, LINEAR MAPS
Fix(h) = fa 2 K j h(a) = ag
the family a can be viewed as the set of pairs a = f(i, a(i)) j i 2 Ig. For notational
simplicity, we write ai instead of a(i), and denote the family a = f(i, a(i)) j i 2 Ig by (ai )i2I .
For example, if I = fr, g, b, yg and A = N, the set of pairs
is an indexed family. The element 2 appears twice in the family with the two distinct tags
r and b.
When the indexed set I is totally ordered, a family (ai )i2I often called an I-sequence.
Interestingly, sets can be viewed as special cases of families. Indeed, a set A can be viewed
as the A-indexed family f(a, a) j a 2 Ig corresponding to the identity function.
Remark: An indexed family should not be confused with a multiset. Given any set A, a
multiset is a similar to a set, except that elements of A may occur more than once. For
example, if A = fa, b, c, dg, then fa, a, a, b, c, c, d, dg is a multiset. Each element appears
with a certain multiplicity, but the order of the elements does not matter. For example, a
has multiplicity 3. Formally, a multiset is a function s : A ! N, or equivalently a set of pairs
f(a, i) j a 2 Ag. Thus, a multiset is an A-indexed family of elements from N, but not a
N-indexed family, since distinct elements may have the same multiplicity (such as c an d in
the example above). An indexed family is a generalization of a sequence, but a multiset is a
generalization of a set.
WePalso need to take care of an annoying technicality, which is to define sums of the
form i2I ai , where I is any finite index set and (ai )i2I is a family of elements in some set
A equiped with a binary operation + : A A ! A which is associative (axiom (G1)) and
commutative. This will come up when we define linear combinations.
26 CHAPTER 2. VECTOR SPACES, BASES, LINEAR MAPS
The issue is that the binary operation + only tells us how to compute a1 + a2 for two
elements of A, but it does not tell us what is the sum of three of more elements. For example,
how should a1 + a2 + a3 be defined?
What we have to do is to define a1 +a2 +a3 by using a sequence of steps each involving two
elements, and there are two possible ways to do this: a1 + (a2 + a3 ) and (a1 + a2 ) + a3 . If our
operation + is not associative, these are different values. If it associative, then a1 +(a2 +a3 ) =
(a1 + a2 ) + a3 , but then there are still six possible permutations of the indices 1, 2, 3, and if
+ is not commutative, these values are generally different. If our operation is commutative,
then all six permutations have the same value. P Thus, if + is associative and commutative,
it seems intuitively clear that a sum of the form i2I ai does not depend on the order of the
operations used to compute it.
This is indeed the case, but a rigorous proof requires induction, and such a proof is
surprisingly
P involved. Readers may accept without proof the fact that sums of the form
i2I ai are indeed well defined, and jump directly to Definition 2.9. For those who want to
see the gory details, here we go.
P
First, we define sums i2I ai , where I is a finite sequence of distinct natural numbers,
say I = (i1 , . . . , im ). If I = (i1 , . . . , im ) with m 2, we denote the sequence (i2 , . . . , im ) by
I fi1 g. We proceed by induction on the size m of I. Let
X
ai = ai 1 , if m = 1,
i2I
X X
ai = ai 1 + ai , if m > 1.
i2I i2I fi1 g
If the operation + is not associative, the grouping of the terms matters. For instance, in
general
a1 + (a2 + (a3 + a4 )) 6= (a1 + a2 ) + (a3 + a4 ).
P
However, if the operation + is associative, the sum i2I ai should not depend on the grouping
of the elements in I, as long as their order is preserved. For example, if I = (1, 2, 3, 4, 5),
J1 = (1, 2), and J2 = (3, 4, 5), we expect that
X X X
ai = aj + aj .
i2I j2J1 j2J2
Proposition 2.5. Given any nonempty set A equipped with an associative binary operation
+ : A A ! A, for any nonempty finite sequence I of distinct natural numbers and for
any partition of I into p nonempty sequences Ik1 , . . . , Ikp , for some nonempty sequence K =
(k1 , . . . , kp ) of distinct natural numbers such that ki < kj implies that α < β for all α 2 Iki
and all β 2 Ikj , for every sequence (ai )i2I of elements in A, we have
X X X
aα = aα .
