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CITIES AND THE
SUPER-RICH
Real Estate, Elite Practices,
and Urban Political Economies

edited by
RAY FORREST
SIN YEE KOH
BART WISSINK
The Contemporary City

Series Editors
Ray Forrest
City University of Hong Kong
Kowloon Tong, Hong Kong

Richard Ronald
University of Amsterdam
Amsterdam, The Netherlands
In recent decades cities have been variously impacted by neoliberalism,
economic crises, climate change, industrialization and post-industrializa-
tion and widening inequalities. So what is it like to live in these contem-
porary cities? What are the key drivers shaping cities and neighborhoods?
To what extent are people being bound together or driven apart? How do
these factors vary cross-culturally and cross nationally? This book series
aims to explore the various aspects of the contemporary urban experience
from a strongly interdisciplinary and international perspective. With edi-
tors based in Amsterdam and Hong Kong the series is drawn on an axis
between old and new cities in the West and East.
We are seeking book proposals from across the social sciences but antic-
ipate a core audience rooted in critical approaches in sociology, human
geography, anthropology and political science. Economic issues are a key
concern but our interest lies more with political economy and non-ortho-
dox economics. New scholars are particularly welcome to contact the edi-
tors with ideas for books.

More information about this series at

http://www.springer.com/series/14446
 Ray Forrest • Sin Yee Koh • Bart Wissink
Editors

Cities and the

Super-Rich
Real Estate, Elite Practices, and Urban Political
Economies
Editors
Ray Forrest Bart Wissink
City University of Hong Kong City University of Hong Kong
Kowloon Tong, Hong Kong Kowloon Tong, Hong Kong

Sin Yee Koh

Institute of Asian Studies
University Brunei Darussalam
Gadong, Brunei Darussalam

The Contemporary City

ISBN 978-1-137-55715-5    ISBN 978-1-137-54834-4 (eBook)
DOI 10.1057/978-1-137-54834-4

Library of Congress Control Number: 2016959012

© The Editor(s) (if applicable) and The Author(s) 2017

This work is subject to copyright. All rights are solely and exclusively licensed by the
Publisher, whether the whole or part of the material is concerned, specifically the rights of
translation, reprinting, reuse of illustrations, recitation, broadcasting, reproduction on
microfilms or in any other physical way, and transmission or information storage and retrieval,
electronic adaptation, computer software, or by similar or dissimilar methodology now
known or hereafter developed.
The use of general descriptive names, registered names, trademarks, service marks, etc. in this
publication does not imply, even in the absence of a specific statement, that such names are
exempt from the relevant protective laws and regulations and therefore free for general use.
The publisher, the authors and the editors are safe to assume that the advice and information
in this book are believed to be true and accurate at the date of publication. Neither the pub-
lisher nor the authors or the editors give a warranty, express or implied, with respect to the
material contained herein or for any errors or omissions that may have been made. The
publisher remains neutral with regard to jurisdictional claims in published maps and institu-
tional affiliations.

Cover illustration: © Magictorch / Alamy Stock Photo

Printed on acid-free paper

This Palgrave Macmillan imprint is published by Springer Nature

The registered company is Nature America Inc.
The registered company address is: 1 New York Plaza, New York, NY 10004, U.S.A.
 Acknowledgements

This book grew out of a two-day workshop hosted by the Urban Research
Group at the City University of Hong Kong on 15–16 January 2015.
The editors would like to acknowledge the financial and logistical support
provided by the Department of Public Policy. This enabled us to bring
together a small international and interdisciplinary group of scholars and
to engage in an intense but informal debate around cities and the super-­
rich in a round-table setting. Some of the research for the book was also
supported by a grant from the ESRC/RGC Joint Research Scheme spon-
sored by the Hong Kong Research Grants Council and the Economic and
Social Research Council in the United Kingdom (Project reference no:
ES/K010263/1).

v
 Contents

1 In Search of the Super-Rich: Who Are They?

Where Are They?   1
Ray Forrest, Sin Yee Koh, and Bart Wissink

2 Elites Without Hierarchies: Intermediaries, ‘Agency’

and the Super-Rich  19
William Davies

Part I Real Estate Investments  39

3 Real Estate Holdings Among the Super-Rich in

the USA  41
Richard A. Benton, Lisa A. Keister, and Hang Young Lee

4 The Super-Rich and Transnational Housing Markets:

Asians Buying Australian Housing  63
Chris Paris

5 Becoming a Super-Rich Foreign Real Estate Investor:

Globalising Real Estate Data, Publications and Events  85
Dallas Rogers

vii
viii Contents

Part II Elite Spatialities and Practices 105

6 Beyond the City: Exploring the Maritime

Geographies of the Super-Rich 107
Emma Spence

7 Reviving Transnational Elite Sociality: Social

Clubs in Shanghai 127
Yannan Ding

8 Old Money, Networks and Distinction: The Social

and Service Clubs of Milan’s Upper Classes 147
Bruno Cousin and Sébastien Chauvin

9 Arts and the Super-Rich: Emerging Relations in

the Gulf and the East 167
Sarina Wakefield

Part III Urban Political Economies 187

10 Selling the Tokyo Sky: Urban Regeneration and

Luxury Housing 189
Yosuke Hirayama

11 Elite Informality, Spaces of Exception and the

Super-Rich in Singapore 209
Choon-Piew Pow

12 Tycoon City: Political Economy, Real Estate and the

Super-Rich in Hong Kong   229
Bart Wissink, Sin Yee Koh, and Ray Forrest
 Contents  ix

