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China’s Digital Nationalism

ii
Oxford Studies in Digital Politics
Series Editor: Andrew Chadwick, Professor of Political Communication in the
Centre for Research in Communication and Culture and the Department of Social
Sciences, Loughborough University
Using Technology, Building Democracy:
Digital Campaigning and the Construction of
Citizenship
Jessica Baldwin-Philippi
Expect Us: Online Communities and Political
Mobilization
Jessica L. Beyer
If . . . Then: Algorithmic Power and Politics
Taina Bucher
The Hybrid Media System: Politics and Power
Andrew Chadwick
The Only Constant Is Change: Technology,
Political Communication, and Innovation
Over Time
Ben Epstein
Tweeting to Power: The Social Media Revolution
in American Politics
Jason Gainous and Kevin M. Wagner
Risk and Hyperconnectivity: Media and
Memories of Neoliberalism
Andrew Hoskins and John Tulloch
Democracy’s Fourth Wave? Digital Media
and the Arab Spring
Philip N. Howard and Muzammil M. Hussain
The Digital Origins of Dictatorship and
Democracy: Information Technology
and Political Islam
Philip N. Howard
Analytic Activism: Digital Listening and the New
Political Strategy
David Karpf
The MoveOn Effect: The Unexpected
Transformation of American Political
Advocacy
David Karpf
Prototype Politics: Technology-Intensive
Campaigning and the Data of Democracy
Daniel Kreiss
Taking Our Country Back: The Crafting of
Networked Politics from Howard Dean
to Barack Obama
Daniel Kreiss
Media and Protest Logics in the Digital Era: The
Umbrella Movement in Hong Kong
Francis L.F. Lee and Joseph M. Chan
Bits and Atoms: Information and
Communication Technology in Areas
of Limited Statehood
Steven Livingston and Gregor Walter-Drop
Digital Cities: The Internet and the Geography of
Opportunity
Karen Mossberger, Caroline J. Tolbert, and
William W. Franko
Revolution Stalled: The Political Limits of the
Internet in the Post-Soviet Sphere
Sarah Oates
Disruptive Power: The Crisis of the State in the
Digital Age
Taylor Owen
Affective Publics: Sentiment, Technology, and
Politics
Zizi Papacharissi
The Citizen Marketer: Promoting Political Opinion
in the Social Media Age
Joel Penney
Presidential Campaigning in the Internet Age
Jennifer Stromer-Galley
News on the Internet: Information and Citizenship
in the 21st Century
David Tewksbury and Jason Rittenberg
The Civic Organization and the Digital Citizen:
Communicating Engagement in a Networked Age
Chris Wells
Networked Publics and Digital Contention: The
Politics of Everyday Life in Tunisia
Mohamed Zayani
iii

China’s Digital
Nationalism

FLORIAN SCHNEIDER

1
iv

1
Oxford University Press is a department of the University of Oxford. It furthers
the University’s objective of excellence in research, scholarship, and education
by publishing worldwide. Oxford is a registered trade mark of Oxford University
Press in the UK and certain other countries.

Published in the United States of America by Oxford University Press

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© Oxford University Press 2018

All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in

a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, without the
prior permission in writing of Oxford University Press, or as expressly permitted
by law, by license, or under terms agreed with the appropriate reproduction
rights organization. Inquiries concerning reproduction outside the scope of the
above should be sent to the Rights Department, Oxford University Press, at the
address above.

You must not circulate this work in any other form

and you must impose this same condition on any acquirer.

Library of Congress Cataloging-​in-​Publication Data

Names: Schneider, Florian, 1977– author.
Title: China’s digital nationalism / Florian Schneider.
Description: New York, NY : Oxford University Press, [2018] |
Series: Oxford studies in digital politics | Includes bibliographical references and index.
Identifiers: LCCN 2018003759 (print) | LCCN 2018020114 (ebook) | ISBN 9780190876814 (Updf) |
ISBN 9780190876821 (Epub) | ISBN 9780190876807 (pbk. : alk. paper) |
ISBN 9780190876791 (hardcover : alk. paper)
Subjects: LCSH: Internet—Political aspects—China. | Cyberspace—Politicalaspects—China. |
Internet—Government policy—China. | Nationalism—China.
Classification: LCC HM851 (ebook) | LCC HM851 .S274 2018 (print) | DDC004.67/80951—dc23
LC record available at https://lccn.loc.gov/2018003759

9 8 7 6 5 4 3 2 1
Paperback printed by Sheridan Books, Inc., United States of America
Hardback printed by Bridgeport National Bindery, Inc., United States of America
v

01001110
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01101001
01110011
01101101
vi
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For Foteini.
The 1 to all my 0s.
vii
ix

Contents

List of Tables and Illustrations   xi

Acknowledgements   xiii
Note on Conventions   xix
List of Abbreviations   xxi

1. Introduction    1

2. Nationalism and Its Digital Modes   25

3. Filtering Digital China   57

4. Digital China’s Hyperlink Networks   80

5. The Mediated Massacre   109

6. Selling Sovereignty on the Web   135

7. The User-​Generated Nation    165

8. The Cultural Governance of Digital China   196

9. Conclusion: The Future of Nationalism in the Digital Age   220

Notes   237
Glossary of Technical Terms   249
References   253
Index   283

ix
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xi

Tables and Illustrations

Tables
2.1 Communities and Polities—​Definitions   43
4.1 Chinese Nanjing Massacre Issue Websites   94
4.2 Chinese Diaoyu Island Issue Websites   99
5.1 Encyclopaedic Knowledge about the Nanjing Massacre   116
5.2 Online Encyclopaedia Introductions to the Nanjing Massacre   122
7.1 Encyclopaedia Hudong’s User Comments   179
7.2 Top-​10 Weibo Users in 2012   185

