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Communication, Culture and Change in Asia 6

Kiran Prasad Editor

Communication,
Culture and
Ecology
Rethinking Sustainable Development in
Asia
Communication, Culture and Change in Asia

Volume 6

Series editor
Jan Servaes, Hong Kong, China
More information about this series at http://www.springer.com/series/13565
Kiran Prasad
Editor

Communication, Culture
and Ecology
Rethinking Sustainable Development in Asia

123
Editor
Kiran Prasad
Department of Communication
and Journalism
Sri Padmavati Mahila Visvavidyalayam
Tirupati, Andhra Pradesh
India

ISSN 2366-4665 ISSN 2366-4673 (electronic)

Communication, Culture and Change in Asia
ISBN 978-981-10-7103-4 ISBN 978-981-10-7104-1 (eBook)
https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-10-7104-1
Library of Congress Control Number: 2017957194

© Springer Nature Singapore Pte Ltd. 2018

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Preface

Climate change and its challenge for a sustainable planet has engaged wider public
debate on the culture, values, lifestyles and actions of contemporary societies across
nations. Choices about how to formulate, design and implement development
strategies have become more complex. Communication, Culture and Ecology:
Rethinking Sustainable Development in Asia approaches the field of sustainable
development from cultural and ecological perspectives. It explores the construct of
sustainable development with participative and grassroots communication approa-
ches. The book brings together communication perspectives and approaches
towards achieving a sustainable future that can be found in diverse cultures on
ecological and environmental issues and green communication in diverse cultural
settings. It aims to contribute to knowledge, applications, cultural values and
sensitivities of communication for sustainable development especially in the South
Asian and South East Asian region but is not restricted to it.
This book offers comprehensive insights into the cultural and ecological values
that influence sustainable development across Asia. It addresses the cultural,
religious and philosophical moorings of development through participatory and
grassroots communication approaches. The three main goals of the book are to
provide an essential for understanding and applying the dynamics of culture and
ecology in development, add new insights in communication for sustainable
development through a grassroots perspective and provide ways to identify the
challenges of development strategies in the light of enlightened community
participation.
The book presents a range of contributions and case studies from leading experts
in Asia to highlight the debates on environmental communication and sustainable
development that are of great relevance today. The thrust is on providing an
overview of the positive traditions of ecological sensitivity and cultural commu-
nication that may find common ground between communities. It is a
well-researched guide on the dynamic and complex terrain of communication for
sustainable development. The uniquely practical perspectives on communication,
environment and sustainable development will be of immense value for policy

v
vi Preface

makers, media scholars, development practitioners, researchers and students of

communication and media.
Some of the chapters in this volume are extended works of papers presented at
Communication/Culture and The Sustainable Development Goals (CCSDG):
Challenges for a New Generation, an international conference held in Chiang Mai
University in December 2015. I express my deep sense of gratitude to Prof. Jan
Servaes, Series Editor, Communication, Culture and Change in Asia, who has
mentored me and provided me with valuable guidance to bring this volume to
fruition. I wish to specially thank Jayanthie Krishnan, Publishing Editor, Social and
Behavioural Sciences, Springer; Ameena Jaafar, Editorial Assistant and her entire
team at Springer, Singapore; Rajalakshmi Narayanan, Springer, Chennai and her
team for their whole hearted editorial support and assistance.

Tirupati, India Kiran Prasad

Contents

Part I Introduction
1 Culture, Communication and Capacity for Sustainable
Development . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3
Kiran Prasad

Part II Cultural and Ecological Foundations for Sustainable

Development
2 Ecology and Sufficiency for Sustainable Development:
Perspectives from Thailand . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 25
Patchanee Malikhao
3 Right Effort for Right Livelihood: Historical Model of
Sustainable Development from Sri Lanka . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 37
Chandrika De Alwis
4 Traditional Knowledge Systems, Culture and Environmental
Sustainability: Concepts from Odisha, India . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 51
Maitreyee Mishra

Part III Communication, Communities and Capacity

5 Toward the Sufficiency Economy Perspective: The Mass Media
and Cultivation of Social Capital Among the Rural Youth in
Thailand . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 69
Boonlert Supadhiloke
6 Making the Difference: Communicating Campaigns for
Sustainable Development in the Opposition State of Penang,
Malaysia . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 85
Mustafa K. Anuar and Shakila Abdul Manan

vii
viii Contents

7 Communication for Development of the Nilgiri

Biosphere Reserve . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 101
I. Arul Aram and Carolin Arul
8 Indigenous Communities of the Chittagong Hill Tracts in
Bangladesh: Coping with Environmental Perils and Scoping
Adaptive Capacities . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 113
Remeen Firoz and Jonas Dahlström

Part IV Challenges for Communication in Sustainable Development

9 Rethinking Crisis Communication at a Time of Climate Change:
Lessons from the Philippines . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 131
Jude William Genilo
10 Media Perspectives on the Particulate Matter (PM 2.5)
Crisis in China . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 143
Yifan Zhang
11 Shifts and Challenges of Communication for Sustainable
Development in Indonesia . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 155
Gilang Desti Parahita
12 Communication of Inclusive Innovation for Sustainable
Development in India . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 173
Kiran Prasad

Part V Conclusion
13 Future Directions in Communication and Culture for Sustainable
Development . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 189
Kiran Prasad
Index . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 197
Contributors

Shakila Abdul Manan Universiti Sains Malaysia, Minden, Penang, Malaysia

Chandrika De Alwis University of the Sunshine Coast, Sunshine Coast, Australia
Mustafa K. Anuar Penang Institute, George Town, Penang, Malaysia
I. Arul Aram Anna University, Chennai, India
Carolin Arul Anna University, Chennai, India
Jonas Dahlström Program Officer, RECOFTC, Bangkok, Thailand
Remeen Firoz Environmentalist and Freelance Consultant, Dhaka, Bangladesh
Jude William Genilo University of Liberal Arts Bangladesh, Dhaka, Bangladesh
Patchanee Malikhao Fecund Communication, Chiangmai, Thailand
Maitreyee Mishra Manipal University, Manipal, India
Gilang Desti Parahita Universitas Gadjah Mada (UGM), Yogyakarta, Indonesia
Kiran Prasad Sri Padmavati Mahila University, Tirupati, India
Boonlert Supadhiloke Bangkok University, Bangkok, Thailand
Yifan Zhang Chulalongkorn University, Bangkok, Thailand

ix
 Part I
Introduction
Chapter 1
Culture, Communication and Capacity
for Sustainable Development

Kiran Prasad

1.1 Introduction

Development policy was not shaped by the needs of the majority of people in the
developing countries which has resulted in conflicts between the basic needs and
market-oriented perspectives on development. Thus, the benefits of development
have been marked by persistent poverty and rising income inequalities. The key
targets for the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs) were halving poverty,
ensuring universal primary school enrolment, attaining gender parity, reducing
maternal mortality and mortality rates by three-fourths, cutting child mortality by
two-thirds, reducing incidence of HIV/AIDS and ensuring environmental
sustainability.
While India has managed to halve poverty rates (20.7% in 2015) from the 1990
levels (47.8%), ensure gender parity in primary school enrolment, reverse the
incidence of HIV/AIDS and reduce deaths due to malaria and TB, it continues to
lag behind in checking maternal and child mortality levels and addressing the
problem of hunger and malnutrition. India is on track on the two targets of envi-
ronmental sustainability and partnerships for development with other countries. But
India has yet to achieve the primary MDGs.
Unsustainable development activities and climate change have a great impact on
the rural population largely dependent on agriculture for their livelihood. Ensuring
food security has an important bearing on checking hunger and malnutrition mainly
among women and children. This is a prerequisite for checking maternal and child
mortality levels in the country. Thus, environmental sustainability is regarded as the
key to the achievement of all other developmental goals. Social movements have
begun to revision the meaning of sustainability and build capacities for balancing
growth with environmental conservation. It is interesting that in India, check dams,