α2I k2K α2Ik
and
X X X X
aα = aβ + aα .
k2K α2Ik j2J α2Ij
If we add the righthand side to aβ , using associativity and the definition of an indexed sum,
we get
X X X X X X
aβ + aα + aα = aβ + aα + aα
α2Ik0 j2J α2Ij α2Ik0 j2J α2Ij
1 1
X X X
= aα + aα
α2Ik1 j2J α2Ij
X X
= aα ,
k2K α2Ik
as claimed.
Pn P
If I = (1, . . . , n), we also write
Pn i=1 a i instead of i2I ai . Since + is associative, Propo-
sition 2.5 shows that the sum i=1 ai is independent of the grouping of its elements, which
justifies the use the notation a1 + + an (without any parentheses).
If we also assume that
P our associative binary operation on A is commutative, then we
can show that the sum i2I ai does not depend on the ordering of the index set I.
Proposition 2.6. Given any nonempty set A equipped with an associative and commutative
binary operation + : A A ! A, for any two nonempty finite sequences I and J of distinct
natural numbers such that J is a permutation of I (in other words, the unlerlying sets of I
and J are identical), for every sequence (ai )i2I of elements in A, we have
X X
aα = aα .
α2I α2J
then using associativity and commutativity several times (more rigorously, using induction
on i1 1), we get
iX
1 1 Xp iX 1 1 Xp
ai 1 + ai + ai = ai + ai 1 + ai
i=1 i=i1 +1 i=1 i=i1 +1
p
X
= ai ,
i=1
as claimed.
The cases where i1 = 1 or i1 = p are treated similarly, but in a simpler manner since
either P = () or Q = () (where () denotes the empty sequence).
P
Having done all this, we can now make sense of sums of the form i2I ai , for any finite
indexed set I and any family a = (ai )i2I of elements in A, where A is a set equipped with a
binary operation + which is associative and commutative.
Indeed, since I is finite, it is in bijection with the set f1, . . . , ng for some n 2 N, and any
total ordering on I corresponds to a permutation I of f1, . . . , ng (where P we identify a
permutation with its image). For any total ordering on I, we define i2I, ai as
X X
ai = aj .
i2I, j2I
0
Then, for any other total ordering on I, we have
X X
ai = aj ,
i2I, 0 j2I0
and since I and I 0 are different permutations of f1, . . . , ng, by Proposition 2.6, we have
X X
aj = aj .
j2I j2I0
P
Therefore,
P the sum i2I, ai does
P not depend on the total ordering on I. We define the sum
i2I ai as the common value i2I, ai for all total orderings of I.
Vector spaces are defined as follows.
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was a disk of the yellow metal, representing the sun with its rays, as
large as a carriage wheel, ten spans in diameter, ornamented in
demi-relief and valued at thirty-eight hundred pesos de oro.[168] A
companion disk of solid silver, of the same size, and equally
ornamented, represented the moon.[169] Then there were thirty
golden ducks, well fashioned; a number of other pieces in form of
dogs, lions, monkeys, and other animals; ten collars, a necklace with
over one hundred pendent stones called emeralds and rubies by the
Spaniards; twelve arrows, a bow with cord stretched, two staves
each five palms in length; fans, bracelets, and other pieces, all of
fine gold, beside a number of silver. What could have delighted the
Spaniards more? One thing only, and that was not wanting—the gilt
helmet returned full of virgin gold, fine dust and coarse, with a
plentiful mixture of nuggets of various sizes and shapes, all fresh
from the placers. The value of this was three thousand pesos, and
appreciation was attracted not so much by the amount as by the
significance of the gift, as Bernal Diaz remarks, for it afforded a sure
indication of the existence of rich mines in the country. “It was this
gift which cost Montezuma his head,”[170] says Torquemada.