Figures
1.1 Japanese Restaurant in Beijing Makes Nice   2
1.2 Media and Minds in Popular China Discourses   6
1.3 Shattered Vision of Capitalist Urbanism   13
2.1 Communities   35
3.1 Digital Bias   64
3.2 Searching for Tiananmen   69
3.3 How Different Search Engines in China Produce Results on Japan   72
3.4 Content Distribution and Own-​Content Bias Across Five Chinese
Search Engines   73
3.5 National Weather for Contested Territories   76
4.1 What Constitutes a ‘Community Network’?   87
4.2 Central London’s Underground Network   90
4.3 Immediate Neighbourhood of the Nanjing Massacre Issue Pages   97
4.4 Extended Network of the Nanjing Massacre Issue Pages   98

xi
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xii Ta b les a nd I l l ustr ations

4.5 Extended Network of the Diaoyu Island Issue Pages   102

4.6 Online Networks of Hong Kong’s Higher Education   105
4.7 Higher Education Networks in ‘Greater China’   106
5.1 The Symbolic Number 300,000 on China’s Web   127
6.1 Homepage of the PRC’s Official Diaoyu Island Website   138
6.2 Scripting Bilateral Antagonisms   147
6.3 Pan-​Chinese Unity on iFeng   148
6.4 Guns, Games, and Girls   158
6.5 Commodified Nationalism   160
7.1 Sanctioning Anti-​Japanese Anger on China’s Web   175
8.1 Network Formations   214
8.2 China’s Cyber-​Policy Framework    215
xii

Acknowledgements

This book is the result of a three-​year research project titled ‘Digital Nationalism
in China’, which lasted from 2013 to 2016, and which has involved a number
of institutions and people to whom I am deeply grateful for their advice, help,
and support. None of the persons or institutions mentioned here are, of course,
responsible for any shortcomings in the book, and any remaining errors are en-
tirely my own.
Institutionally, the project was financed by the Netherlands Organization for
Scientific Research (NWO), with a generous VENI grant (project no. 275-​63-​
005). The project was hosted at the Leiden University Institute for Area Studies
(LIAS). I thank the former LIAS directors Maghiel van Crevel and Frank Pieke
for their support of the project. I am in perpetual awe of their dedication to
their colleagues and to academic research. Both Maghiel and Frank provided
invaluable advice in the run-​up to the grant application, and they have been
supportive ever since. The financial officers Ine Goedegebuur and Alex van der
Meer accompanied the project and helped me manage the grant. During the
project, I had the pleasure of visiting China numerous times for fieldwork, with
the kind support of my colleagues Yana Zuo and Marc Blanchard at Shanghai
Jiaotong University, Huang Dianlin and Zhang Qing at the Communication
University of China in Beijing, and Lena Scheen at the New York University
Shanghai Campus. On these occasions, many scholars, journalists, media
workers, and administrators shared their thoughts with me during formal or in-
formal interviews. For reasons of anonymity, I cannot list their names here, but
I am truly grateful for their willingness to share their knowledge and views.
Before the start of this project, as I was developing the ideas for this study,
the team around Chris Goto-​Jones’s research project ‘Beyond Utopia’ offered
me a place to prepare my research. Chris has been incredibly kind in his support
of my work, not only by including me in his VICI project as a post-​doc but also
by continuously providing me with a sounding board for ideas. I have benefitted

xiii
xvi

xiv Ack no wled ge ments

immensely from working with him and the project’s PhD graduates Carl Li,
Mari Nakamura, and Martin Roth.
At Leiden University, I have had the pleasure of working in a rich and en-
gaging academic environment that is home to many excellent East Asia scholars,
and our conversations over recent years have shaped this book in countless ways.
My thanks go to Lindsay Black, Remco Breuker, Javier Cha, Rogier Creemers,
Kasia Cwiertka, Koen de Ceuster, Alice de Jong, Ans de Rooij, Hilde De
Weerdt, Aya Ezawa, Ed Frettingham, Marc Gilbert, Han Namhee, Hwang Yih-​
jye, Erik Herber, Anne-​Sytske Keijser, Svetlana Kharchenkova, Nadia Kreeft,
Stefan Landsberger, Luo Ting, Ewa Machotka, Ethan Mark, Oliver Moore, Kiri
Paramore, Park Saeyoung, Fresco Sam-​Sin, Ivo Smits, Daniela Stockmann, Rint
Sybesma, Teh Limin, Paul van Els, Paul Vierthaler, Bryce Wakefield, Wang Jue,
Wang Ying-​Ting, Jeroen Wiedenhof, Guita Winkel, and Zhang Yinzhi. I also
want to thank my colleagues in Utrecht and Amsterdam for our conversations
about digital media and digital methods, especially Anne Helmond, Richard
Rogers, and Mirko Schäfer.
While I was preparing and later working on this project, Russ Glenn and Taru
Salmenkari took over my teaching duties, and I am in their debt for all the hard
work and dedication they showed during what must have frequently seemed like
a thankless task: to pick up someone else’s teaching obligations on short notice
and supervise such a large number of undergraduate and graduate projects. Our
students have benefitted enormously from their excellent teaching, and I have
profited time and time again from their input and feedback on this project.
Also at Leiden University, Jacqueline Hicks did a tremendous job organizing
the Digital Asia Conference of 2016, and it was a pleasure working with her
and Bart Barendregt during that event. Jacky and Bart have also been invaluable
members of our editorial team for the journal Asiascape: Digital Asia, and I thank
everyone involved in helping launch that journal and creating such a lively com-
munity of scholars interested in digital communication and Asia. Our exchanges
of ideas and our work on journal-​related issues have provided me with an impor-
tant and fruitful context for my own work. In addition to Bart and Jacky, I thank
Azman Azwan Azmawati, Ian Condry, Jens Damm, Fu King-​wa, Chris Goto-​
Jones, David Herold, Dal Yong Jin, Thomas Looser, Nissim Otmazgin, Martin
Roth, Barbara Schulte, Martin Slama, Ross Tapsell, Takayuki Tatsumi, Kyong
Yoon, and Elaine Yuan for all their excellent work. Hugo Dobson, Christopher
Hughes, Jeroen de Kloet, Thomas Lamarre, Mark McLelland, Jack Linchuan
Qiu, Éric Sautedé, Yang Guobin, and Zhang Xiaoling have been tremendously
helpful as our advisory board, and I thank them for their unwavering support. It
has been wonderful being part of this community while working on this book.
In recent years, I had the pleasure of attending a series of academic events
to present parts of this book, and many of my fellow participants provided
xv