13 Minimum City? The Deeper Impacts of the

‘Super-Rich’ on Urban Life   253
Rowland Atkinson, Roger Burrows, Luna Glucksberg,
Hang Kei Ho, Caroline Knowles, and David Rhodes

14 Hyper-Divided Cities and the ‘Immoral’ Super-Rich:

Five Parting Questions   273
Ray Forrest, Sin Yee Koh, and Bart Wissink

Index   289
 List of Contributors

Rowland Atkinson is Research Chair in Inclusive Societies at the Department of

Urban Studies, University of Sheffield. He is an urban sociologist with interests in
poverty, wealth and crime in city contexts. His work has focused on diverse aspects
of neighbourhood change including social exclusion and area effects, the role of
the wealthy and middle-classes in cities via his work on gentrification, gated com-
munities and, more recently, the very wealthy. The primary focus of his work is to
engage with less visible social problems and questions of exclusion, segregation
and social harms more broadly.
Richard A. Benton is Assistant Professor of Labor and Employment Relations at
the University of Illinois. His research focuses on economic sociology, organisa-
tions, social capital and social networks. His recent publications appear in Social
Forces and Research in the Sociology of Work.
Roger Burrows is Professor of Cities in the School of Architecture, Planning and
Landscape at Newcastle University, UK. Prior to this, he was Professor of Sociology
and Pro-Warden for Interdisciplinary Development at Goldsmiths, University of
London. He has published almost 150 articles, chapters, books and reports on
various topics throughout his career.
Sébastien Chauvin is a sociologist and an associate professor at the Centre en
Etudes Genre of the University of Lausanne in Switzerland. His interests include
economic sociology, international migration, citizenship, gender, and sexuality.
His recent work with Bruno Cousin investigates the cultural dimensions of class
inequality.
Bruno Cousin is an assistant professor of sociology at Sciences Po and a researcher
at the Centre d’Etudes Européennes, Paris. His research stands at the intersection

xi
xii List of Contributors

between urban sociology, the analysis of social inequality, and cultural sociology
and focuses mainly on upper and upper-middle classes.
William Davies is a Senior Lecturer at Goldsmiths, University of London, and
Co-Director of the Political Economy Research Centre. He is the author of The
Limits of Neoliberalism: Authority, Sovereignty and the Logic of Competition (Sage,
2014) and The Happiness Industry: How the Government and Big Business Sold Us
Wellbeing (Verso, 2015).
Yannan Ding is an Assistant Professor at Shanghai Jiao Tong University. He
earned his PhD in geography at KU Leuven, Belgium, in 2012. His main area of
interest is historical geography of the city. He has published several pieces in Social
& Cultural Geography, Journal of Historical Geography, and with Routledge and
Springer. His first book (first co-editor) is going to be publsihed by Palgrave
shortly. Currently, he is a Swire-Cathay Pacific visiting academic at St. Anthony’s
College, University of Oxford.
Ray Forrest is Chair Professor of Housing and Urban Studies and Head of
Department of Public Policy at the City University of Hong Kong. He is also
Professor Emeritus of Urban Studies at the University of Bristol. He has published
widely on urban political economy, urban sociology and housing studies. Current
research includes work on the Chinese city, neighbourhoods and mobility and
housing policy in the neoliberal era. Recent books have focused on the uneven
impact of the ‘global’ financial crisis on households and on intergenerational ten-
sions around housing.
Luna Glucksberg is a Researcher at the International Inequalities Institute of the
London School of Economics (LSE). She is an urban anthropologist working on
socio-economic stratification in contemporary British society. Her current inter-
ests are the reproduction of wealth amongst global elites, considering the roles of
two key and so far under-researched actors: family offices and women. Prior to
joining the LSE III, Luna gained her degree from UCL and PhD from Goldsmiths,
University of London. She then joined the Centre for Urban and Community
Research (CUCR) as a Research Associate at Goldsmiths, where she maintains a
Fellowship. She sits on an Advisory Board for Transparency International (TI) UK
and has contributed to both blogs and national newspaper articles on issues related
to the elites.
Yosuke Hirayama is Professor of Housing and Urban Studies at the Graduate
School of Human Development and Environment, Kobe University, Japan, work-
ing extensively in the areas of housing and urban change, home ownership and
social inequalities, as well as comparative housing policy. His work has appeared in
numerous international and Japanese academic journals and he is a co-editor of
Housing and Social Transition in Japan (Routledge).
 List of Contributors  xiii