The words which followed fell on closed ears. These so greatly
admired gifts are but a slight token of the high regard of the emperor,
who would be pleased to form a friendship with his king; but he could
not think of troubling Cortés to come to him through a hostile
country; besides, he was ailing. Everything the visitors might wish to
aid their departure would be instantly supplied. This and more. Poor,
foolish monarch! As well might he ask the ravenous wolf to depart
after giving it to lick a little blood from his scratched hand. For the
gifts, a thousand thanks; but after so long a voyage, undertaken
solely for the purpose, the Spanish captain dared not face his master
without having seen the great Montezuma. As for the road, its
difficulties or dangers were nothing. Would the chiefs present their
monarch these further articles, and bring speedy answer?[171]
Meanwhile discussion was in order among the Spaniards, and
speculation as to what should be done. Some advised immediate
advance on Montezuma’s capital; some, fearful of the nation’s
strength, as manifested by its arts and refinements, favored return to
Cuba for reinforcements. Cortés let them talk, but said little. Traffic at
first was freely permitted among the men,[172] and as the result was
meagre Cortés did not think it worth while to require of them a
division. To this irregularity certain of the Velazquez leaders
objected, demanding at least that the royal fifth should be deducted;
the commander therefore ordered gold to be received only by
Gonzalo Mejía, as treasurer.[173]
Ten days elapsed before Teuhtlile returned, without the envoy,
[174]but followed by a file of slaves bearing, among other things, as
a present to the Spanish king, ten loads of rich feathers and robes,
some gold figures valued at three thousand pesos, and four
chalchiuite stones, each declared to be worth a load of gold, but of
no value to Europeans.
Teuhtlile then stated that further messages to the emperor were
useless, since the desired interview could not be granted. He hoped
the Spaniards would content themselves with the promised supplies
and depart in peace.
Turning to his companions, Cortés said: “Truly this must be a
great lord, and rich; and, God willing, some day we will visit him.”
Just then the bell struck for Ave María, and instantly, with uncovered
heads, the soldiers were kneeling round the cross. The priests, ever
ready to preach their faith where an opportunity presented, were
soon at work. His words, however, made a bad impression on the
governor, as had also the evasive answer of Cortés to his message.
He bade a cold farewell, and the next morning the Spaniards awoke
to find the native encampment deserted, and even the supplies
carried away. Precautions were now taken against probable attack,
by sending on board the provisions and all cumbrous articles,
leaving embarkation easy at any moment.[175]
FOOTNOTES
[149] See Native Races, iv. 434. Duran’s native records call this the ‘port’ of
Chalchuihqueyacan. Hist. Ind., MS., ii. 389. The spelling by different authorities
differs greatly. Clavigero, and Veytia, Hist. Ant. Méj., iii. 377, give April 21 as the
date of arrival, while Bustamante, in Sahagun, Hist. Conq. (ed. Mex. 1845), 135,
makes it the 22d. Year Ce Acatl. Ixtlilxochitl, Rel., 411. Sahagun, Hist. Conq., i. 7.,
says 13 conejos.
[151] According to Gomara, Hist. Mex., 40, and Herrera, dec. ii. lib. v. cap. iv., this
new interpreter is not discovered until four days later.
[153] Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 24-5. According to Gomara she was born in
Viluta, in the direction of Jalisco, the daughter of rich parents, related to the
cacique. From them she was stolen by traders and sold in Xicalanco. Hist. Mex.,
40. The town and district may be a corruption of Huilotlan, in Xalatzinco, which
Ixtlilxochitl, Hist. Chich., 287, gives as her native place, and this may be identical
with the present Oluta or Holuta, near Acayucan, on the isthmus of Tehuantepec.