Ack n ow l e dg e m e n t s xv

invaluable constructive feedback and advice. This included colleagues at the an-
nual China Internet Research Conference (CIRC), which I joined in 2013 at the
Oxford Internet Institute, in 2014 at the Hong Kong Polytechnic University, and
in 2016 at Shanghai’s Fudan University. I especially thank David Herold for in-
viting me to teach workshops at the 12th CIRC in Hong Kong. At various CIRC
events, I have been particularly grateful for thoughtful comments from and in-
spiring conversations with David Herold, Ang Peng Hwa, Séverine Arsène,
Gilian Bolsover, Gabriele de Seta, William Dutton, Margaret Hillenbrand,
Fang Kecheng, Fu King-​wa, Hu Yong, Jiang Min, Randy Kluver, Liao Han-​teng,
Silvia Lindtner, Tom McDonald, Gianluigi Negro, Jack Qiu, Clément Renaud,
Maria Repnikova, Marcella Szablewicz, Cara Wallis, Yang Guobin, Peter Yu,
Elaine Yuan, Zhang Weiyu, and Zhou Baohua. In addition, Yang Guobin was
kind enough to let me join the 2015 conference on Social Media and Public
Engagement in Hangzhou, and Randy Kluver included me in his panel at the
International Communication Association’s annual meeting in Fukuoka in
2016, for which I am deeply grateful.
Also in Hangzhou, I am indebted to Shi Xu for including me in the
International Conference on Multicultural Discourse in 2013, at a time when
I was in the middle of preparing the research project, and Cao Qing, Lutgard
Lams, and Johann Unger provided feedback on the pilot study that would later
become the foundation of this project. At the London School of Economics
(LSE), I would like to thank the Association for the Study of Ethnicity and
Nationalism (ASEN) for inviting me to their annual meeting in 2014. ASEN is
a wonderful community of scholars working at the cutting-​edge of nationalism
studies, and I have very much enjoyed the many enlightening exchanges that
take place at the LSE. Incidentally, the LSE’s William A. Callahan later caught a
translation error of mine, just as the book was about to go to press, and I thank
him for his keen eye and his last-​minute assistance.
In the same year as the ASEN meeting, the American Political Science
Association (APSA) included me in its annual meeting, and I thank Brock
Tessman for hosting our panel on East Asian territorial conflicts. In late 2014, at
Lund University, Marina Svensson invited me to join one of her Digital China
workshops, and my thanks go to her and her colleagues Gladys Chicharro,
Christian Göbel, Annika Pissin, Jesper Schlaeger, Barbara Schulte, and Wang
Ning for making this such a successful event.
In 2015, Karl Gustafsson and Linus Hagström invited me to Stockholm to
present my work at the Swedish Institute of International Affairs, and I thank
them and their colleagues for the opportunity to share my thoughts with
them, and especially Astrid Nordin and Joakim Edvardsson Reimar for their
helpful feedback. At Cambridge University and Oxford University, my sincere
gratitude goes to Barak Kushner and Rana Mitter for inviting me to join their
xvi

xvi Ack no wled ge ments

thought-​provoking international conferences on media and history in East Asia.