Hang Kei Ho is a Postdoctoral Fellow in the Department of Social and Economic

Geography at Uppsala University, Sweden. He previously worked in the UK in
sociology as a Postdoctoral Researcher at the University of York, and Visiting
Research Fellow at Goldsmiths, University of London. His current research
themes include the geographies of consumption in relation to cultural identity,
global alcohol industry with a specific focus on wine consumption in Hong Kong,
the changing identity of Hong Kong with respect to mainland China and the
West, and the super-rich and the flow of capital from South East Asia to UK’s
property market. He obtained his PhD from University College London in
Geography; the thesis is titled Drinking Bordeaux in the ‘new’ Hong Kong:
Exploring changing identities through alcohol consumption. Before academia, he has
worked in education, real estate consultancy, IT and engineering.
Lisa A. Keister is Gilhuly Family Distinguished Professor of Sociology. She is a
faculty affiliate of the Duke Asian Pacific Studies Institute, the Center for the Study
of Race, Ethnicity and Gender in the Social Sciences, and the Duke Population
Research Institute. Keister’s research spans multiple subfields including economic
sociology, social stratification and mobility, organisations and work, religion,
immigration and Chinese studies. She has published four academic books and one
textbook, has two books in contract, and has edited (or co-edited) four volumes.
Her papers have appeared in many top sociology journals.
Caroline Knowles is Co-Director of the Centre for Urban and Community
Research (CUCR) and Professor of Sociology at Goldsmiths, University of
London. She is the author of many books and papers on urbanism, ethnicity, race
and the circulations of people (as migrants) and of objects composing contempo-
rary globalisation. Her recent books include Flip-Flop: A Journey through
Globalisation’s Backroads, published by Pluto Press, 2014, www.flipfloptrail.com;
Hong Kong: Migrant Lives, Landscapes and Journeys, with Douglas Harper, pub-
lished by the University of Chicago Press, 2009; Making Race Matter, with Claire
Alexander, ­published by Palgrave, 2005; Picturing the Social Landscape: Visual
Methods and the Sociological Imagination, with Paul Sweetman, published by
Routledge, 2004, (and translated into Japanese 2012); Race and Social Analysis,
published by Sage, 2003; and Bedlam on the Streets, published by Routledge,
2000.
Sin Yee Koh is Assistant Professor in Geography in the Institute of Asian Studies
at University Brunei Darussalam. Her research, positioned at the intersection of
migration studies and urban studies, is informed by three areas of interests: (1)
postcolonial geography and colonial legacies; (2) migration/mobilities and citi-
zenship; and (3) urbanisation, inequality and social change. She is the author of
Race, Education, and Citizenship: Mobile Malaysians, British Colonial Legacies,
and A Culture of Migration (Palgrave Macmillan, 2017).
xiv List of Contributors

Hang Young Lee is a Postdoctoral Researcher in the Department of Sociology at

Duke University. His areas of research span income and wealth inequality, social
stratification and mobility, social capital, social network analysis and economic
sociology. His recent publications include articles in Social Currents and Journal of
European Social Policy and chapters in Social Capital and Its Institutional
Contingency (Routledge, 2014).
Chris Paris, FAcSS, is Emeritus Professor of Housing Studies, Ulster University.
He has held senior academic posts in the UK and Australia and was a Research
Fellow in the Centre for Housing, Urban & Regional Planning at Adelaide
University in 2013 and 2014. He is the author of 30 books, monographs and
research reports and over 100 journal publications, mainly in urban studies and
housing, including Affluence, Mobility and Second Home Ownership (Routledge,
2011).
Choon-Piew Pow is an Associate Professor in the Department of Geography at the
National University of Singapore. His research focuses broadly on critical geogra-
phies of the urban built environment and in particular examining how diverse
urban forms shape the social and spatial reproduction of urban life in Asian cities.
His ongoing research projects revolves around gated communities and urban seg-
regation; ‘eco-cities’ and contested notions of urban sustainability and more gen-
erally the globalisation of urban planning.
David Rhodes is a Research Fellow in the Centre for Housing Policy, University
of York. His primary research interests encompass aspects of social policy and
housing provision and consumption as they relate to privately rented housing. The
variation and geography of local housing markets, in both contemporary and his-
torical contexts, has been a theme of his research. Much of his work has utilised
quantitative methods and GIS techniques to explore secondary sources of data.
Dallas Rogers is a Senior Lecturer in Urban and Regional Planning, Faculty of
Architecture, Design and Planning at the University of Sydney. His research
focuses on a relational examination of housing poverty and wealth in globalising
cities. His projects investigate the relationships between globalising urban space,
discourse and technology networks, and housing poverty and wealth. He is the
author of The Geopolitics of Real Estate: Reconfiguring Property, Capital and Rights
(2016, Rowman and Littlefield International).
Emma Spence is a PhD candidate at the School of Planning and Geography,
Cardiff University. In her thesis, she explores the motivations, frictions and perfor-
mances of super-rich maritime mobility.
Sarina Wakefield is an Adjunct Lecturer in the College of Arts and Creative
Enterprises at Zayed University (Dubai Campus). She has lectured at UCL Qatar
and has worked on museum and heritage projects in the United Kingdom and the
 List of Contributors  xv

Kingdom of Bahrain. Her research interests center on critical heritage studies and
museology of the Gulf. She has a particular interest in ‘trans-national’ identity and
globalization, and migrant heritage in the Gulf. She has published work in inter-
national journals and books relating to the museums and heritage sector in the
Gulf, which include the co-edited volume Museums in Arabia: Transnational
Practices and Regional Processes (Exell and Wakefield, London & New York:
Routledge, 2016). She received her BSc in Archaeology and her MA in Museum
Studies from the University of Leicester (UK) and her PhD from the Open
University (UK).
Bart Wissink is Associate Professor in Urban Studies and Urban Policy at the
Department of Public Policy at the City University of Hong Kong. His research
focuses on enclave urbanism in five Asian city regions (Bangkok, Guangzhou,
Hong Kong, Mumbai and Tokyo), with special attention for comparative urban
form, urban controversies, social networks and the neighbourhood, and urban
inequalities. He has held visiting appointments in Bangkok, Hong Kong, Mumbai
and Tokyo.
 List of Abbreviations