Painala is no longer known. Fossey, who travelled through the region, states that
tradition makes Xaltipan or Altipan her birthplace, and in support of this belief a
mountain is pointed out, close to the town, bearing the name of Malinche.
Mexique, 26-7; Gomara, Hist. Mex. (Bustamante ed.), i. 41; Berendt, in Salazar,
Méx. en 1554, 178; Herrera, dec. ii. lib. v. cap. vi.; Sahagun, Hist. Conq. i. 15,
mentions Teticpac, and Oviedo names Mexico as Marina’s native place, iii. 259,
while Saavedra undertakes to reconcile the different statements by supposing that
her family came originally from Jalisco, west of Anáhuac, to Mexico city, and
thence to Goazacoalco. Her high intelligence indicates that she was educated in
the capital. Dic. Univ., ix. 774.
[154] Mexicans being unable to pronounce the ‘r,’ Marina became Malina, to which
the tzin was added in respect, equivalent to doña or lady. Malinche was a Spanish
corruption, which was at times applied by the Indians to Cortés, as the lord and
companion of Marina, and Juan Perez de Arteaga had also the appellation added
to his name, from being so often with her. Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 52. Another
conjecture is that her original name was Malina, or Malinalli, signifying ‘twisted
thing,’ the term for one of the Mexican days, applied in accordance with a native
custom of giving children the name of their birthday. The name indeed is not
uncommon, the lord of Tlachquiauhco, for instance, being called Malinal or
Malinaltzin. Vetancvrt, Teatro Mex., ii. 31, 40. On finding her own name so similar
to Marina, the Spanish priest gave her this at the font. The Indians usually
acquired a surname after they grew up, and Tenepal is that found for Marina.
Sigüenza y Góngora, Paraiso Occid., 38; Salazar y Olarte, Conq. Mex., 217;
Arróniz, Orizaba, 171, 182. To Cortés she bore a son, who was recognized by his
father and raised to the rank of a knight of Santiago. While on the way with Cortés
to Honduras, in 1524, she was legally married to Captain Juan Jaramillo. This took
place at Ostoticpac, near Orizaba, and excited no little comment. Some believe
that the arrival of Cortés’ wife was the cause of the marriage; but although this
may have led to his separation from Marina, it could not have affected the
marriage, since the wife was already dead. Cortés no doubt found her an
incumbrance, and sought to be rid of it in a manner honorable to her at least.
Gomara accuses him of having made Jaramillo drunk for the purpose. Hist. Mex.,
251; but this Bernal Diaz corrects. He knew one of the witnesses at the ceremony.
Hist. Verdad., 25. Jaramillo had achieved a certain prominence as commander of
one of the brigantines which aided in the siege of Mexico, and in other affairs, and
is said to have been an hidalgo. Ixtlilxochitl marries her to Aguilar, probably
because this seemed a fit union. Hist. Chich., 287. Camargo, Hist. Tlax., 143.
Shortly after her marriage the army halted at Goazacoalco, whither all the chiefs of
the neighborhood were summoned to tender submission and to receive instruction
in the faith. Among them was a young cacique with his mother, whose
resemblance to Marina at once called the attention of all acquainted with the story,
and led to her recognition as the heartless parent. The old dame feared for her life,
but Marina reassured her with tender caresses, excusing her conduct as
controlled by the deceased stepfather, and cheered her with a number of presents.
She presented her husband, and referred with fond pride to the son she had given
to Cortés. Both mother and half-brother accepted baptism, he receiving the name
of Lázaro, and she that of Marta, an appropriate name for one who perhaps lived
long enough to lament the ruin of her people and country, an indirect result of her
unnatural treatment of Marina. Bernal Diaz, who witnessed all this, and became
further acquainted with the family, declares Gomara wrong, and says: ‘Conoci á su
madre, y á su hermano,’ concluding ‘todo esto que digo, se lo oî muy
certificadamente, y se lo jurò, amen.’ Hist. Verdad., 25; Clavigero, Storia Mess., iii.