The conversations with Barak, Rana, and the participants of the 2015 and 2016
Toshiba International Foundation conferences have deeply shaped my thinking
about historiography in a time of digital mediation. At New York University
(NYU), my thanks go to Lena Scheen for our many exciting conversations about
contemporary China; Lena and Constance Bruce also organized my 2016 visit
to the Shanghai Campus, which provided me with the chance to discuss my re-
search with the NYU colleagues and students. I also thank NYU’s Clay Shirky
for sharing his thoughts on the project with me on numerous occasions. His
expansive knowledge of digital media and his commitment to life-​long learning
are truly inspiring.
I am grateful to Hugo Dobson and his colleagues at Sheffield University for
including me in their White Rose workshops on international relations in East
Asia. Hugo has rightly insisted that we look beyond the traditional actors in in-
ternational relations and explore how celebrities, journalists, intellectuals, and
others influence politics, and the events he created to discuss these activities
have provided a great opportunity for thinking about social media celebrities
in China. I also thank Jamie Coates, Adrian Campbell, Andrew Cooper, Elena
Denezhkina, Mark Jones, and Mark Wheeler for our conversations on politics,
power, and celebrity.
Some of the studies this book is based on have appeared in peer-​reviewed
journals (see Schneider 2016a, 2017, 2018), and I would like to thank the
editors of New Media and Society, Celebrity Studies, and the Journal of Asian
Studies for their help and feedback. Jonathan Sullivan kindly included some
of my thoughts on cyberpolitics in the online journal of Nottingham’s China
Policy Institute. I am also grateful to the anonymous peer-​reviewers who have
shared their insights on nationalism, media, politics, and China throughout
the various review processes. And, of course, I am grateful to my series editor
at Oxford University Press (OUP), Andrew Chadwick, for being so supportive
of this project, and to OUP’s publishing editor Angela Chnapko and assistant
editor Alexcee Bechthold for taking the project forward and being available
with helpful comments and advice during the publishing process. Lincy Priya
and Holly Haydash accompanied the manuscript during the final production
stages, and I thank them for all their hard work creating the final book. In three
cases, I have kindly been granted permission to use other people’s artwork in
this book: Figure 1.1 was provided by a photographer who has asked to remain
anonymous, but who of course has my sincere thanks; Cristóbal Schmal has
allowed me to reproduce his artwork for Figure 1.2; and Transport for London
has granted me permission to use their London tube map in Figure 4.2. Finally,
Anna Yeadell has again done a tremendous job copyediting the manuscript.
I cannot express how thankful I am for her professional advice on writing, and
xvi

Ack n owl e dg e m e n t s xvii

her ability to make me seem eloquent. At OUP, Sylvia Cannizzaro provided a

helpful, final round of copy-​editing, and I am thankful to her for giving the text
its final form.
A number of colleagues need to be mentioned here specifically, for their
input, their help, and their friendship. After a chance encounter in a Beijing el-
evator, Christian Göbel spent many evenings discussing Chinese politics and
digital communication with me and has generously shared his ongoing research
in the years since. My teacher Marion Müller has taught me everything I know
about visual communication, and she continues to inspire me with her enthu-
siasm for research and teaching. Peter Gries has shared so much of his knowl­
edge on nationalism and group psychology with me over the years, but, more
importantly, he has also been an amazing friend. Finally, Lindsay Black, Ed
Frettingham, Jay Hwang, Mari Nakamura, and Bryce Wakefield joined a man-
uscript reading group towards the end of the project. They did an excellent job
helping me with the earlier draft of the book, providing insightful feedback and
crucial reality checks, and all they received in return were small bribes in the
form of food and drink. To all of you: thank you.
Of course, this project has benefitted from the many conversations I have had
with my students at Leiden University, especially the participants of my grad-
uate class on the Politics of Digital China, and my graduate and post-​graduate
research students Anna Fiedler, Milan Ismangil, Manya Koetse, Nie Yuxi, Gina
van Ling, Wang Qing, and Zhang Qiaoqi. I have learned so much from you.
Finally, I thank my parents Heike and Michael Schneider for their love and
support, and my friends Gina van Ling, Vincent Onken, and Dimitris Froudakis
for keeping me sane with various gamic distractions during the hot phase of
finishing this book. Joost Hillringhaus, my best man and indeed the best man,
has been there for me at every step of the way, and I suspect he will recognize
our conversations in many parts of this book. Most importantly, I thank Foteini
Poimenidi. Her keen eye as a psychologist and her unbeatable bullshit detector
have kept my meandering thoughts on track, and it is fair to say that her crit-
ical questions and relentless scepticism have shaped every idea in this book. For
that, for her unwavering love and support, and for so much more, I am forever
grateful.
xvi
xxi

Note on Conventions

In this book, Asian names follow the local convention of placing the last name
first and the given name second, for example, ‘Mao Zedong’. I have only made
exceptions where another rendition is more commonly accepted, for example,
‘Jackie Chan’.
For Chinese names and phrases, I have used the Pinyin transliteration that is
prevalent in mainland China. Where I have used Chinese characters, I have gen-
erally provided the simplified version commonly used on the mainland, unless
the discussion warranted mention of the traditional script, for instance in online
posts that mix both writing systems.
All English translations from Chinese sources are my own, unless noted
otherwise.
A short note on references: throughout, I have quoted and referenced a
number of e-​books, specifically texts in Amazon’s Kindle format. In such cases,
I have used Kindle’s page location in place of the hard copies’ page number to
indicate where a quote, factoid, or argument is located. I have also spelled out
all given names in the list of references rather than using initials as convention
frequently dictates. This is to make it less cumbersome for readers to identify
authors with Asian names, especially considering how the relatively low number
of common Chinese surnames can lead to many authors sharing the same last
name and initial.

xix
xx
xxi

Abbreviations

CAC Cyberspace Administration of China

CCP Chinese Communist Party
CFDD Chinese Federation for Defending the Diaoyus
CNNIC China Internet Network Information Centre Online
ICANN Internet Corporation for Assigned Names and Numbers
ICT Information and Communication Technology
IT Information Technology
KMT Kuomintang (National Party)
NGO Non-​Governmental Organization
PLA People’s Liberation Army
PRC People’s Republic of China
ROC Republic of China (Taiwan)
SAR Special Administrative Region
SIIO State Internet Information Office
WCADDL World Chinese Alliance in Defence of the Diaoyus

xxi
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xxi

China’s Digital Nationalism

xvi
1

1
Introduction

Devils and traitors:

In the sweltering heat of the 2012 summer, passions are running high in
China. After Japanese right-​wing activists land on contested islands in
the East China Sea, known as the Diaoyu Islands in China, the Chinese
internet erupts with angry posts. ‘It feels like when your wife is raped
yet you can only stand at a distance cursing the culprit, “dare you do it
again?” ’, concludes one user on the popular Chinese messaging service
QQ. The online anger quickly spills into the streets as protesters march
through major Chinese cities. Some carry picket signs reading ‘resist
the devils’ (kangji guizi 抗击鬼子), others burn Japanese flags. The
situation escalates further when the Japanese government decides to
purchase the islands from their private owner in a bid to outmanoeuvre
a nationalist politician at home. The resulting riots across China see
Japanese factories and stores set on fire. Japanese restaurants are flying
Chinese national flags to discourage vandalism.
On 15 September 2012, a particularly gruesome scene plays itself out
in the central-​Chinese city of Xi’an: second-​hand car dealer Li Jianli is
driving his family to a homewares market when he encounters a crowd
of protesters smashing and overturning Japanese cars. The mob encircles
his vehicle and trashes it with clubs and bricks. When the 51-​year-​old
Mr. Li attempts to protect his car, a rioter smashes his skull in with a
bicycle lock. His wife drags him from a pool of blood to a nearby taxi,
which rushes Li to a hospital. Emergency brain surgery saves him, but he
and his family are scared for life. Mr. Li’s offense: he was driving a Nissan.
Four years after the attack, Li and his wife are trending again on social
media, following a video report of him and his continuing health problems.
In the report, his wife draws her own conclusions from the event: ‘Perhaps
Japan is all to blame for this, for stealing our Diaoyu Islands. If they
wouldn’t have done that, there would have been no protests’.1

1
2

2 CHI NA’S D IG I TAL N ATION ALIS M

Events like the 2012 riots in the People’s Republic of China (PRC) highlight
how important popular nationalism is in contemporary Chinese society. They
also highlight how strongly this nationalism remains tied to anti-​Japanese
sentiments, and how those sentiments, in turn, inform political discussions and
actions (Figure 1.1). Importantly, the events illustrate that present-​day nation-
alism is a different animal than the nationalism of earlier centuries. Nationalism
itself is, of course, not a new phenomenon. From 17th-​century Europe, the insti-
tution of the nation state has spread to all corners of the world.2 Today, the United
Nations recognizes nearly 200 autonomous nation states. This success story has
been made possible by the innovative idea that human beings should be viewed
as members of nations—​of territorially bound, politically sovereign ethnic
communities that share self-​proclaimed cultural and historical ties. The nation
has become so ubiquitous that it seems nearly impossible to imagine human
identity without recourse to a person’s nationhood. Indeed, most nationals
are passionate about belonging to ‘their’ nation. It matters to be American or
Australian, Chinese or Japanese, Dutch or South African. Sometimes, it matters
in seemingly banal ways, for instance during international sporting events or
when a border guard requests a traveller’s passport. In other instances, such

Figure 1.1 Japanese Restaurant in Beijing Makes Nice. With kind permission from an
anonymous photographer, 30 September 2012.
3

I n t rodu ct ion 3

as during the events outlined earlier, it matters in ways that have broad and, at
times, grave consequences.
If we are to understand the social and political complexities of the 21st century,
we need to ask: what happens to nationalism when it goes digital? Nationalism
today is shared through digital information and communication technologies
(ICTs). It is adopted, filtered, transformed, enhanced, and accelerated through
digital networks. Moreover, nationalism in digital spheres interacts in compli-
cated ways with nationalism ‘on the ground’, challenging simple dichotomies of
online versus offline politics. All of these dynamics are on display in the rich cul-
tural and political environment that is digital China.

Chinese Nationalism in the 21st Century

Communication in digital China has been diversifying since the PRC established
its first fully functional linkage to the internet in 1994 (see CERNET 2001). Yet,
diverse and pluralist as many interactions in digital China may be, political con-
tent on the Chinese web is clustered around a small number of recurring themes,
and nationalism remains ‘the primary online political discourse’ (Breslin & Shen
2010: 6).3 In digital China, internet users commenting on international affairs
frequently denounce perceived humiliations of the nation (guochi 国耻) while
advocating patriotism (aiguo zhuyi 爱国主义), thereby contributing to the con-
struction of a national community. For the PRC leadership, taking control of this
construction process is a political imperative. Since the 1980s, and especially
since the fall of the Soviet Union, China’s leaders have been implementing a ‘pa-
triotic education’ campaign (aiguo zhuyi jiaoyu 爱国主义教育) that aims ‘to
stimulate national pride and cohesion’ by ‘teaching China’s history of resisting
foreign aggression as a collective experience of suffering, struggle and glory’ (He
2007a: 57).4
The Party hopes that patriotic education will inspire ‘pragmatic nationalism’
(Zhao 2004: 218) and legitimate the Party’s rule. Yet, a national community
does not exist in a vacuum. Every in-​group requires out-​groups (Billig 2009: 55–​
59), and the Chinese leadership has staked its claim as the sole guarantor of the
nation’s prosperous future on strong ‘us versus them’ narratives. China’s educa-
tion policies not only ‘reeducate the youth (as in the past)’, but also ‘redirect pro-
test towards the foreigners as the primary enemy’ (Callahan 2010: 35).
In the Chinese case, one of the most important foreign others is Japan. It
provides the crucial foil against which the Chinese Communist Party (CCP)
projects its vision of national cohesion. Of course, not all digital representations
of Japan are negative, and especially Chinese interests in Japanese popular cul-
ture sit awkwardly alongside more chauvinistic views of the PRC’s neighbour.
4