AGO Auditor-General’s Office

AIG American International Group
BFC Business and Financial Centre
BRIC Brazil, Russia, India and China
BRICS Brazil, Russia, India, China and South Africa
CEO Chief executive officer
CIES Capital Investment Entrant Schemes
FDI Foreign direct investment
FIRB Foreign Investment Review Board
FIS Financial Investor Scheme
GDP Gross domestic product
GFC Global financial crisis
HKSAR Hong Kong Special Administrative Region
HNWI High net worth individuals
HRSCE House of Representatives Standing Committee on Economics
HSBC Hongkong and Shanghai Banking Corporation
IDX Internet Data Exchange
IMWI Internationally-mobile wealthy individual
I.T. Information technology
JNR Japan National Railways
LDP Liberal Democratic Party
LPS Luxury Property Showcase
LTSV Long Term Social Visit Pass
MAS Monetary Authority of Singapore
MTI Ministry of Trade and Industry

xvii
xviii LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS

NRI Non-resident Indian

OLS Ordinary least-squares
PAC Public Accounts Committee
PR Permanent Resident
PRC People’s Republic of China
QMA Qatar Museums Authority
RAS Royal Asiatic Society
RETS Real Estate Transaction Standard
SARS Severe Acute Respiratory Syndrome
SCCCCI Singapore Chinese Chamber of Commerce and Industry
SCF Survey of Consumer Finances
SCPL Sentosa Cove Pte Ltd
SCS Singapore Club in Shanghai
SDC Sentosa Development Corporation
SEE Special Economic Envoy
SSBA Shanghai Singapore Business Association
TMG Tokyo Metropolitan Government
TNC Transnational corporation
UAE United Arab Emirates
UHNWI Ultra high net worth individuals
 List of Figures

Fig. 5.1 Global property seminar, 2014 SMART investment &

international property expo 98
Fig. 7.1 The Ambassy club is located in a historical quarter
with several consulates 140
Fig. 10.1 Location of high-rise condominium blocks,
Tokyo Ward-Districts 197
Fig. 10.2 Floor-area-ratio regulation relaxation districts and
redevelopment priority designated by Urban
Renaissance Special Measure Law, Tokyo Ward-Districts 198
Fig. 11.1 Singapore’s new downtown at Marina Bay 216
Fig. 11.2 Condominium developments in Sentosa Cove 217
Fig. 12.1 Hong Kong business tycoons meet president Xi Jingping 230
Fig. 12.2 Share of private residential flats by size, 1997–2014 242
Fig. 13.1 Alpha territory neighbourhoods 257

xix
 List of Tables

Table 3.1 Real estate holdings of net worth and real estate classes 52
Table 3.2 Demographic traits of top households 55
Table 3.3 Multivariate analysis of real estate ownership 56
Table 4.1 FIRB approvals by country of investors 1995–96, 2004–05
and 2011–12 75
Table 7.1 Composition of members of the Clube Lusitano in 1947 132
Table 8.1 The space of co-optation procedures in Milanese clubs 156

xxi
 CHAPTER 1

In Search of the Super-Rich: Who Are They?

Where Are They?

Ray Forrest, Sin Yee Koh, and Bart Wissink

Backcloth
A variation on the apocryphal exchange between Scott Fitzgerald and
Ernest Hemingway could go something like this: ‘The super-rich are dif-
ferent from you and me’. ‘Yes, they have even more money than the rich’.
But much of the rapidly accumulating literature on this group would sug-

The work described in this introduction was substantially supported by a grant

from the ESRC/RGC Joint Research Scheme sponsored by the Hong Kong
Research Grants Council and the Economic and Social Research Council in the
United Kingdom (Project reference no.: ES/K010263/1).

R. Forrest (*)
Department of Public Policy, City University of Hong Kong,
Hong Kong, Hong Kong SAR
S. Y. Koh
Institute of Asian Studies, Universiti Brunei Darussalam,
Gadong, Brunei Darussalam
B. Wissink
Department of Public Policy, City University of Hong Kong,
Hong Kong, Hong Kong SAR

© The Author(s) 2017 1

R. Forrest et al. (eds.), Cities and the Super-Rich,
DOI 10.1057/978-1-137-54834-4_1
2 R. FORREST ET AL.

gest that the difference extends well beyond material wealth. The super-
rich are often represented as an exotic other, a species occupying a parallel
universe of privilege, disconnected from the everyday lives of the masses
and serviced by a set of domestic flunkies and parasitic advisors. Some sug-
gest that their innate gifts of energy, vision and creativity set them apart
from the herd—and in some cases that may well have some credence.
Others vehemently criticize this notion of the ‘deserving rich’ as justifica-
tion for growing inequalities (Bauman, 2013; Dorling, 2014; Rowlingson
& Connor, 2011; Sayer, 2015; Stiglitz, 2012).
While there is a rather voyeuristic genre of popular media studies that
allow us to catch an occasional glimpse of these super-rich creatures as they
navigate their secretive, premier social and spatial routes, there is also a more
aggressive and condemnatory literature which emphasizes their greedy, self-
serving and amoral qualities. Reflecting on these two literatures, elsewhere
we have argued that, taken as a whole, the super-rich literature tends to
overstress agency at the expense of structure—indulging in vilification or
celebration in equal measures (Koh, Wissink, & Forrest, 2016). However,
as this book seeks to demonstrate, elite practices and materialities are highly
varied and, moreover, the super-rich elites are part of a complex infrastruc-
ture of rules and intermediaries which support, and are supported by, their
activities (Davies, 2014; Forrest & Wissink, 2016; Koh & Wissink, 2015;
Koh et al., 2016). In that sense, it is erroneous to construct them as a special
elite group completely divorced from the less privileged world. To be sure,
the ultra-wealthy have common needs which they can satisfy in elite ways,
but they are still embedded in, rather than separated from, a network of ser-
vants, services and the often mundane aspects of everyday life. A network of
intermediaries ties the super-rich tightly to the global power points: cities at
the crossroads of the information and financial flows of networked capital-
ism. This takes us to the distinctive theme of this book, namely, cities and
the super-rich. We shall return to that connection in a moment.
There is another temporal dimension to the super-rich debate. Why
now? There have always been extremely wealthy people around, on their
country estates, and particularly in the major world cities; so why this cur-
rent re-emergence of interest in those at the extreme end of the income
and wealth spectrum? First, and closely connected to the global cities liter-
ature (Sassen, 1991), is the extremely visible extravagance, the particularly
conspicuous consumption (Veblen, 1899) of this growing minority. There
is nothing new about extreme inequalities: there is a well-­established eco-
nomics literature on wealth distributions and wealth dynamics and vari-
ous sociological and popular texts on privileged elites. Lundberg’s (1968)
 IN SEARCH OF THE SUPER-RICH: WHO ARE THEY? WHERE ARE THEY? 3