12-14; Cogolludo, Hist. Yucathan, 38. Returning to Mexico, she received lands
there and in her native province, but took up her residence in the capital, where
her husband held a prominent position through his wealth and offices, such as
regidor and as the first alférez of the city. ‘Recibieron pr Alferes de esta Ciudad a
Juan Xaramillo.’ ‘Primer Alferes.’ Libro de Cabildo, MS., 216. Reference is made
to lots and other grants made to him and his wife Doña Marina, on March 14,
1528, and other dates. Id. Both held repartimientos, one of which lay in Xilotepec.
Marina appears to have been still living in Mexico city in 1550, impressing her
memory upon the hearts of the grateful people, over whose welfare she even now
watches. Invoked by them, her spirit is frequently encountered in its twilight flights
on errands of mercy and consolation, issuing from the ancient groves of
Chapultepec, where centres the recollection of Aztec glories. Ballads still
perpetuate her virtues, and many a nature’s monument bears proudly the beloved
name of Malintzin. Tradition also transforms her into a naiad who daily rises from
the pool of Chapultepec, singing divinely. Rodriguez, Anáhuac, 461. She appears
to have had several children by Cortés. Peralta mentions five besides Martin, of
whom two died while young. The three remaining were daughters, of whom two
became nuns, and the third, Leonor, the wife of Martin de Tolosa. Nat. Hist., 75.
This is not wholly correct, however, for in the Libro de Gobierno del Virey Mendoza
is a document, dated April, 1550, wherein the viceroy grants a petition from her in
favor of her grandson, Don Alonso de Estrada, son of Luis de Saavedra,
deceased, and encomendero of Tilantongo town. Alaman’s notes, in Prescott’s
Mex. (Mex. 1844), ii. 268-9. In Cortés, Residencia, i. 123, ii. 70, 101, witnesses
refer also to a daughter of the interpreter Marina, with whom Cortés is accused of
having tampered, as he did with the mother. If so, this can hardly be Saavedra’s
wife, but a Tabascan child; yet Marina’s master would not have presented a
woman incumbered with a child when he sought to do honor to the Spaniards.
Saavedra allows Marina to proceed to Spain with her husband, who procured for
her a high position at court. Here she died, leaving several children, from whom
descended some of the first families in Spain. Dic. Univ., ix. 778. But this authority
is too full of blunders to be relied upon. Ideal portraits are given in Carbajal
Espinosa, Hist. Mex., ii. 65, and Zamacois, Hist. Méj., ii. 350.
[155] I have said, as the native record interpreted by Tezozomoc and Duran
relates, that the fleet is sighted and reported long before it reaches San Juan de
Ulua—from Tabasco, says Vetancvrt, Teatro Mex., ii. 114. Montezuma, who had
already begun to hope that the strangers would never return, becomes sad with
apprehension; yet he orders special relays to be stationed on the route to the
coast, in order to bring speedy news, commands his lieutenant to furnish the
strangers with all they need, and sends Tlillancalqui, the messenger who met
Grijalva, to ascertain their object. He is instructed to declare that Montezuma holds
the throne as mere deputy at the disposal of the white god, for he supposes that it
is Quetzalcoatl, as before. If the god intends to proceed to Mexico the roads will
be cleaned, and the towns and stations prepared for his accommodation.