4 CHI NA’S D IG I TAL N ATION ALIS M

An example of this complicated relationship is the role the Japanese adult film
actress and pop idol Sola Aoi played during the 2012 territorial dispute. Her so-
cial media calls for peace between the Chinese and Japanese people brought the
patriotic sentiments of many Chinese fans in conflict with their love for Japanese
pornography (see Coates 2014). As the ensuing debates over who should be
permitted to speak on issues of national self and other suggest, and as the online
anger and rioting of 2012 also demonstrate more generally, ‘relations between
Japan and China continue to be overshadowed by the history of war between
them’ (Austin & Harris 2001: 48). Routinely resurfacing issues show how deep
historical conflicts run: Japanese history textbooks, political rituals, and claims
to disputed territories have repeatedly outraged Chinese internet users.5 While
nationalist voices also target other perceived enemies of China, the ‘fiercest
comments and suggestions are reserved for Japan’ (Breslin & Shen 2010: 8).
For the Chinese government, anti-​Japanese sentiments are a mixed blessing.
On the one hand, they help construct a sense of national unity, and the lead-
ership has consequently fostered the idea of a malicious Japan through school
curricula (Wang 2012: ch.4), museum exhibits (Denton 2014), and a wide
range of media products such as books, TV programmes, computer games,
maps, and paraphernalia (Callahan 2010; Nie 2013). Through propaganda
strategies old and new (Brady 2008: 125–​149), the CCP reminds its citizens
to ‘never forget’ the atrocities of the Second Sino-​Japanese War (Mitter 2003),
and to view modern Chinese history through the lens of national humiliation
(Cohen 2002; Wang 2012). As Carrico and Gries argue (2016: 430), the fre-
quently racist anti-​Japanese views of contemporary Chinese nationalists ‘cannot
be understood apart from their socialization in the PRC into a view of Japan as
a fascist state perpetually frozen in time in 1945’. Indeed, Japan as an antagonist
has become deeply engrained in the CCP’s attempt to legitimate its rule over
China. On the other hand, as He (2007b: 2) points out, ‘the visceral nation-
alist sentiment’ that these ‘pernicious mythos in the national collective memory’
often lead to also endanger political and economic cooperation, and in extreme
cases they have the potential to harm the political legitimacy of the CCP. In
heated current affairs debates, Chinese internet users at times bypass official in-
formation policies and shape the meaning of patriotism in ways that do not nec-
essarily serve the leadership.6
Japanese planes in China’s skies:
One of the most devastating earthquakes in human history strikes
the Chinese province of Sichuan on 12 May 2008. Over 70,000
people are killed or missing, hundreds of thousands more are injured.
Neighbouring Japan is quick to offer aid to the disaster-​stricken region,
which China’s leaders gladly accept. Japan issues 500 million Yen in
Another random document with
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see such a living proof. She is my little Jane as she was when a child
—my little Jane—my darling! Mrs. Lanier, will you excuse me!—the
sight of her has quite unnerved me”; and suddenly sinking into a
chair he pressed the child to his heart and hid his face on her bright
golden head.
What passed between Lady Jane and her grandfather, Mr. and
Mrs. Lanier never knew, for they slipped quietly out of the room, and
left the cold, stern man alone with the last of his family—the child of
that idolized but disobedient daughter, who had caused him untold
sorrow, and whom he had never forgiven until that moment, when he
held in his arms, close to his heart, the child, her living image.
It was some time before Mr. Chetwynd appeared, and when he did
he was as cold and self-possessed as if he had never felt a throb of
emotion, or shed a tear of sorrow on the pretty head of the child, who
held his hand, and prattled as freely and confidingly as though she
had known him always.
“What will Mother Margaret say,” she exclaimed, looking at Mrs.
Lanier with wide, glistening eyes, “when I tell her that I’ve found Tony
and my grandpapa both in one Christmas? I never saw a grandpapa
before. Pepsie read to me about one in a book, and he was very
cross; but this one isn’t. I think he’s very good, because he says that
he will give me everything I wish, and I know I shall love him a great
deal.”
“Now, Lady Jane, confess to me, and I’ll never tell,” whispered
Arthur with an air of great secrecy. “Which do you love best, Tony or
your new grandpapa?”
She raised her clear eyes to the roguish face of the boy with a little
perplexed smile, and then replied unhesitatingly: “Well, I’ve known
Tony longer, but I think I’ll love my grandpapa as well by and by,
because, you know, he’s my grandpapa.”
Arthur laughed heartily at the clever way in which she evaded the
question, and remarked to Mrs. Lanier that Lady Jane would wind
her grandfather around her little finger before a month was over.
Which prediction was likely to prove true, for Mr. Chetwynd did not
seem to have any other interest in life than to gratify every wish the
child expressed.
“She has taken complete possession of me,” he said to Mrs.
Lanier, “and now my greatest happiness will be to make her happy.
She is all I have, and I shall try to find in her the comfort her mother
deprived me of.”
In spite of his affection for the child, his feelings did not soften
toward the mother; he could not forget that she had disappointed him