K. Prasad (&)
Sri Padmavati Mahila University, Tirupati, India
e-mail: kiranrn.prasad@gmail.com

© Springer Nature Singapore Pte Ltd. 2018 3

K. Prasad (ed.), Communication, Culture and Ecology, Communication,
Culture and Change in Asia 6, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-10-7104-1_1
4 K. Prasad

rain water collection tanks and mini-water projects, with the active involvement of
the local people in several states, have evinced greater support and participation
rather than large dams involving massive funds with heavy costs of submergence,
environmental impact, rehabilitation and resettlement of the affected people
(Prasad, 2013).
Reports on environmental issues and the results of environmental audit in the
media have drawn the attention of policy makers and the wider community to
impending environmental hazards. The race for economic development in devel-
oping countries like India has led to a shift in cultural values and growing aspiration
to match affluent societies. This has led to reversal of the gains of development,
unsustainable action and even a collapse of the ecosystem. Climate change debates
have thrown up a whole range of terms such as green economy, eco-bank,
environmental/carbon footprint, carbon credit, food miles and eco-warriors. These
complex ideas comprehended by scientists, ecologists, activists and policy makers
(see Urry, 2011) have been translated into behaviour change initiatives by indi-
viduals such as recycling, kitchen gardens, neighbourhood farms, organic farming,
rainwater harvesting, minimizing the use of plastics and the use of a variety of
renewable energy sources.
Local communities who were at the fringes of development have begun
assuming custodianship of their environment and natural resources which previ-
ously were the sole responsibility of the government (Prasad, 2007, 2009a). The
creation of eco-sensitive zones, eco-villages, a whole range of livelihoods and
products focused on environmental conservation and renewable energy sources
have anchored a sustainable dimension to development at the grassroots. For a
developing nation, India’s goals for tackling environmental degradation and climate
change can be seen as far more ambitious when compared to that of other devel-
oped countries. This chapter will explore the reinvigoration of cultural values on
environmental protection which are finding increasing acceptance among people in
India who support a renewed capacity for action founded on strong but neglected
traditions that are combined with modern technology to achieve sustainable
development.

1.2 Culture as Capacity for Ecological Protection

Many of the developing countries of Asia, Africa, and Latin America, in which
religion is the dominant ethos, are caught in a dilemma of whether to go the way of
unbridled development or continue with more safe traditional ways of living. The
ancient Indian concerns for environmental conservation, many of which were
sanctified by religious rituals, are relevant today as societies begin to search for a
sustainable lifestyle Prasad, (2001). Ancient Indians developed many ideas, atti-
tudes and practices with regard to their essential relationship with nature. These
were expressions of their primordial awareness of the significance and need for
ecological conservation. Such practices naturally became part of the discipline of
1 Culture, Communication and Capacity for Sustainable Development 5

religious rituals. Over the years, this eco-religious philosophy has lost its signifi-
cance and has been reduced to rituals, which are engaged in, with little knowledge
of their rational and source. The earth was reverentially called Mother Earth and
Goddess. A close observation of world religions reveals that the earth is described
as beautiful, divine and sacred in every religious scripture. The earth is considered a
gift of God to humankind, which must be carefully passed on to posterity. The earth
is the visible and tangible manifestation of the Supreme according to various
religious scriptures (Atharva Veda, XII. 1.34; Svetasvetara Upanishad, VI. 19;
Bhagavadgita VII. 9; Genesis 1.1 ff; Psalm 104, 108; Numbers 35: 33–34; Quran
22, 24, 45, 54). All elements of the earth are sacramental symbols and convey the
sacramental character of mother earth.
In ancient India, sages and seers realized the vital significance of maintaining the
ecological balance for the general welfare of all living beings in the universe. In
their philosophy, religious dialogues, discourses, verses and hymns they empha-
sized the integral unity of humankind with other living beings and nature. The
mystic views of Indian seers about nature are reflected in the Vedic hymns. The
basic concept of the earth as the ‘Mother Goddess’, first expressed in the Vedic
hymns, was more elaborately developed in the Puranas, which stressed protection
of the earth from exploitation. The entire universe is conceptualized as a living
entity, a vast ecosystem, in which one’s life is related to that of this totality
(Venkatakrishna, 1993). There are similar myths among the tribes or adivasis. The
Jains and Buddhists, too, have adopted these concepts. The doctrine of Advaita
philosophy, which has non-duality at its core, of essential unity of all existence in
and through God has profound significance for environmental conservation and
fostering sensitivity to nature. It forms the basis for an environmental ethic.
Hinduism, in Advaita, acquires a cosmic character, as it considers all living beings
to be separate only apparently because all lesser forms of existence to the higher
order are creations of God. The universe, though it appears to be merely material, is
actually universal consciousness itself. This doctrine provides the philosophic basis
for Indian veneration of the natural world. This leads us to conclude that the Indian
tradition has an ecological conscience (Crawford, 1982: 149–150).
Ancient Indians advocated an integrated approach to progress without undue
exploitation of natural resources. They laid down traditions, customs and rituals, to
ensure that the complex, abstract principles they had developed could be put into
practice. These practices, over time, developed the technology of agriculture,
methods of environmental protection, knowledge of medicinal properties of trees
and even techniques of curing their sickness (Banwari, 1992). This vast store of
ancient environmental wisdom, as a way of life, is worth close study, to make our
modern urbanized community aware of the sensitivity to environmental protection
inherent in our cultural practices. This could make us realize the benefits of living in
harmony with nature as part of our process of development.
The entire spectrum of ancient Indian literature has discussed the concept of
vana or forest in great detail. Broadly, vana has been classified into three types:
Mahavana, Tapovana and Srivana. The Mahavana is a dense impenetrable forest
with a natural growth covering a vast area with no human habitation. This is where
6 K. Prasad

the propagation of plant and animal forms continues without any external hin-
drance. The Mahavana is thus responsible for preserving natural biodiversity and
ecological balance on earth. The Tapovana is penetrable, although it also abounds
in various flora and fauna. Monks, saints and sages inhabited such forests as they
were easily accessible, and their serene environment was conductive to mediation
and spiritual pursuits. These forests were easily accessible also to people in nearby
cities and towns who were philosophically and spiritually inclined. In fact, the
Upanishadic tradition grew out of such a forest culture. Such a tradition prevailed
in ancient China, too, where religious teachers such as Tao interacted with monks as
well as laymen in communion with nature.
The Srivanas are gardens, orchards or groves which surrounded a village. They
had a special significance in rural life, as village festivals and feasts were celebrated
in the midst of such forests, in communion with nature. People also gathered here
for village or town meetings. They were central to most of the rural activities as
these vanas were cool and soothing in summer and warm in winter, conducive to
good physical and mental health. The tradition of Srivanas continues even today in
industrial townships and some urban centres or complexes, where some space is
provided for gardens as the last link with nature. People go to these gardens to say
their morning or evening prayers, mediate to relieve their stressed bodies and
minds, exercise or simply to seek a change from the dust and monotony of a
concrete jungle. Aranya is a synonym for vana or forest, in most Indian languages.
Aranya means a (no) and ranya (war). Thus, according to Indian tradition, an
aranya is a place where violence is forbidden. Aranya, or a place of non-conflict,
was regarded as ideal for natural environment to flourish undisturbed. Cities and
aranyas were given equal importance in ancient India. While cities were economic
centres for the creation of wealth, forests symbolized the culture of asceticism,
sacrifice and self-restraint. While pursuing economic goals in the cities, the people
were encouraged to pursue spiritual values and peace by retiring periodically to
forests.
In ancient India, the ashramas or stages of life of an individual consisted of
several activities linked to ecological conservation. The first was brahmacharya
ashrama. This was the time for receiving education and the acquisition of
knowledge. This took place usually under the tutelage of a teacher, who had his
ashrama (school) in the midst of a forest. This helped the pupils to pursue learning
without distraction from the activities of city life and also learn to adapt to the
natural environment. Thus, the foundations of the importance of preserving the
environment were laid during early childhood when the mind was young and
receptive. The next stage of ashrama was the grihasta ashrama. After completing
their education, individuals were considered worthy of entering the life of house-
holders. There were several duties and rites prescribed for householders. These
included agricultural operations, tending to trees, orchards and gardens as well as
care of livestock, poultry and other animals and birds, each activity linked to
environmental concerns. Planting trees in one’s surroundings, protecting forests and
providing shelter and food to birds and animals were considered extremely virtuous
and a part of the religious duties of a householder. Even the most powerful wealthy
1 Culture, Communication and Capacity for Sustainable Development 7