Tlillancalqui delivers his message, together with a necklace of gold set with
precious stones, and in his eagerness to please the strange beings he offers fowl
and tortilla to horses as well as men. Cortés signifies his wish to go to Mexico, and
asks that chiefs be sent to guide him. Tlillancalqui hurries back with the message,
leaving orders to supply the Spaniards with all they desire. Duran, Hist. Ind., MS.,
ii. 389-96; Tezozomoc, Hist. Mex., ii. 250-3. According to the version by Sahagun
and Torquemada, Montezuma sends the same messengers whom he despatched
the year before to seek Grijalva, but who arrived too late. Their names are
Yohualychan, the leader, Tepuztecatl, Tizahua, Huehuetecatl, and
Hueycamecatleca. With them are sent the presents already prepared for Grijalva,
and the sacerdotal vestments of Quetzalcoatl. On reaching the flag-ship they
inquire for their king and god Quetzalcoatl. At first surprised, Cortés the next
moment catches the clue. Seating himself on an improvised throne, surrounded by
a large suite, he orders the messengers to appear. Being told that he is the
personage whom they seek, they prostrate themselves, kissing the deck. The
leader thereupon addresses him: ‘Welcome, god and master; long have we, your
servants and vassals, waited for you. Montezuma, your vassal and lieutenant,
sends us to salute you, and begs the acceptance of this small present and these
precious ornaments, once used by you as our king and god.’ They now array him
in the vestments of Quetzalcoatl, adding also many ornaments pertaining to the
gods Tezcatlipoca and Tlalocatecuhtli, as if to proclaim him the greatest of the
gods. The most attractive pieces are a bejewelled and plume head-dress, and a
necklace of precious stones. ‘Is this all the gift of welcome that you bring?’ asks
Cortés. ‘Lord and king, it is all that was given us for your Majesty,’ was the reply.
They are given food and accommodation for the night. In order to impress upon
them the full extent of Spanish power, they are tied hands and feet while the
horses are exhibited, the arms displayed, and the guns fired. They are then told
that the white men have heard the fame of Mexican warriors, as able to overcome
ten or even twenty times superior numbers, and desire a proof thereof by fighting
them in equal force. Swords and shields are given them, but they decline, pleading
their character as mere envoys. They are thereupon insulted as cowards, and told
that the white men will descend upon their country, kill all who resist, take
possession of the government, and secure better presents than those sent them.
The messengers now hurry back to Mexico without informing any one on the way
of what has occurred. Torquemada, i. 381-4; Sahagun, Hist. Conq., i. 7-11;
Sigüenza y Góngora, El Fenix, MS., 273-8.
[156] Teudilli, or Quitaluor, from Cotosta, is Gomara’s corrupt form. Hist. Mex., 39.
Herrera calls Teuthlille the chief governor, and Pitalpitoe a chief. dec. ii. lib. v. cap.
iv. Teutile, captain-general, and Pilpatoe, governor. Solis, Hist. Mex., i. 119. Teotlili
arrives on Monday. Ixtlilxochitl, Hist. Chich., 286. ‘Tendile, y Pitalpitoque eran
Gouernadores de vnas Prouincias que se dizen, Cotastlan, Tustepeque,
Guazpaltepeque, Tlatalteteclo, y de otros pueblos que nueuamẽte teniã
sojuzgados.’ Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 26. He means, however, that Tendile is
the chief governor. Pinotl had evidently left. Cuetlachtlan province appears to have
extended from Rio Papaloapan, or Alvarado, to Rio de la Antigua.
[157] Ixtlilxochitl and Gomara place the number attending at over 4,000.
[158] Here Solis takes Bernal Diaz to task for asserting that mass had been
already said on Friday. Hist. Mex., i. 121. But the scholar is too severe upon the
soldier, whose head is true enough, however may be his tongue.
[159] ‘All Gomara’s fictions,’ sneers Las Casas, Hist. Ind., iv. 484, who ignores
Marina’s ability to interpret, and thinks the interview was limited to the simplest
expressions conveyed by signs.
[160] Carta del Ayunt., ubi sup., 19. Gomara, Hist. Mex., 39-41, while he does not
refer to a helmet, states that Cortés asked for gold, as a remedy for heart disease,
from which he and his men were suffering.