and preferred a stranger to him; that she had given up wealth and
position to bury herself in obscurity with a man he hated. It was a
bitter thought, yet he would spare no pains to solve the mystery that
hung over her last days.
Money and influence together soon put the machinery of the law in
motion; therefore it was not a month after Mr. Chetwynd’s arrival in
New Orleans before everything was as clear as day. The young
widow was traced to Madame Jozain’s; there were many who
remembered her death and funeral. The physician’s certificate at the
Board of Health bore the name of Dr. Debrot, who was found, and
interviewed during one of his lucid moments; he described the young
mother and child, and even remembered the blue heron; and his
testimony, sad though it was, was still a comfort to Jane Chetwynd’s
friends. She had died of the same fever that killed her husband, and
she had been carefully nursed and decently buried. Afterward, the
Bergeron tomb was opened, the remains identified, and then sent to
New York to rest with her mother, in the stately Chetwynd tomb, in
Greenwood cemetery.
Then a careful search was made for her personal effects, but
nothing was recovered except the watch that Paichoux was fortunate
enough to secure. Mr. Chetwynd handed Paichoux a large check in
exchange for it, but the honest man refused to take any more than
he had paid Raste Jozain in order to get possession of it. However,
the millionaire proved that he was not ungrateful nor lacking in
appreciation, when he presented him with a rich, plain watch suitably
inscribed, from the donor to a most worthy friend. And when the
pretty Marie was married, she received from the same jeweler who
made the watch an exquisite silver tea-service, which was the pride
of her life, and which was cherished not only for its value, but
because it was a gift from Lady Jane’s grandpapa.
Mr. Chetwynd made a number of visits to Good Children Street in
company with Mrs. Lanier and Lady Jane, and there were a great
many long conversations between Mam’selle Diane, the millionaire,
and the banker’s wife, while Lady Jane played with her jolly little
friend, the canary, among the branches of the rose-bush. During
these conversations there was a great deal of argument and anxious
urging on the part of the visitors, and a great many excuses and
much self-depreciation on the part of the gentle, faded lady.
“I have been buried so long,” she would say pathetically, “that the
great world will appal and confuse me. I shall be like a blind person
suddenly made sensible of the light.”
“But you will soon become accustomed to the light,” urged Mrs.
Lanier.
“And I might long for seclusion again; at my age one cannot easily
change one’s habits.”
“You shall have all the seclusion you wish for,” said Mr. Chetwynd
kindly.
“Besides I am so old-fashioned,” murmured Mam’selle Diane,
blushing deeply.
“A quality which I greatly admire,” returned Mr. Chetwynd, with a
courtly bow.
“And think how Lady Jane loves you,” said Mrs. Lanier, as if to
clinch the argument.
“Yes; my love for her and hers for me are the strongest points in
the situation,” replied Mam’selle Diane reflectively; “when I think of
that I can hardly refuse to comply with your wishes.”
At that time it seem as if Lady Jane acted the part of fairy
godmother to those who had been her friends in her days of
adversity; for each one had only to express a wish and it was
gratified.
 Pepsie’s cottage in the country was about to become a reality. In
one of the charming shady lanes of Carrollton they found just such a
bowery little spot as the girl wished for, with a fine strip of land for a
garden. One day Mr. Chetwynd and Lady Jane went down to Good
Children Street and gave the deed of it to Mademoiselle Madelon
Modeste Ferri, which was Pepsie’s baptismal name, although she
had never been called by it in all her life. The little cripple was so
astonished and delighted that she could find no words of thanks; but
after a few moments of very expressive silence she exclaimed: “After
all, my cards were right, for they told me over and over that I should
go to live in the country; and now I’m going, thanks to Lady Jane.”
When little Gex was asked what he most wished for in the world,
he hesitated for a long time, and finally confessed that the desire of
his life was to go back to Paris.
“Well, you shall go, Mr. Gex,” said Lady Jane confidently, “and I
shall see you there, because I’m going to Paris with grandpapa very
soon.”
It is needless to say that Gex went, and the little shop in Good
Children Street saw him no more forever.
And Margaret—the good Margaret. What could Lady Jane do for
her? Only the noble woman and the destitute orphans could testify to
the generous aid that came yearly in the shape of a check for a large
amount from Lady Jane for dear Mother Margaret’s home.
“And Mam’selle Diane,—dear Mam’selle! what can I give her?”
asked Lady Jane eagerly.
“We have our plans for Mam’selle Diane, my dear,” said Mrs.
Lanier. “There is only one thing to do for her, and that is to take her
with you. Your grandpapa has begged her to take charge of your
education. Poor, lonely woman; she loves you dearly, and in spite of
her reluctance to leave her seclusion, I think she would go to the
world’s end with you.”
And so it was arranged that when Mr. Chetwynd and Lady Jane
left New Orleans, Mam’selle Diane d’Hautreve went with them, and
the little house and tiny garden were left to solitude, while the jolly
canary was sent to keep Tony company in Mrs. Lanier’s
conservatory.
 CHAPTER XXXIII
AS IT IS NOW