individual was judged, not for his riches or valour, but for his kindness towards
animals and birds and care of trees. This observation is supported by the existence
of several inscriptions, rock edits and tablets which praise kings for constructing a
number of inns (to provide shelter), ponds (to quench thirst) and planting many
trees, orchards and gardens.
The last stage of the life of an individual after he/she had fulfilled all duties to the
family and society was the vanaprastha ashrama. The person concerned then
retired to the forest to spend the rest of life in old age in its peaceful environment
and seek spiritual enlightenment either independently or under the guidance of
sages and spiritual teachers who had made the forest their home. Thus, during both
the first and last stages, brahmacharya and vanaprastha ashramas, a major part of
an individual’s life was spent in the midst of the forest. This enabled ancient Indians
to appreciate nature and cultivate a love for it. The rigidity with which life in
ancient India was regulated by cultural and environmental traditions has been
diluted with the passage of time. But several eco-religious practices can still be
found in India. These are associated with reserved forest areas, nature worship,
religious rites and festivals connected with nature.

1.3 Ecological Consciousness and Indigenous People

Indian philosophy conceived nature as Prakriti. The people of India, from time
immemorial, have known that all life forms depend upon nature (Prakriti) and its
produce, and life is regulated by the seasons. They built their dwelling taking into
account the direction of the sun and the wind. Their belief that God is omniscient
and pervades the entire universe helped Indians to live in harmony with nature.
Their concept of nature in all its infinite forms and creation is a manifestation of
God who, as the Supreme artist, has created the beauty of nature. This has led the
average Indian to be inclined to nature worship. Ancient Indians saw the presence
of the divine in the Panchabhuthas (the five elements), namely air, water, fire, earth
and space. They imposed divinity on the beautiful trees, creepers, flowers, rivers,
lakes, mountains, birds and animals.
Many rural and tribal communities worship the earth as Mother Goddess, and
paying homage to her is regarded a duty. Their legends, folklore and songs glorify
Mother Earth. They invoke the blessings of Mother Earth through several rituals,
during various festivals, change of seasons and before beginning cultivation. No
work of importance is undertaken without paying obeisance to the earth. Before
laying the foundation for building a house or any construction, bhoomi puja
(worship of the earth) is performed to invoke the blessings of Mother Earth. This
traditional practice continues even in the cities. The concept of green architecture
which is popular now was a way of life in ancient India where dwellings were built
with natural and local material designed according to the principles of Vaastu
(ancient art of architecture) to enable the maximum amount of natural light and
8 K. Prasad

cross-ventilation as possible. The present-day urban green buildings use the same
principles in addition to promoting water harvesting and recycling of waste.
The indigenous people regard themselves as custodians of the land, which is
sacred and the gift of God. This attitude helps them to maintain a symbolic rela-
tionship with all nature in the ecosystem. Land is the pivotal element in their lives,
history, culture, identity, economy, spirituality and their very existence. They
depend upon the surrounding forests as a source of sustenance in their daily lives.
Their diet consists of various roots, tubers, barks, leaves, flowers and herbs. The
streams meandering through the forests are sources of fresh water for quenching
their thirst. They collect wood, bamboo, grass, straw and leaves for constructing
their dwellings and also for making such articles as baskets, mats and other
handicrafts. Indigenous medicine has its origin in such cultures and provides health
care through natural remedies. The indigenous people revere the forests and impose
on them religio-magical attributes because of the many benefits they provide. They
worship many of the flora and fauna, which play an important part in their religious
rites. Forest ecology can be said to be an integral part of their society, with which
their traditional occupations, sources of food, modes of thinking, their music and
dance, their way of life is linked.
The UN had declared 1993 as the International Year of the Indigenous People.
This drew the attention of the highly developed industrial societies to the worldview
of the indigenous people about Mother Earth being an inalienable inheritance of
humankind and their practice of environmental conservation for sustainable living.
It is now accepted that contemporary legislations, which strictly curtail access of
forest dwellers to their habitat and reserve forest lands in the name of modern
techniques of scientific conservation, have actually thrown out the original con-
servators of the forests, thus paving the way for their commercial exploitation. The
International Charter of the Indigenous People has declared that all policies towards
forests must be based on a respect for cultural diversity and for promotion of
indigenous models of living. ‘These must also be imbued with an understanding
that our peoples have developed ways of life closely attuned to our environment’
(Charter of the Indigenous Tribal People of the Tropical Forests, 1992). Current
policies on environment and forests must take this important direction into account.

1.4 Worship of Trees

The concept of panchavati, which finds mention in the literature throughout the
length and breadth of India, refers to five (pancha) groves (vati). Pancavati,
therefore, means a grove with five trees. According to the Samkhya system of
Hindu philosophy, the universe consists of five elements, which are symbolic of the
plurality and totality of all living beings on earth. In pancavati, the word five also
means many; when there are many trees in a grove, it is referred to as pancavati.
Valmiki’s magnum opus, Ramayana, gives a detailed description of the pancavati
which has immortalized this concept. In Sanskrit literature, the banyan (vata) is the
1 Culture, Communication and Capacity for Sustainable Development 9

most important of the five trees in pancavati. It enjoys this special status because it
is self-generating and a symbol of the power of creation. Hindus, therefore, worship
it, and this has also led to its conservation and protection. All over India, deities are
consecrated at the centre of the main banyan tree foot and devotees tie sacred
threads around it as a mark of ritualistic significance. Women worship the banyan
tree and seek its blessings for giving birth to children. The peepul tree (ficus
religiosa) is next in importance to the banyan tree in the pancavati. It is considered
sacred because of its symbolic connection with the cosmos. The shade of the peepul
is cool and soothing and supports the growth of several floras under it.
The asoka tree (polyathia longifolia) which is shade-giving and soothing is the
third main tree of the pancavati. In Ramayana, Sita, grieving her existence, is
described as sitting in an asoka grove in Lanka. Thus, the asoka tree has been
immortalized for its calming influence on the distressed mind. The bela tree (aegle
marmelos) is the fourth main tree of pancavati. Its fruits and leaves are offered to
Lord Siva during worship. Thus, it has religious significance. The last of the
important trees of the pancavati is the harada (myrobalen terminalia chebula)
which, according to folklore, has miraculous medical value. Each of these five trees
of the pancavati had been carefully selected for its specific significance for human
existence while the banyan had been selected for its imperishable quality. The
peepul’s importance lay in its life-supporting shade. The asoka tree had been
included for its soothing effect on the mind, and the bela and harada trees for their
medicinal and curative values.
The traditional concept of pancavati was not exclusive, but included other trees,
depending on the environment and climate in specific regions. Thus, it encom-
passed all trees which were considered useful in the ecosystem. The tree to be
planted was carefully selected, keeping in mind the soil, water and other conditions
essential for its growth and survival. It was believed in ancient India, and even
today many communities in the villages believe that planting a tree in unsuitable
environmental conditions puts undue pressure on the soil and fertility of the area.
This led to the stunted growth of these trees. Thus, some trees are suitable for
certain soils. Coconut, jackfruit trees and banana plantations are common in the
coastal regions of India. Every component of the coconut tree is useful to the
coastal people. Many scientifically planned social forestry schemes have had dis-
astrous effects on the natural environment due to the failure of policy makers to
carefully select trees suited to a specific region. The eucalyptus plantations under
such schemes have led to a loss of biodiversity and decline in water tables in many
regions of India.
Small forests, which house green creepers, trees, shrubs, flowering plants, birds,
small animals such as squirrels, rabbits, mice, serpents and insects are found in
several parts of India. These are referred to as kavu in Kerala and devarakadu
(God’s grove) in Karnataka. Such devarakadu reserved for Gods exist in the
Malanadu forests, Coorg, Shimoga and South Kanara district of Karnataka. The
Nagabanas of Dakshina Kannada (Karnataka) and Nagakavus of Kerala are similar
protected areas in which no trees can be felled. Many trees as Devaramara (literally
meaning trees of God or the abode of Gods) which cannot be felled except for
10 K. Prasad