treatise, which is generally acknowledged to have introduced the term

‘super-rich’, was a sustained polemic with chapter titles such as ‘The Great
Tax Swindle’ and ‘Oligarchy by Default’. But at the time it was a relatively
isolated analysis compared to the wave of publications on the topic over
the last decade with researchers devoting considerable attention to the
consumption practices of those with extreme wealth (see Koh et al., 2016
for an overview). This growing popularity and analytical interest reflects
the inescapable evidence of everyday life that there has been a marked
redistribution towards the top across a wide range of societies, while also
sounding the alarm about a ‘second gilded age’ (Short, 2013). The mar-
ket for extreme luxury goods—elite sports cars, super yachts, private jets,
art—has been booming. Competition among the super-­rich has driven
up the price of ‘extreme positional goods’ and ‘Veblen goods’ (Kapner
& Passariello, 2014). Moreover, the dominant ideology of neoliberalism
suggests that such explicit enjoyment of material wealth is nothing to be
ashamed about. Luxury consumption is now in the driving seat of eco-
nomic growth—the majority should be thanking the very rich minority
for leading the way.
Thus, the very visible evidence of widening inequalities, and the
renewed concentration of wealth, explains the growing interest among
social scientists. A more recent political economy literature has, however,
added a more forensic and diagnostic dimension to the debate around the
super-rich. Critical scholars such as Streeck (2014) and Crouch (2004) see
the rise of the ultra-wealthy as symptomatic of a deep malaise in contempo-
rary capitalist societies. Far from indicating an inspirational and sustainable
victory for the capitalist class, Streeck (2014, p. 64) argues that oligar-
chic redistribution and the trend towards ‘plutonomy’ (and see Freeland,
2012) will depress growth, undermine social cohesion and offer a ‘long
and painful period of cumulative decay’. He refers to ‘the nightmare of
elites confident that they will outlive the social system that is making them
rich’ (2014, p. 59), a group with little if any allegiance to nation states
which can grow fat on the global capital market and if necessary ‘cash in,
burn bridges and leave nothing behind but scorched earth’ (ibid.). In this
kind of analysis, which pitches capitalism against democracy, the rise of
the super-rich is not a matter for prurient interest, moralizing or simple
egalitarian concern. Rather it is representative of a structural fault in a
financialised, neoliberal capitalism.
Here, the super-rich narrative and its close association with financialisa-
tion, ‘the shift in gravity of economic activity from production to finance’
(Foster, 2007), takes us closer to the world of organized and disorganized
4 R. FORREST ET AL.

crime—the legitimate and illegitimate super-rich. It has been estimated

that drug trafficking alone accounts for some 8 per cent of global trade and
that money laundering for 2–5 per cent of global gross domestic product
(GDP) (Hall, 2010). Quite evidently, some people have made extremely
large amounts of money out of crime. It is also evident that ‘legitimate’
and ‘illegitimate’ activities are closely intertwined. The involvement of
major banks in money laundering and exchange rate fixing and the off-
shoring and tax avoidance machinations of some economic elites con-
tribute to the view that clientelism, corruption and various shady, if not
outright illegal, practices are inextricably connected to this world of wid-
ening inequalities (also see Palan, 2006; Palan, Murphy, & Chavagneux,
2010; Urry, 2014). For example, it is rare these days for an issue of The
Economist not to include at least one report, which exposes some poten-
tially questionable behaviour or business practice of a billionaire, chief
executive officer (CEO) or major financier. At the time of writing, the lat-
est issue (Economist, 2015) had reported that the richest man in China had
seen his ultra-net worth fall from US$40 to 20 billion and the regulators
had stepped in to explore unusual share price movements. The same issue
also described the long running legal actions by the United States Justice
Department on global tax avoidance ‘enablers’ such as HSBC, UBS and
Credit Suisse. In this context, Dorling (2014, p. 64) has noted that the
public ‘now rate bankers along with politician and journalists as by far the
most likely among fifteen professional groups not to tell the truth’.
All this is not to suggest that criminal behaviour and the acquisition of
super-riches are necessarily or even frequently coincidental. But the dis-
tinction between creative accounting and fraud is a fine one. The wide-
spread animosity toward economic elites across the world is fuelled by the
perception, backed up by considerable daily evidence that the very rich
and powerful can play by different rules and get away with it. This relates
to Ong’s (2006) ideas of neoliberal exceptionalism and Roy’s (2009)
notions of elite informality (see Pow in this book). The major world cities
are merely the most significant sites in which these ‘not so formal’ rules are
played out in very visible spaces of exception.

Who Are the Super-Rich?