[161] ‘Dexo alli dos hombres principales, como capitanes, con hasta dos mil
personas entre mugeres y hombres de servicio, y fuese a Cotosta.’ Gomara, Hist.
Mex., 41. He left over 1000 to wait upon the Spaniards, and over 1000 to carry
supplies. Las Casas, Hist. Ind., iv. 482; Ixtlilxochitl, Hist. Chich., 287; Bernal Diaz,
Hist. Verdad., 26, supposes that Teuhtlile went in person to Mexico, but not so
Gomara and Ixtlilxochitl.
[162] ‘Y desque viò el casco, y el que tenia su Huichilobos, tuuo por cierto, que
eramos del linage de los que les auian dicho sus antepassados, que vendrian á
señorear aquesta tierra.’ Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 26. This statement is followed
by a cut at Gomara for giving unreliable information. Camargo, Hist. Tlasc., 141.
The native version of Sahagun and Torquemada describes how the messengers
are sprinkled with fresh human blood, as customary with important bearers of
news, before presenting themselves before Montezuma. They arouse his
admiration by speaking of the wonders beheld, of the penetrating swords, the
sulphurous smell of the thunder smoke, and of the intoxicating food; but when they
relate how outrageously they have been treated and how the strangers threatened
to conquer the country, then the emperor wept, and with him all the city. Sahagun,
Hist. Conq., i. 12-13; Torquemada, i. 385-6; Acosta, Hist. Ind., 515-18. Brasseur
de Bourbourg incorporates all this native version in his narrative, and allows
Teuhtlile to reach Mexico with his report a few days after these messengers, thus
confirming their account. Hist. Nat. Civ., iv. 75-6. Duran writes that on hearing of
Cortés’ eagerness to obtain guides for Mexico, Montezuma began to grieve deeply
over the prospect of having to resign and die. The envoy consoled him by
representing the benignity of the white gods, but he nevertheless set about to
arrange for the safety of his children. Hist. Ind., MS., ii. 396-7; Tezozomoc, Hist.
Mex., ii. 253.
[163] Ixtlilxochitl, Hist. Chich., 287-8; Camargo, Hist. Tlasc., 141-2; Herrera, dec. ii.
lib. v. cap. ix. Torquemada refers to the similar mistake of King Hezekiah of Judea,
in exhibiting to the Assyrian envoys his wealth, and thus attracting invaders, i. 391,
404.
[164] This seems an incredibly short time in a country without horses, for Mexico
lies over 200 miles by road from this part of the coast; but with numerous relays of
runners and litter-bearers the distance would not take long to cover. ‘Estas
mensajerias fuerõ en vn dia, y vna noche del real de Cortés a Mexico, que ay
setenta leguas y mas.’ Gomara, Hist. Mex., 41.
[165] Torquemada. 389, assumes this to have been in token of divine adoration,
but the ceremony was a quite common mark of respect for distinguished persons.
See Native Races, ii. 284. ‘Nos llamaron Teules ... ó dioses.’ ‘Hence when I say
Teules, or Gods, it may be understood to mean us,’ says Bernal Diaz with
conscientious pride. Hist. Verdad., 32. But the teu or teo prefix to names must be
accepted in the same light as the incense burning, and in this case equivalent to
‘hero.’ See also Clavigero, Storia Mess., iii. 19. ‘Demonios’ is Oviedo’s translation
of teules, iii. 500.
[166] Some writers doubt the ability of native painters to have given a sufficiently
accurate portrait; but with the aid of explanatory signs there was little difficulty.
[167] Some of them were checkered, which to Peter Martyr is a sufficient proof
that the Mexicans played chess, dec. v. cap. x.