making the temple chariot (ratha) or palanquin or to erect the flagpost (dhwajas-
tambha) in a temple. This tradition of attributing holiness to certain trees or forests
has ensured the preservation of several rare species of trees and animals which are
on the brink of extinction elsewhere.
Particular trees have gained importance in the Indian tradition, due to their
association with rites of worship. The banyan, peepul, mango and neem trees are
consecrated and worshipped for their blessings to increase the earth’s fertility and
fields in the village. These trees are found within the precincts of temples or other
religious sites. The bilwa tree (aegle marmelos) is considered dear to Shiva; banyan
(ficus bengalensis), peepul (ficus religiosa) and tulsi (occimum sanctum) to Vishnu;
neem (azadirachta indica) to goddess Shakti; and grass to Ganesha. Thus, several
trees were given a sacred status by dedicating them to Gods and Goddesses. This
has helped to protect them from undue exploitation. It is significant that the
devarakadus or devanas had been situated at places where the growth of forests was
indispensable for maintaining the ecological balance in the region.

1.5 Eco-religion and Biodiversity as a Way of Life

One of the outstanding cases of the importance of eco-religion in environmental

conservation is that of the Bishnois of Rajasthan. This is an unusual community, for
whom the protection of trees and animals is a religious obligation (Sharma, 1999).
They follow a set of 29 rules, which include instructions on how they should live
and what should be done after their death. The faith that God adequately com-
pensates the cultivators for all the losses caused by animals underlines the basic
philosophy of the Bishnoi religion that all living things (including animals) have a
right to survive and share all resources. It is surprising that more than 450 years
ago, a simple villager from a remote desert area without even basic formal edu-
cation, clearly understood the importance of preserving biodiversity. He not only
understood it himself but had the wisdom to influence generations of people to
preserve it by weaving it with their religion.
Guru Jambeshwar or Jamboji as he is affectionately referred to by his followers
founded the Bishnoi religion in 1542 AD. He was a great saint and a philosopher of
medieval India. Those who follow his 29 tenets are called Bishnois (literally
meaning ‘twenty-nine’ in Hindi). The tenets were designed to conserve the biodi-
versity of the region and ensured a healthy eco-friendly social life for the com-
munity. Of the 29 tenets, ten concerns personal hygiene and the maintenance of
good health, seven are about healthy social behaviour and five concerns the worship
of God. Eight tenets have been prescribed to preserve biodiversity and encourage
good animal husbandry. These include a ban on killing of all animals and felling of
green trees and providing protection to all life forms. The community has even been
directed to make sure that firewood is free of small insects before it is used as fuel.
Wearing blue cloths is prohibited because the dye for colouring them is obtained
from particular shrubs which have to be cut for extracting the dye. The Bishnois are
1 Culture, Communication and Capacity for Sustainable Development 11

presently spread over the western region of Rajasthan and parts of Haryana and
Punjab. They are more prosperous than other communities living in the Thar
deserts, probably because of their eco-friendly life. Their villages are easily dis-
tinguishable because of plenty of trees and other vegetation and herds of antelopes
roaming freely near their homes. The fields are ploughed with simple ploughs using
bullocks or camels. This causes minimal damage to the fragile desert ecosystem.
Only one crop of bajra is grown during the monsoon season. The bushes which
grow in the fields protect the loose sand from wind erosion and provide the
much-needed fodder for animals during a famine.
The Bishnois keep only cows and buffaloes, as rearing sheep and goats which
devour desert vegetation are taboo. Though they are Hindus, they do not burn their
dead but bury them to save precious wood and trees. They store water during the
year in underground tanks by collecting rain water as it is precious in this dry desert
area. The Bishnois follow an old tradition of protecting trees and animals. In 1737,
when officials of the Maharaja of Jodhpur started felling a few khejri trees in
Khejerli village all the inhabitants including women and children hugged the trees
that were being axed. In all, 363 Bishnois from Khejerli and adjoining villages
sacrificed their lives. Later when he came to know of it, the Maharaja apologized
for his action and issued a royal decree engraved on a copper plate, prohibiting the
cutting of trees and hunting of animals in all Bishnoi villages. Violence of this order
by anyone, including members of the ruling family, was to entail prosecution and a
severe penalty. A temple and a monument stand as a remembrance of the supreme
sacrifice of 363 martyrs. Every year the Bishnois assemble here to recall the
extreme sacrifice made by their people to preserve their faith and religion. They
aggressively protect the khejri trees and the antelopes, particularly the blackbuck
and chinkara, even today. They consider protecting a tree from the axe, even if it be
at the cost of one’s head, a good deed. They not only protect antelopes but also
share their food and water with them. In a number of villages, the Bishnois feed
animals with their own hands (Sharma, 1999). They keep strict vigil against
poachers. If they leave behind a dead antelope when escaping, the owner of the
field, on which it is found, mourns its death like that of a near one and does not eat
or even drink water until the last rites are performed. On many occasions, poachers
have wounded or killed Bishnois, but they fearlessly continue to maintain strict
vigilance to protect the blackbuck and chinkara, which roam fearlessly in their
villages. It is in their environmental awareness and commitment to environmental
conservation and protection that Bishnois stand apart from other sects and com-
munities in India (Sharma, 1999).

1.6 Eco-cultural Traditions in Buddhism and Jainism

The Buddha preached compassion for all beings and non-injury to all creatures.
This is the basis of Buddhist eco-religious philosophy. It is inculcation of values of
compassion and simplicity among people that can ensure the cautious and judicious
12 K. Prasad

use of environmental resources. If these very values of simplicity and compassion

could be revived and implanted in our present generation much of the garbage
produced by current consumption trends of the people could be minimized. The
Bodhi or banyan tree, under whose shade the Buddha attained enlightenment,
symbolize the value of this tree for human beings. All Buddhist discourses and
sermons have been described as taking place under the canopy of a huge tree in the
forest. The banyan tree has been thus immortalized in Buddhist literature. Written
communication came to stay by the third century BC. The royal edicts Ashoka
inscribed on rocks and pillars were instrumental in spreading Buddhism. In fact, the
spread of Buddhism can be called one of the greatest communication events in
Indian history. The Buddhist Jataka Tales carried the message of peace and
brotherhood and gave humankind lessons on the values to be upheld in life.
The eco-religious philosophy of Jainism has Ahimsa or absolute non-violence at
its core. It advocates both physical and verbal non-injury towards all living beings.
No animal or plant may be harmed even if it lacks economic or aesthetic value.
Both Buddhism and Jainism esteem Ahimsa as an integral part of their moral
philosophy. The core of this great ideal is respect for all life forms. Since all living
beings are interrelated, violence to another is in some sense, violence to oneself.
Thus, Buddhist and Jain religious practices provide for appreciation of all life forms
and encourage active participation in protecting the environment and fostering
ecological balance. This is also the need of the hour, when ‘violence’ in terms of
over exploitation and neglect towards nature had endangered the planet itself.