Initially we considered titling this book, the One Percent City. However, as
Dorling (2014, p. 2) observed from 2013 data, in the UK a childless couple
with a pre-tax total household income of £160,000 (US$250,000) would
qualify as members of the 1 per cent. That may be a substantial household
 IN SEARCH OF THE SUPER-RICH: WHO ARE THEY? WHERE ARE THEY? 5

income, but it is not the stratospheric kind of sums we tend to have in

mind when we think of the super-rich. Moreover, on that m ­ easure many
double earning, professional academic households would be included,
some of which generate the critiques of the economic elites, and would
almost certainly include themselves in the 99 per cent. It should also be
acknowledged that there are extreme and widening income differentials
within the 1 per cent. Those in the top one thousandth have enjoyed
the most spectacular increases in their incomes in recent decades (Piketty,
2014, pp. 319–320). The majority in the social mainstream may find it of
little interest to know that even the extremely wealthy are outclassed by a
small elite, but it serves to caution against generalizing about lifestyles and
behaviour among the super-rich. For example, these kinds of differentials
became very evident in the course of our fieldwork in Hong Kong when a
local private jet broker commented that there were ‘no super-rich expatri-
ates in Hong Kong’. She was in the business of selling jets to the super
wealthy, often billionaires. The local, expatriate rich simply ranked in the
hundred-millions.
In simple income terms, therefore, constructing the 1 per cent as the
‘other’ is somewhat problematic. Nevertheless, we cannot escape the task
of description and delineation entirely. Collins Dictionary offers the stark,
‘exceptionally wealthy’. This ‘exceptionalism’ in the commercial wealth
management literature has been progressively broken down into differ-
ent segments, with Statista’s ‘Global pyramid of wealth’ for instance dis-
cerning ‘millionaires’, ‘centamillionaires’ and ‘billionaires’ (McCarthy,
2015). Most commonly there is reference to high net worth (HNW) and
ultra-high net worth (UHNW) individuals. Knight Frank’s (2014) annual
wealth report defines UHNW individuals as those with a fortune of at
least US$30 million. The academic literature has, until recently, adopted
similar descriptions partly in recognition that mere millionaires are now
rather common and unexceptional. It was Piketty (2014), however, who
changed the terms of this debate and the definitional framing. He also
provided something of a counter to arguments that the super economic
elite was too small and too elusive to provide a meaningful target for crit-
ical attention. Davies (2014), had for example, argued that if this was
a new type of class warfare it was of a very different kind in which the
oppressive class were notable by their absence from the battlefield. We
were ‘chasing shadows’: ‘Targeting the ‘1 %’ only confirms the frustra-
tion of our current predicament: the culprits are so few as to be virtually
invisible. Traditional class warfare this is not’. In dividing the rich into
different percentile groups Piketty showed, however, that we are not just
6 R. FORREST ET AL.

talking about a few extremely wealthy people who made little difference
in the scheme of things—quite the contrary. Using tax records, he found
that the 0.1 per cent who ‘apparently possess fortunes in the order of 10
million Euros on average’ represent some 4.5 million adults globally—the
size of a substantial city; while the wealthiest 1 per cent, with ‘about 3
million Euros apiece on average’ account for some 45 million people—the
population of a reasonably sized country (Piketty, 2014, p. 438).
Piketty, therefore, offered a straightforward definitional approach
towards the super-rich based on wealth distributions. The advantage of
this approach is that it does not assume any particular set of characteristics
or behavioural traits nor draw a line between the super-rich and the rest
based on some arbitrary number. The individuals who fall in the top 1 per
cent or 0.1 per cent may all be very wealthy but may be quite differenti-
ated in terms of their actual wealth, behaviours, lifestyles, demographic
characteristics and how their wealth was acquired and deployed. Here, we
could contrast the footloose nature of finance with the potentially more
localized base for more traditional sectors such as real estate. From this
perspective, the power and status of the super-rich have to be empirically
and discursively constructed in a particular social and economic milieu.
The question is therefore not whether individuals have incomes or assets
sufficiently large to join some absolute universal category but whether
they can be reasonably regarded (and are perceived) as part of a privileged
economic elite in their local milieu.
This definitional discussion inevitably links to the question of whether
the super-rich can be conceived of as a coherent social class. Contrary to
previous representations of a socially mobile capitalism, it has been argued
that we now have an entrenched marginalized underclass and reprole-
tarianizing middle class (Dorling, 2014). This would be consistent with
Piketty’s argument that the patrimonial middle classes may appear to have
escaped from their working class roots but their mainly residential wealth
is merely a few ‘crumbs off the table’. The capitalist class has reasserted
its dominance. In the second chapter, Davies addresses this issue head on
when he asks, ‘what do they want?’ Leaving aside Davies’ exploration of
this question, one response might be that the super-rich do not have a
single material base. This would be consistent with the points made previ-
ously that we need to pursue this question empirically and stress potentially
more fluid identities. It may be that beyond the tabloid representations
and stereotypes, we need to acknowledge the diversity of economic elites
and the existence of multiple coalitions without a coherent class character.
 IN SEARCH OF THE SUPER-RICH: WHO ARE THEY? WHERE ARE THEY? 7

We can therefore see a number of different approaches to this defini-

tional issue. Tabloid representations (and some academic) are generally of
the ‘lifestyles of rich and famous’ variety in which certain common charac-
teristic and behaviours are assumed and presented. Then there is the more
sober empirical and economic approach in which no common traits or
behaviours are assumed beyond the fact that these individuals or families are
within the 1 per cent or 0.1 per cent by income and/or wealth (e.g. Piketty,
2014). But there is also another approach which explores their discursive
construction and the extent to which ‘they’ are so different from ‘us’. From
this theoretical vantage point, the super-rich are simply further along the
scale from most of us—the differences are more quantitative than qualita-
tive. Here, we conceive of contemporary social structures more in terms of
continuities than discontinuities. Thurlow and Jaworski’s (2014, p. 177)
work on the social semiotics of elite tourism explores the way in which all
consumers are implicated to varying degrees in this discursive construction
of luxury branding and elite consumerism. As they argue, ‘elitism is more
than simply a material or economic reality; it is also an aspirational ideal in
relation to which all consumer-citizens, regardless of their wealth or power,
are constantly persuaded and taught to position themselves’. They make
the point that those lapping up the positional status of elite eco-tourism or
discovering the next undiscovered island are more likely to be super-rich
wannabes. The ‘real’ super-rich are already somewhere else. Thus, super-
richness is often discursively constructed through the practices in specific
social settings of those who aspire to the marketed imagery of the super-
rich lifestyle—think one-percentism rather than one-percentness.