A LL this happened years ago, some ten or twelve, more or less,

and there have been many changes in that time.
In front of the iron railing where Lady Jane clung on that cold
Christmas eve, peering into the warmth and light of the Orphans’
Home, there is now a beautiful little park, with magnolias, oaks,
fragrant white jasmine, and pink flowering crape-myrtle. The grass is
green, and the trees make shadows on the pretty little pond, the tiled
bridge and shelled walks, the cactus and palmetto. Flowers bloom
there luxuriantly, the birds sing merrily, and it is a spot beloved of
children. Always their joyous laugh can be heard mingled with the
songs of birds and the distant hum of many little voices in the
Orphans’ Home a few paces away.
In the center of that square on a green mound, bordered with
flowers, stands a marble pedestal, and on that pedestal is a statue. It
is the figure of a woman, seated and holding a little orphan to her
heart. The woman has a plain, homely face, the thin hair is combed
back austerely from the broad forehead, the eyes are deep-set, the
features coarse, the mouth wide. She is no high-born dame of
delicate mold, but a woman of the people—untaught, honest, simple,
industrious. Her plain gown falls around her in scanty lines; over her
shoulders is modestly folded a little shawl; her hands, that caress the
orphan at her side, are large and rough with honest toil; but her face,
and her whole plain figure, is beautiful with purity and goodness. It is
Margaret, the orphans’ friend, who, though a destitute orphan
herself, by her own virtue and industry earned the wealth to found
homes and asylums, to feed and clothe the indigent, to save the
wretched and forsaken, and to merit the title of Mother to the
Motherless.
 And there sits her marble image, through summer’s heat and
winter’s cold, serene and gentle, under the shadow of the home she
founded, and in sound of the little voices that she loved so well; and
there she will sit when those voices are silent and those active little
forms are dust, as a monument of honest, simple virtue and charity,
as well as an enduring testimony to the nobility of the women who
erected this statue in respectful recognition of true greatness under
the homely guise of honest toil.
If one of my young readers should happen near this spot just at
the right moment on some fine evening in early spring, he or she
might chance to notice an elegant carriage drawn by two fine horses,
and driven by a sleek darky in plain livery, make the circuit of the
place and then draw up near the statue of Margaret, while its
occupants, an elderly woman of gentle and distinguished
appearance, and a beautiful young girl, study the homely, serene
face of the orphans’ friend.
Presently the girl says reverently, “Dear Mother Margaret! She was
a saint, if earth ever knew one.”
“Yes; she was a noble woman, and she came from the poor and
lowly. My dear, she is an example of a great truth, which may be
worthy of consideration. It is, that virtue and purity do not disdain to
dwell in the meanest shrine, and that all the titles and wealth of earth
could not ennoble her as her own saintly character has done.”
The occupants of the carriage are Lady Jane and Mam’selle Diane
d’Hautreve.
The beautiful child is now a beautiful girl of seventeen. Her
education is finished, and she has not disappointed the expectations
of her friends. At home and abroad she is not only known as the
Chetwynd heiress, but also for her many accomplishments, as well
as for her beauty and charitableness. And her wonderful voice, which
time has enriched and strengthened, is a constant delight to those
who hear it, although it is never heard in public, save in the service
of God, or for some work of charity. The poor and the lowly, the sick
and the dying have often been carried to the very gates of heaven on
its melodious strains, and the good sisters and grateful little orphans
in Margaret’s Home count it a day long to be remembered when
Lady Jane sits down among them and sings some of the hymns that
she loved so well in those old days when she herself was a
homeless little orphan.
Mr. Chetwynd still likes to spend part of the year in Paris; but he
has purchased a beautiful winter home in one of the lovely streets in
the garden district, not far from Mrs. Lanier, and Lady Jane and
Mam’selle Diane spend several months every spring in its delightful
seclusion.
And here Madelon comes to bring her delicious cakes, which she
now sells to private customers instead of having a stand on the Rue
Bourbon; and Tante Modeste often rattles up in her milk cart, a little
older, a little stouter, but with the same bright face; and on the same
seat where Lady Jane used to sit is one of Marie’s little ones, instead
of one of her own. “Only think, my dear,” she says proudly, “Tiburce
has graduated, and now he is studying law with Marie’s husband,
who is rising fast in his profession.”
But among all her happy hours there are none pleasanter than
those she spends with Pepsie in the pretty cottage at Carrollton,
when the bright-faced little cripple, who seems hardly a day older,
spreads out her beautiful needlework and expatiates eloquently on
the fine results she obtains from the Paris patterns and exquisite
material with which she is constantly supplied. She is a natural little
artist with the needle, her dainty work sells readily and profitably, and
she is in a fair way to become rich. “Just think,” she says with one of
her broad smiles, “I could buy a piano now myself, if I wanted to, and
perhaps I shall, so that you can play to me when you come.”
During sunny mornings, on a certain lawn in the garden district,
there is nearly always a merry party playing tennis, while a gentle-
faced woman sits near holding a book, which she seldom reads, so
interested is she in watching a golden-haired girl and a handsome
young man, who frequently interrupt the game to point out the grave
antics of a stately blue heron, that stalks majestically about the lawn
or poses picturesquely on one leg under a glossy palm.
 But we must not approach the border-land of romance. Lady Jane
is no longer a child, and Arthur Maynard is years older than the boy
who gave her the blue heron.

THE END
 Transcriber’s Notes

pg 14 Changed: if you thing it’s right

to: if you think it’s right
pg 133 Changed: LADY JANE FINDS A MUSIC-TEACHFR
to: LADY JANE FINDS A MUSIC-TEACHER
pg 152 Changed: You didn’t wear a handkerchef over your ears
to: You didn’t wear a handkerchief over your ears
pg 168 Changed: annoyed at Pespie’s air of secrecy
to: annoyed at Pepsie’s air of secrecy
*** END OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK LADY JANE ***

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