1.7 From Grey to Green: Revisiting Environmental

Policies

The moist tropical forests of Africa, Asia and Latin America viewed in terms of
biological diversity, have an importance far beyond the land they occupy. The
tropical rain forests suffused with exceptional amounts of light, warmth and
moisture, house a remarkable variety of ecosystems and species. Many tropical
forests lie in countries that though biologically affluent are economically poor. This
is very much the case in India. The realization that the biological impoverishment of
the earth will certainly mean the economic as well as aesthetic impoverishment of
humans has made many developing countries reluctant participants in economic
globalization. In spite of the existence of deep underlying ecological traditions,
governments in the poorer countries were now less inclined to value abstract
long-term ecological goals above immediate economic gains.
The agricultural crisis in India is a making of flawed development policies which
put unbridled industrialisation above sustainable choices. Once regarded the cradle
of the Green Revolution, the prosperity of Punjab was the success story across
urban and rural India for decades. Punjab now has 7000 farmers who have com-
mitted suicide with eleven villages put up for sale and a phenomenal debt of farmers
1 Culture, Communication and Capacity for Sustainable Development 13

estimated to a tune of over 1500 million (Dey, 2014). While it is well documented
that over a quarter million farmers have committed suicides from 1995 to 2010 in
India, more and more farmers across India are being pushed to the brink of debt and
suicide. Policy makers continue to focus on economic growth unmindful of its
impact on human well-being. Economic growth must be measured not only
quantitatively but qualitatively in terms of its integration with social and environ-
mental development for promoting sustained, equitable and inclusive development.
The journey from the grey to the green path of sustainable development is being
spearheaded by several people’s collectives against environmental degradation in
pursuit of economic growth. They are advocates for development that does not
destroy their natural resources and carefully consider the environmental, social and
cultural costs of economic growth.
While the international development debate continues to grapple with the
challenges of climate-smart agriculture for improving water and food security in the
developing world, there are some successful initiatives in India that can offer
solutions in this area. About ten per cent of the tribes in India continue to practice
shifting cultivation. A total area of about 50 lakh hectares over 15 states are covered
by shifting cultivation in India. The land is not ploughed in this type of farming and
neither is there any need for domesticating animals. The cultivators have total
confidence in the generative power of the earth and see no need to resort to
eco-destructive methods. At the end of summer, the hill-sides are prepared for
cultivation by trimming the undergrowth of bushes and shrubs. These are then burnt
and the ashes provide the manure. Before the monsoon set in, the shrubs and bushes
are set on fire again. As soon as the rains come, the seeds are broadcast and the
earth is activated to produce a rich harvest. Cultivation is carried on for three years
at a stretch in the same area. The harvest is enough to meet the needs of the
community.
Shifting cultivation is based on the eco-religious faith in Mother Earth’s power of
creation without artificial inputs. After cultivating the same area for three years,
when the fertility of the land declines, it is left fallow to regain its vitality. Cultivation
during this period is shifted to another area. The religious belief that ploughing is
painful to Mother Earth and, therefore, an inferior form of cultivation, has led the
tribes to practice shifting cultivation which, for, them, has divine sanction. This
method of farming is known as Koman in Orissa, Podu in Andhra Pradesh, Bewar in
Madhya Pradesh, Kureo in Bihar, Jhum in Assam, Tekonglu in Nagaland, Adiabik in
Arunachal Pradesh and Hooknismany in Tripura (Vadakumchery, 1993).
The indigenous and tribal communities believe in strictly adhering to the prin-
ciples of nature. Consumption, for them, is need-based to meet immediate
requirements. All resources not required for the day are left untouched in the forest
for other users in need. There is consideration for the needs of others, and the
produce of Mother Earth is accepted with reverence and respect. The poor fishing
communities have long been practicing self-imposed periods of abstaining from
fishing during the breeding season. This culture of life is based on the ethics of
environmental conservation, in stark contrast to the greedy and large-scale
exploitation of natural resources in the name of development.
14 K. Prasad

The strategy is to focus on climate adaptation rather than climate mitigation. All
Ministries related to climate change are set to visibly demonstrate—through the
media—technologies adopted by them to mitigate the effects of climate change. The
projected trend of warming, temperature extremes and variable rainfall will impact
food and livelihood security of majority of the rural population dependent on
agriculture. India’s strategy according to the Indian Council of Agricultural
Research would be based on climate-smart practices to make agriculture resilient to
climate change (Parsai, 2015: 14). The new credo of agriculture is ‘More Crop Per
Drop’ that looks at reducing water use and efficient water management techniques
such as drip irrigation for agriculture. The upcoming approach of rice cultivation
called aerobic rice cultivation which reduces water use in rice production and
increases water use efficiency is expected to change the conventional method of rice
cultivation that utilises 5000 litres of water for producing one kilogram of rice than
its actual requirement of 3000 litres as about 2000 litres is lost due to flooding and
seepage (Anandan, Pradhan & Singh, 2015: 16). This approach will include irri-
gated lowlands in the states of Karnataka, Tamil Nadu, Bihar, Chhattisgarh, Odisha,
Jharkhand and eastern Uttar Pradesh where rainfall is insufficient to sustain rice
production.
In 25 villages across Rayagada district of Odisha of India, tribal village women
have reclaimed the denuded commons and achieved a remarkable turnaround in
food security and livelihoods through eco-friendly alternatives to shifting cultiva-
tion (Mohanty, 2014). The Ama Sangathan (Women’s Federation)—a sister orga-
nization of Agragamee (the State Resource Centre for Adult and Continuing
Education in the district) having a membership of 25 women’s organisations known
as Mahila Mandals (MM) and 1200 tribal women members proposed a project
entitled, ‘Reclaiming the commons with women’s power: Eco-village development
in tribal Odisha’ to the Indigenous Peoples Assistance Facility (IPAF) which was
sanctioned in 2012. This initiative enabled village communities to develop a model
for reversal of ecological degradation of their lands and commons by combining
traditional knowledge systems with agro-ecological models. The initiative was able
to establish a women-centred model for the governance of the commons that would
provide for the livelihood as well as income needs of a tribal community in a
sustainable manner. They were successful in growing seasonal agrocrops, millets,
pulses and other herb-culture varieties in the villages through mixed cropping. This
initiative made it evident that sustainable agriculture, food security and environment
conservation could be achieved with women farmers at the forefront and enabled
them to be self-reliant in the matter of food security and livelihood generation in a
vast barren landscape with hardly any scope for water harvesting. It has offered
hope to many rural women grappling with the suicide of male farmers and left to
fend for themselves alone and manage the food security of their families.
Agricultural productivity has suffered due to lack of innovative approaches such
as sustained access to institutional credit facilities, remunerative support prices for
crops, cooperative farming, efficient irrigation and energy sources, value-addition
and an integrated marketing system. Farmers groups in Kerala in different villages
have formed into marketing groups called the Swasraya Karshaka Samiti
1 Culture, Communication and Capacity for Sustainable Development 15

(SKS) under the Vegetable and Fruit Promotion Council (VFPCK) of the Kerala
Government. The SKS consisting of 20–25 farmers as members is responsible for
sourcing and marketing farm produce. They run their own markets and have been
successful in eliminating middlemen to get a better price for their produce (Prabhu,
2014). Traders are informed by the Market Information Centre (MIC) on the daily
prices and also inspect the produce. Presently, 600 farmers are members of the SKS
and about 150 non-member farmers also make use of these facilities.
India’s MSMEs sector recorded more than 10% growth in recent years and has
contributed nearly eight per cent to the national gross domestic product (GDP).
MSMEs have employed over eighty million people in nearly forty million manu-
facturing and service enterprises. It has also accounted for 45% of the manufactured
output and 40% of exports from India. The policy of the government to step up their
potential to create employment and provide economic growth should envisage the
inclusion of rural artisans who have traditional skills in the areas of textile, food,
arts and crafts manufacture and design. The collaboration in the textile industry
between women’s rural cooperatives in traditional fabric weaving and designing
with urban markets is expected to enable rural participation in innovation and
expand sustainable livelihoods.
From slogans ‘Cut the Crap’ that focuses on waste minimization to ‘From Waste
to Wealth’ that encourages recycling and innovative use of resources regarded as
waste, climate change communication has created individuals and communities who
practice green initiatives for sustainable development. An innovative 70-year-old
farmer, Chinna Krishnamurthy has woven saris from rice straw (traditional attire of
women in India), and he has plans to weave other accessories such as shawls and
handbags from his traditional childhood knowledge of converting paddy stalks to
yarn for making fabric (Krishnamoorthy, 2015: 5). It is quite common for younger
children in Indian families even where they can afford new clothes to use and reuse
clothes worn by older children, practices that are born out of value systems that
encourage reuse and recycling (The Hindu, 2015). Energy has also been generated
using biomass and waste generated in the farms by rural communities; the conver-
sion of waste to energy is considered as an important goal of waste management.
The urban population has also practiced behaviour that promotes reuse, repair and
recycle that have been lauded by many advanced societies. Japan has lauded the
Indian society’s capacity to repair and reuse electronic gadgets and appliances that
are usually discarded in most other societies. There is a renewed attempt to reduce
industrial pollution by using the combined power of local communities, regulatory
measures, and the news media to police air and water discharges from the industry.
Several big cities in India have adopted innovative strategies to promote a cleaner
and sustainable urban environment. The ‘No Car Day’ is being promoted through all
communication channels, the mass media and outdoor media to reach the maximum
number of people in the cities. French environmental author Herve Kemp’s lines
‘Consume less, Share more’ prods communities to go beyond car-pooling to public
transport, cycling and walking focused on how engaged, informed and organized
citizens can contribute to a healthy urban environment. In the cities, citizen’s col-
lectives and shopkeepers’ associations play a key role in waste management.
16 K. Prasad