Where Are the Super-Rich?

So where are the super-rich? One answer to this question, as we have
hinted, is: probably somewhere else. They are defined by the absence
of co-presence. Some argue that following earlier moves of disaffiliation
by the urban middle classes, the super-rich are not among us (Atkinson,
2006; Atkinson et al. in this book; Koh, Wissink, & Forrest, 2015; Watt,
2009). They move in different worlds along privileged pathways. They
are off land in their super yachts (see Spence in this book), their assets
are offshore, and if they are not at sea they are in their private jets or
luxury penthouses. Mobility and invisibility therefore come to mind when
we think of the economic elite. Wherever they are, they are in transit—­
moving between homes or business meetings. Even their non-liquid
8 R. FORREST ET AL.

assets—art treasures, vintage cars, rare gems or whatever—are on the

move and out of reach, never quite getting anywhere. One symptom of
the growth in the number of extremely rich people is the expansion of
freeports as tax havens and repositories of high value assets (Palan, 2006;
Palan et al., 2010; Urry, 2014; and see Wakefield in this book). The
Economist (2013) described them as ‘über-warehouses for the ultra-rich’,
functioning as upmarket storage facilities as well as business places where
the super-­rich can ‘rub shoulders and trade fine objects with each other’
without technically being in any particular country.
This is at least one version of the locational habits and trajectories of the
contemporary economic elite. The freeports are, of course, real enough;
but as we have suggested, the assumed hypermobility of super-rich indi-
viduals and families requires closer empirical investigation. Age, gender,
household composition and other socio-demographics impact on house-
hold choices and strategies, regardless of wealth. Moreover, notions of
place attachment and sense of belonging should not be assumed to be
only the preoccupations of the poor and less wealthy.
Recalling Streeck’s (2014) earlier views, do they all fit the profile of
high-end nomads of the global capital markets—the ‘internationally-­
mobile wealthy individuals (IMWIs)’ (EIU & RBC Wealth Management,
2012, p. 3)—who drift between multiple homes and luxury hotels with lit-
tle regard for particular contexts or cultures? For example, earlier research
on economic elites and more parochial typologies of middle class mobil-
ity (Bell, 1968; Savage & Williams, 2008) would suggest that we cannot
assume that those occupying positions in Piketty’s 1 per cent or 0.1 per
cent are all global ‘spiralists’—some may be closer to the idea of the local
worthy with longstanding family commitments to a particular city. The
popular press conveys the image of a group of nomadic domicile changers
or ‘habitual country hoppers’ (Barclays, 2014, p. 7) with little commit-
ment to place or community. But the majority of the wealthy elite may
be quite sedentary, at least in terms of their main residence. Children are
certainly likely to be sent off for an overseas education, particularly among
the rich elite based outside Europe, Australasia and North America,
but relatively few seem to seek a more permanent change of domicile.
According to Knight Frank’s (2014) Wealth Report, those advising the
super-rich think that some 10–15 per cent of their clients are considering
a permanent change of domicile. The exception is Russia where appar-
ently 37 per cent are thinking of doing so. At the other extreme, only 6
per cent of UK-based super-rich are looking for a long-term r­elocation.
 IN SEARCH OF THE SUPER-RICH: WHO ARE THEY? WHERE ARE THEY? 9

However, given that the UK is the most favoured destination this may not
be surprising.
But while the UK is evidently particularly super-rich friendly, the motiva-
tions for relocating among the ultra-wealthy are not simply tax or business
driven. In fact, everyday considerations such as desiring a better climate,
better education for children and emotional attachments to countries
of origin are equally significant (Barclays, 2014). Security is predictably
more of an issue for the wealthy elite in less stable political environments
(Knight Frank, 2014). Again, these factors will vary enormously: cultur-
ally, geographically and in relation to the life course. Life course stage and
household structure will also impact on general locational choice, as for all
households. Super-rich households with children of school age will have a
different frame of reference compared with empty nester elite households.
For example, one wealthy expatriate couple in Hong Kong explained to
us that having children had grounded them: they were minimizing their
travels, and the city was now their settled home. University education is,
however, likely to involve a different set of considerations compared to
secondary schooling: the UK may be favoured for schooling but the USA
is preferred for elite tertiary education. Country living is highly incon-
venient for families with school age children. Whilst the super-rich are
likely to own a property in the countryside, they are typically urbanites.
The European ultra-wealthy are most likely to favour a rural location for
their main residence (22 per cent) but some 90 per cent are city dwell-
ers (Knight Frank, 2014). According to Richard Florida (2015), in terms
of the number of people with assets of US$30 million or more, London
is the top location followed by Tokyo, Singapore, New York and Hong
Kong.