[168] Carta del Ayunt. de V. Cruz, in Cortés, Cartas, 29. ‘Pessaba la de oro quatro
mill y ochoçientos pessos ... tenia nueve palmos y medio de anchura é treynta de
çircunferençia,’ says Oviedo, who inspected the presents at Seville, evidently with
mathematical precision, iii. 259. ‘Pesaua cien marcos, hecha como Sol, y con
muchos follajes, y animales de relieue.’ Gomara, Hist. Mex., 42. Peter Martyr, dec.
iv. cap. ix., describes the central figure as a king enthroned, surrounded with
foliated ornaments. In the above Carta del Ayunt. a peso de oro and a castellano
are shown to be equivalent, and a marco contains fifty castellanos. Writers differ
widely in their calculations to reduce these coins to modern values, Prescott
estimating the castellanos at $11.67 in United States money, and Ramirez, in a
critical note thereupon, at $2.93. Prescott’s Mex., i. 321; also edition Mex. 1845,
app. ii. 79-92. See note on coins in Hist. Cent. Am., this series, i. 192-3.
Clemencin, in Mem. Real Acad. de Hist., vi. illust. 20, 525-45, enters fully into the
subject.
[169] Weighing 48 marcos. Carta del Ayunt., loc. cit. ‘De cincuenta y tantos
marcos, ternia de gordor como un toston de á 4 reales,’ says Las Casas, who
examined the gifts in Spain. Hist. Ind., iv. 485-6. ‘Otra mayor rueda de plata.’
Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 26. Robertson, Hist. Am., ii. 16, 449, misunderstanding
Diaz, places the value of this disk at 20,000 pesos or £5000.
[170] Monarq. Ind., i. 390. ‘Valdria el oro y la plata que allí habia 20 ó 25,000
castellanos, pero la hermosura dellas y la hechura, mucho más.’ Las Casas, ubi
sup. ‘Podia valer este presente veynte mil ducados, o pocos mas. El qual present
tenian para dar a Grijalua.’ Gomara, Hist. Mex., 42. ‘Q’lo reparta cõ los Teules que
cõsigo trae,’ says Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 27, intimating that another present
was coming for the white emperor; but it was applied to the expedition treasury
like nearly everything obtained by trade or seizure. Herrera, dec. ii. lib. v. cap. v;
Vetancvrt, Teatro Mex., pt. iii. 115. Brasseur de Bourbourg estimates the gold disk
alone at 357,380 francs. Hist. Nat. Civ., iv. 85. Peter Martyr, dec. iv. cap. ix., gives
a detailed description of several of the presents.
[171] This time the presents for the chiefs were some embroidered shirts, silk
sashes and other things, while to the emperor he sent a Florentine goblet, gilt and
enamelled with figures, three Holland shirts, and some bead articles, not a very
costly return for what he had received. Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 27, and Herrera,
dec. ii. lib. v. cap. vi., enumerate the presents given to them. ‘Teudilli ... le rogo
mucho, q pues estaua mal aposentado en el cãpo y arenales, se fuesse con el a
vnos lugares seys o siete leguas de alli.’ But Cortés declined to leave the camp.
Gomara, Hist. Mex., 43.
[172] ‘Y aquel oro que rescatauamos dauamos â los hombres que traiamos de la
mar, que iban â pescar, â trueco de su pescado.’ Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 27. If
so it was probably after the Indians deserted.
[173] Gomara refers to an order to stop all barter for gold, with a view to let it
appear that the Spaniards cared not for the metal, and thus to induce the Indians
to make no secret of the manner in which it was obtained. Hist. Mex., 39. As if the
natives had not already learned what we wanted, sneers Bernal Diaz.
[174] ‘Que se dezia Quintalbor, no bolvió mas, porque auia adolecido en el
camino.’ Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 27.
[175] According to Gomara, Hist. Mex., 45, Cortés told the governor that he would
not leave without seeing Montezuma. Solis elaborates this as usual into a long
speech, to which Teuhtlile replies with threats, and turning his back stalks out of
the camp. Conq. Mex., i. 153-5; Herrera, dec. i. lib. v. cap. vi.
CHAPTER IX.
THE MIGHTY PROJECT IS CONCEIVED.
May, 1519.