India is the fifth largest generator of e-waste in the world. The concern for safe
disposal of e-waste generated by electronic items in the cities has resulted in
start-ups that collect, process and repair discarded items for use among commu-
nities who may be in need of such items. Akshat Ghiya and Aamir Jariwala, friends
from college, founded Karma Recycling in 2012 as simple traders—to collect
e-waste from households and corporates, and after segregation, sell that waste to
plants that were using clean technology to recycle it (Goklany, 2015). They realized
they were focusing on ‘recycling’ than the ‘reuse’ of the gadgets. So instead of
sending the devices to the recycling plants, they called an electronic engineer to get
the products repaired and refurbished. Then, they put the redone gadgets up for sale
online and even sold over 100 phones in two days. Realizing that many of the
electronics lying at people’s homes could still be used after minor repairs, they
shifted focus to extending the life of gadgets as much as was possible and only
break-down and recycle them when they couldn’t increase their life any further.
They realized that there was a lot of reuse potential as there were a lot of people
waiting for upgraded technology to reach them at lower prices. They hired more
engineers, created a Website offering much higher values than scrap-dealers, bought
and refurbished more devices, added people to their customer care and marketed
their site. According to them, only about 5% parts are non-recoverable spares that
need to be recycled into metals and plastic and not a single per cent goes to waste.
In three years since Karma Recycling came into being, the number of gadgets it
receives has seen a 6-fold increase from an average of 300 gadgets per month in
2013, it tripled in one year to touch 900 gadgets per month in 2014. Today Karma
Recycling is handling an impressive 1800 gadgets per month (Goklany, 2015).
The print media, newspapers and magazines, have features, news stories, photo
features, city pages and columns on environmental issues. Radio and television
carry public education advertisements on maintaining a clean environment and seek
the cooperation of the citizens in improving life in the cities, towns and villages.
Radio and television have become important mass media for public interaction and
debate on issues on the environment. These media use a wide variety of programme
formats such as talks, commentaries, discussions, slogans, plays, quiz, songs,
interviews and question and answer sessions with officials of various services
including housing, transport, water supply and sanitation, telecommunication and
energy (Prasad, 2009b).

1.8 Mapping Communication, Culture and Sustainable

Development

Developing countries like India have demonstrated an ecological consciousness and

continue to strive to find solutions to the complex global problems of climate
change. According to the BBC, India is a front runner in green technology and has
1 Culture, Communication and Capacity for Sustainable Development 17

invested almost ten billion dollars which are largest among any of the other major
world economies. A relative newcomer in the wind power industry compared to
Denmark or the USA, India has the fifth largest wind power capacity in the world.
There is a growing demand to stop trading in carbon credits which rewards polluters
to move to climate justice to ensure greater cooperation between the developing and
developed countries in a bid to stem the challenges of climate change in a global
context.
Communication plays an important role in creating awareness, shaping public
opinion on development and build capacities to shape people as responsible citi-
zens. Community support to bring about a fundamental shift in societal mores,
individual attitudes, values and lifestyle can be the lifeblood of sustainable devel-
opment movements to stem the spiralling trends of consumerism and wastage
promoted by the global economy. The multi-dimensionality of sustainable devel-
opment can be addressed through two approaches (Servaes, 2013). The first
approach to SD is concerned with a balance or reconciliation of traditional eco-
nomic growth with ecological and environmental conditionings, and the second
approach is based on a philosophy or ideology that conceptualizes civilization in a
holistic manner (Servaes, 2013: 10–11). This book offers to advance an under-
standing of both the approaches to SD through communication strategies of
mobilizing human capacity for mitigation, adaptation and recovery through a
judicious combination of traditional values and modern technologies. The book also
examines some of the challenges faced by communication for SD and how com-
munities are engaged with prevention, mitigation and regeneration of the envi-
ronment through information, knowledge and action, for charting out a sustainable
course of human development.
The second chapter by Patchanee Malikhao discusses the sufficient economy
scheme introduced by late King Bhumibol of Thailand and the efforts for sus-
tainable development through ecological conservation, cooperatives, organic
plantation and sufficient agriculture. Malikhao describes that discourses on sus-
tainable development in Thailand emphasize not only the material aspects or only
quantifiable indicators but also ecological balance, the wellness of the environment
and the well-being of the people. Participation, social justice, self-reliance and
management of natural resources are the key factors of sustainable development
from a Thai perspective.
Chandrika De Alwis observes that human wants and desires that direct the flow
of development trends today are also directly entangled in creating an unsustainable
development trajectory. This chapter illustrates how ancient Sri Lanka sustained
development by creating awareness of dependent co-origination and adhering to a
middle path consisting of right view, right action right effort for right livelihood. It
is a socio-economic system that was founded on tolerance, peace and one that also
upheld that was of mutual benefit to society and the environment. This ecosystem of
exchanges provided applicable methods to arrest the eroding culture of
thought-based exchanges that are now overridden by a standpoint of extreme wants.
In India, since the 1970s there was a series of environmental movements, but
recent environmental struggles are indeed of a more complex nature. The state of
18 K. Prasad

Odisha, that has been called a ‘climate orphan’, experiences rapid environment
change, exacerbated by the opening up of its forests and natural resources to
exploitation by foreign and Indian industrial houses. Maitreyee Mishra draws on the
case of the Dongria Kondh in Odisha, the tribe that rose to protect the environment
from the excesses of the neoliberal state that sees rapid industrialisation and
encroachment as the only route to development. Mishra examines traditional
environmental knowledge systems in Odisha and their relevance to ideas of sus-
tainability in which communication can be seen as central to bridging the divide
between conventional, modern thought and traditional environmental belief
systems.
Arul Aram and Carolin Arul trace the importance of the Nilgiri Biosphere
Reserve (NBR) as a unique and biodiversity-rich reserve in the Western Ghats at
the intersection of Tamil Nadu, Kerala and Karnataka states in south India. The
Nilgiri Hills (also called ‘blue mountains’ as translated into English) from which the
reserve gets its name lies in the Western Ghats which is one of the 34 biodiversity
hotspots in the world. The reserve is home to different primitive tribal communities
with distinctive cultures. It was designated as a Biosphere Reserve in 1986 under
the UNESCO Man and Biosphere Programme to conserve biodiversity, to restore
degraded ecosystems, and to serve as an alternative model of sustainable devel-
opment. The UNESCO declared it a World Heritage Site in 2012. This chapter
examines how communication for development is an integral part of the inter-
ventions for improving the lives and livelihoods of tribal communities besides
conserving the ecosystem in the Nilgiri Biosphere Reserve. The case studies in this
chapter deal with the capacity of communities to conserve the sensitive Silent
Valley ecosystem, sustainable development of water resources, issues of honey
hunters and human–animal conflicts.
Remeen Firoz and Jonas Dahlstrom present the unique predicament of over three
million non-Bengali citizens in Bangladesh who are scattered in the patches of
natural forests—hills and plain lands such as the Chittagong Hill Tracts (CHTs),
coastal areas and the Barind Tract (dry-lands). They argue that Bangladesh is often
discussed in terms of natural disasters and accidents in garment factories; however,
the indigenous communities in the CHTs face a unique set of environmental and
social problems. The CHTs, administered differently from the rest of the country,
have experienced a ‘low intensity-armed conflict’, for about two decades. They also
experience deforestation, decline in soil fertility, loss of plant and animal species
and militarization and land grabbing. Against this backdrop, this chapter presents
the environmental perils faced by the indigenous communities of Thanchi upazila
of the Bandarban Hill District (a sub-district that houses several communities) and
discusses the adaptive capacity and potentials for sustainable development by
recommending strategies addressing environmental health, livelihood security,
biodiversity conservation and education.
Mustafa K Anuar and Shakila Abdul Manan highlight how since the stunning
victory of the opposition grouping Pakatan Rakyat at the 12th general election on 8
March 2008, Malaysian voters have had high expectations in terms of good gov-
ernance and what is considered as sustainable development particularly in the three
1 Culture, Communication and Capacity for Sustainable Development 19

opposition states of the Federation of Malaysia. In one of these states, Penang, the
stakes and expectations have grown especially after it attained the coveted status of
UNESCO World Heritage Site in 2008. In Penang, concerned Malaysians and
social activists with competing notions of socio-economic development at times
come into conflict with the state and other actors in their campaign for sustainable
development. This chapter examines the various, and at times creative, ways in
which civil society groups convey their messages and political stand on sustainable
development in the public domain.
Boonlert Supadhiloke explains that in the wake of the global financial crisis in
1997, the late King Bhumibol Adulyadej’s sufficiency economy philosophy (SE)
was widely publicized and integrated into the National Economic and Social
Development Plans, leading to the shift of the national development paradigm from
economic development (1961–1996) to people-centred development (1997–pre-
sent). In view of the wide use of mass media and the Internet to disseminate best
practices of the SE application to inspire the Thai people, this chapter examines
whether mass media and culture facilitate or hinder the development of social
capital among young people in rural areas. Among the mass media, television use
appeared to enhance both interpersonal trust and group networks among rural youth
while radio listening contributed to group networks, and newspaper reading
enhanced interpersonal trust. The Internet was a useful medium to cultivate both
trust and group networks among young people. The chapter emphasizes further
research on SE as a valid conceptual paradigm through an integrated multi-media
campaign to achieve sustainable development goals.
Jude William Genilo points out that the Philippines is visited by an average of 20
typhoons a year, and crisis communication should be more or less a standard
procedure. However, in 2013, the typhoon Haiyan caught the country by surprise
and around 13 million people across the Visayas region were affected. This chapter
aims to rethink crisis communication at a time of climate change. It is expected that
greater numbers of super typhoons will hit the country and that the usual infor-
mation dissemination flow process is no longer enough to lessen their impacts. The
chapter argues that crisis communication needs to be re-thought in the context of
climate change and should focus more on: creating messages attuned towards the
social construction of disasters; promoting dialogues rather than simply dissemi-
nating information; incorporating new media as part of the media mix; and utilizing
a community-based information flow parallel to the traditional top-to-bottom
approach.
China became the second biggest economy of the world by early 2010. This
fast-growing economy in Yifan Zhang’s assessment has witnessed mass exploita-
tion of natural resources and consequent environmental pollution. In 2013, ‘Fog
and haze’ became part of daily vocabulary in China and people became very
concerned about the index of PM 2.5. Chai Jing, a CCTV journalist, who made a
documentary film called ‘Under the Dome’ in 2015, attracted 200 millions viewer
in a short period. But it was banned by the Publicity Department of the Chinese
Communist Party. Zhang argues that individuals and organizations have had to fight
to raise awareness through different informal channels, and the use the social media
20 K. Prasad

such as Weibo and Wechat have gained popularity to enable people, especially the
younger generation, to express their opinions and share information quickly despite
the restriction on the state media in reporting environmental problems.
Parahita Gilang observes that Indonesia bore the brunt of unsustainable agri-
cultural practices during the early 20 years of the New Order along with
socio-political and economic factors that contributed to unsustainable development.
This chapter argues that the failures of the sustainability of development are not
only linked to those factors alone but also to the approaches of communication
applied for sustainable development during the New Order and Reformasi. This
chapter seeks to map the shifts of communication approaches in two political eras
of Indonesia using the concept of mechanistic and organic approaches, wherein
communication for sustainable development of Reformasi Indonesia has yet to pay
full attention to the performing ‘organic’ aspect of communication especially the
potential for empowerment through dialogues and participation of the people that
are already facilitated through several programs.
In India, the national innovation ecosystem has attempted to draw on the
experiences of the rural poor and female population, but there is a persistent
urban-rural divide and gender gap in innovation. Kiran Prasad argues that the
bottom-up communication approach to indigenous innovation will be an important
complement to India’s inclusive national innovation system. The Grassroots to
Global (G2G) model is a potential model for other developing nations interested in
an inclusive framework to communicate innovative solutions to sustainable
development. This chapter gives evidence that inclusive innovation systems can
modernize and upgrade skill sets; integrate communities through creation of
e-Networks; create awareness of ICT tools and usage; generate locally relevant
content; and generate direct employment opportunities for sustainable development.
The concluding chapter calls for a renewed approach to communication for
sustainable development within a framework that recognizes the potential of culture
as social capital, traditional or indigenous knowledge systems and capacities of
communities to protect, adapt and revive the environment for sustainable devel-
opment. The communication of the regenerative skills among communities must
form an important dimension of sustainability debates and efforts as we continue to
face new challenges in ensuring access to communication resources, the empow-
erment of women, the recognition of culture as social capital, preservation of
indigenous knowledge systems, intercultural understanding and international dia-
logue for sustainable development.

References

Anandan, A., Pradhan, S. K., & Singh, O. N. (2015, September14). ‘Aerobic’ rice cultivation
reduces water usage, The Hindu, 16.
Banwari. (1992). Pancavati: Indian approach to environment (A. Vohra, Trans.). New Delhi: Sri
Vinayaka Publications.
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 “WHY.”

I’m sad, for, loving thee, I know full well

That this world’s talk, with its calumnious spell,
Will never spare thy fresh youth’s opening flower.
For every happy day and sunny hour,
Fate will exact in grief and tears his pay.
I’m sad because I see my loved one gay!
 MOSCOW.

Moscow, I love thee with a filial love,

Strong, burning, tender, which a Russian knows!
I love the holy gleam thy brows above,
Thy battled Kremlin in its calm repose.
In vain the foreign Potentate[6] essayed,
Great Russian giant of a thousand years,
To cope with thee, and, by deceit betrayed,
To make thee bow thy soul to craven fears.
In vain the Stranger spurred; you reared; he fell!
The world grew silent ’neath his mighty spell;
Whilst thou alone didst live, my stately one,
Thou heir to glories ours, and ours alone!
Thou livest still, and every stone of thine
Doth tell of generations tales divine.

FOOTNOTES:
[6] Napoleon.
FROM PUSHKIN.
 ⁂

I wander down the noisy streets,

I enter crowded fanes,
I join in youthful revelries,
I give my fancy reins.

I say, “The years are flying fast,

And seen we scarce are here,
Before we reach eternal tombs;
For each the hour is near.”

I glance upon the lonely oak,

The patriarch of the wood,
And think, “He’ll live through my brief day,
He through my father’s stood.”

I fondly kiss the little child,

And, kissing, think, “Good-bye!
I’m giving up my place to you.
You bloom; ’tis mine to die.”

Thus every day, thus every hour,

I’m wont with thought to spend,
And strive to guess the birthday-date
Of my approaching end.

Ah! where will Fate send Death to me?

Abroad? in war? on deep?
Or will a neighbouring valley hold
My cold dust in its keep?
Yet, though I know my lifeless form
Must rot where’er I die,
I’d fondly wish near my loved home,
In my own land, to lie.

There, round the entrance to the grave,

Let young life freely play,
And careless Nature calmly smile
With ageless beauty gay!
 ANACREONTIC.

We know the steed of mettle

By the breed-marks branded on it;
We know the haughty Highlander
By his plumed and towering bonnet;
And I know the happy lovers
By the love-light in their eyes,
Where, its tale of joyance telling,
The languid flame doth rise.
 (TO HIS WIFE.)

No! not for me the wild tumultuous gladness,

The rapturous rush, the transports, and the madness,
The moans, the cries, the young Bacchante makes,
When, clinging close in coilings like a snake’s,
With wounding kiss, and gush of hot caresses,
For the last moments’ thrills she quiveringly presses.

Far dearer thou, my gentle one, to me,

And happy I—distracted more by thee—
When yielding to long prayers with gentle grace,
You press me softly in your meek embrace;
Modestly cold, to love with passion fraught
You scarce respond; you conscience seem of naught;
Yet warm and warmer glowing, till at last,
As ’twere against your will, you share my blast.
 ⁂

Let me not lose my senses, God;

Better the pilgrim’s scrip and rod,
Or toil and hunger sad.
Not that I prize this mind of mine,
Or that my reason to resign
I should not be right glad,
If only then they’d set me free.
At large! How sportively I’d flee
To where the dark wood gleams!
I’d sing in raving ecstasies,
Forgetting self in fantasies
Of changeful wondrous dreams.
To the wild waves I’d lend an ear,
And glancing upward, full of cheer,
Would scan the open sky;
And strong and free I’d rush amain,
A whirlwind sweeping o’er the plain,
Crashing through woods I’d fly.
But there’s the rub! You lose your sense—
Are dreaded like a pestilence,
And clapped in prison drear.
They chain you to the idiot’s yoke,
And, through the cage-bars, to provoke
The wild beast they draw near.
No more the nightingale to hear
At midnight singing sweet and clear,
Nor greenwood’s rustling strains,
But only brother-madmen’s cries,
The nightly keeper’s blasphemies,
And shrieks, and clang of chains.
 ⁂

I’ve overlived aspirings,

My fancies I disdain;
The fruits of hollow-heartedness,
Sufferings alone remain.

’Neath cruel storms of Fate,

Withers my crown of bay,
A sad and lonely life I lead,
Waiting my latest day.

Thus, struck by latter cold,

While howls the wintry wind,
Trembles upon the naked bough
The last leaf left behind.
 PETER THE GREAT.

With autocratic hand

He boldly sowed the light;
He did not scorn his native land—
He knew her destined might.
A carpenter, a seaman,
A scholar, hero, he,
With mighty genius on the throne,
A labourer was incessantly.
 THE PROPHET.

By spiritual thirst opprest,

I hied me to the desert dim,
When lo! upon my path appeared
The holy six-winged seraphim.
My brow his fingers lightly pressed,
Soothing my eyelids into rest:
Open my inward vision flies,
As ope a startled eaglet’s eyes.
He touched my ears, and they were filled
With sounds that all my being thrilled.
I felt a trembling fill the skies,
I heard the sweep of angels’ wings,
Beneath the sea saw creeping things,
And in the valleys vines arise.
Over my lips awhile he hung,
And tore from me my sinful tongue—
The babbling tongue of vanity.
The sting of serpent’s subtlety
Within my lips, as chilled I stood,
He placed, with right hand red with blood.
Then with a sword my bosom cut,
And forth my quivering heart he drew;
A glowing coal of fire he put
Within my breast laid bare to view.
As corpse-like on the waste I lay,
Thus unto me God’s voice did say—
“Prophet, arise! confess My Name;
Fulfil My will; submit to Me!
Arise! go forth o’er land and sea,
And with high words men’s hearts inflame!”
 ⁂

Play, my Kathleen;
No sorrow know.
The Graces flowers
Around thee throw.
Thy little cot
They softly swing,
And bright for thee
Dawns life’s fresh spring.
For all delights
Thou hast been born;
Catch, catch wild joys,
In life’s young morn!
Thy tender years
To love devote;
While hums the world,
Love my pipe’s note.
 A MONUMENT.[7]

I’ve raised myself no statue made with hands;

The People’s path to it no weeds will hide.
Rising with no submissive head, it stands
Above the pillar of Napoleon’s pride.
No! I shall never die; in sacred strains
My soul survives my dust, and flies decay—
And famous shall I be, while there remains
A single Poet ’neath the light of day.
Through all great Russia will go forth my fame,
And every tongue in it will name my name;
And by the nation long shall I be loved,
Because my lyre their nobler feelings moved;
Because I strove to serve them with my song,
And called forth mercy for the fallen throng.
Hear God’s command, O Muse, obediently,
Nor dread reproach, nor claim the Poet’s bay;
To praise and blame alike indifferent be,
And let fools say their say!

FOOTNOTES:
[7] Like our Shakespeare, Pushkin knew his own merits.
 THE POET.

Until Apollo calls the Bard

To share the holy sacrifice,
Plunged in the petty cares of life
The Poet’s spirit lies.

Silent and still his sacred lyre,

His soul to sleep a prey,
Amongst earth’s worthless sons he seems
More worthless, p’raps, than they.

But once the sacred summons rings

And strikes his eager ears,
The Poet’s soul, like eagle roused,
On upward pinion steers.

Then earthly pleasures cease to charm;

He scorns the babbling crowd;
No more beneath their Idol’s feet
His haughty head is bowed.

He flies—and wild and stern his moods,

His notes, now grave, now gay—
To shores where lonely billows play,
To depths of whispering woods.
FROM NADSON.
 ⁂

Pity the stately cypress trees;

How freshly green they spring!
Ah! why amidst their branches, child,
Have you put up your swing?
Break not a single fragrant bough.
Oh, take thy swing away
To heights where thick acacias bloom;
Mid dusty olives play!
Thence you can see the Ocean,
And, as your swing ascends,
Through greening boughs a sunny glimpse
The sea in laughter sends
Of white sails in the distance dim,
Of white gulls far away,
Of white flakes foaming on the sands,
A fringe of snowy spray.
FROM NEKRASOF.
 TE DEUM.

In our village there’s cold and there’s hunger;

Through the mist the sad morn rises chill;
Tolls the bell—the parishioners calling
From afar to the church on the hill;
Austere and severe and commanding
Pealed that dull tone thro’ the air.
I spent in the church that wet morning;
I can never forget the scene there.
For there knelt the village hamlet,
Young and old in a weeping crowd;
To be saved from the grievous famine
The people prayed aloud.
Such woe I had seldom witnessed,
Such agony of prayer,
And unconsciously I murmured,
“O God, the people spare!”

“Spare their friends, too, in Thy mercy!

Oh, hear our heartfelt cry!
For those who strove to free the serf
We lift the prayer on high;
For those who bore the battle’s brunt
And lived to win the day,
For those who’ve heard the serf’s last song,
To Thee, O God, we pray.”
 THE PROPHET.

Ah! tell me not he prudence quite forgot;

That he himself for his own fate’s to blame.
Clearer than we, he saw that man cannot
Both serve the good and save himself from flame.

But men he loved with higher, broader glow;

His soul for worldly honours did not sigh;
For self alone he could not live below,
But for the sake of others he could die.

Thus thought he—and to die, for him, was gain.

He will not say that “life to him was dear;”
He will not say that “death was useless pain;”
To him, long since, his destiny was clear.
 ⁂

Offer my Muse a friendly hand,

For I can sing no other song.
Who feels no woe, nor flames at wrong,
Loves not his Fatherland.