Cities and the Super-Rich

This takes us to the main focus of this book, namely the urban domain.
Urban studies have more typically been preoccupied with poor people
and poor neighbourhoods. The rich elite, however, has always been pres-
ent and acknowledged (see for instance Zorbaugh, 1929): historically,
the ultra-wealthy were associated with big civil projects and philanthropic
good works. In the contemporary literature they are more likely to be
associated with the movers and shakers of the entrepreneurial city or sim-
ply exotic decorations on the urban landscape. They might be popularly
condoned or condemned for their extreme wealth, but for a long time
10 R. FORREST ET AL.

they were not considered a social phenomenon of sufficient interest or

importance to be of academic or policy concern.
One reason for the increased interest, as we have argued, is the sheer
number of the super-rich. The structural and institutional changes out-
lined previously have increased the scale, scope and thus the presence of
extreme wealth. And the super-rich are most visible as consumers of urban
space and services in the so-called global cities—the alpha cities of London,
Tokyo, New York, Hong Kong and Singapore, Paris, as well as secondary
niche cities such as Geneva, Zurich or Monaco (Florida, 2015). The global
cities literature has mainly focused on the structural changes associated
with urban economies dominated by advanced producer and financial ser-
vices and the consequent changes in income structures, notably the poten-
tial polarization between highly paid professionals and lowly paid workers
in the service sectors (Hamnett, 1994; Sassen, 1991). This is an issue to
which we will return in the concluding chapter at the end of this book.
The ‘alpha territorialization’ of particular parts of leading cities has,
however, also attracted considerable media attention in recent years. Just
as poor, rundown neighbourhoods and the marginalized lifestyles associ-
ated with them offer appealing and accessible narratives for the media,
so too do the images of luxury blocks lying empty or mansions left to
rot as merely places to park surplus wealth. These alpha neighbourhoods
have been characterized as dead zones, places where the global super-rich
invest but do not live. The Guardian reported that on Bishops Avenue,
or ‘Billionaires Row’, in central London ten mansions ‘have stood almost
entirely vacant since they were bought a quarter of a century ago’ (Booth,
2014). It may be difficult to gain an empirically precise account of the
full number of empty or hardly occupied luxury apartments or houses
in the centre of major cities but their presence in many cities is obvious.
The ‘scandal’ is given particular currency because of the growing hous-
ing affordability problem facing the middle classes and the lack of social
housing for the poor. Indeed, an article in the same issue of The Guardian
noted that local council waiting lists for social housing were being revised
to drastically reduce the number of eligible households (Osborne, 2014).
But what has given the issue of super-rich property investment particular
traction is not just that the conspicuous consumption (or, indeed, non-­
consumption) of luxury properties can be juxtaposed with the growing
plight of the urban poor in many cities; it is the affordability problems
faced by the young professional classes. Many middle class households
find themselves priced out of property markets, which are being fuelled
 IN SEARCH OF THE SUPER-RICH: WHO ARE THEY? WHERE ARE THEY? 11

by international investment (see Part III of this book). In this context,

Atkinson, Burrows, and Parker (2015) refer to research by Transparency
International (2015), which found that some 30,000 London properties
are in the hands of secret offshore holdings.
There is also the rather exotic social ‘problem’ of the established local
urban rich being displaced by the international super-rich—what has been
referred to as the ‘gentrification of gentrification’ (Glucksberg, Atkinson,
Butler, & Rhodes, 2015). In an opinion piece on the effects of wealth
inequality in London in Le Monde diplomatique, Atkinson et al. (2015)
refer to a kind of polarized resentment towards the purchase of central
city properties by the global super-rich. The ‘[r]ising social anger (cru-
cially, among the affluent and the excluded) is focused on the inability
of London and its governance system to deliver affordable, good-quality
housing…’. This kind of narrative is emerging across a wide range of cit-
ies, from Vancouver to Shanghai. Moreover, the resentment towards this
international rich class buying up the fashionable neighbourhoods is ampli-
fied by the view that these people are not only super wealthy but also out-
siders—and foreigners to boot (Rogers, Lee, & Yan, 2015). An article in
the South China Morning Post, headlined ‘Born in China, Joy Mo blames
rich mainlanders for Vancouver’s housing woes’, reports on responses to
foreign real estate investments in Vancouver (Young, 2013). According
to the piece, ‘Joy Mo, a Vancouver-area resident since 2002, says it is
time to do something about the rich mainland Chinese she believes have
priced locals like her out of the property markets’. And while Mo is from
Mainland China herself, she does not want to be ‘painted with the same
brush’ as the super wealthy Mainlanders who are now moving to the city.
Similarly, a piece in The Guardian reports on the Cannes property fair
which it describes as ‘an orgy for oligarchs’ where ‘whole swatches of cities
are put up for sale to the highest bidder’ (Wainwright, 2014). Local pro-
testors were concerned that British local authorities were more interested
in attracting international real estate businesses than addressing housing
needs. Clearly the super-rich and their real estate investment practices are
creating—or are at least perceived to be creating—waves in local housing
markets.
In thinking about cities and super-rich spaces, we also need to consider
impacts on urban morphologies beyond residential consumption. The pro-
duction and shaping of urban space for and by the super-rich goes beyond
places of residence. There are the related retail and wholesale s­ervices,
the spaces of the intermediaries and servant classes and the numer-
Another random document with
no related content on Scribd:
 The lighter shades of yellow chrome are made by a cold
precipitation process, or (as is usual for the deeper shades of
chrome, orange, and red) by boiling the ingredients—lead acetate,
pulp white lead, bichromate of potash and soda, and sulphate of
soda—while barytes is added as the colour is being made. Danger in
the first method does not arise (or only in minor degree when steam
is injected to bring about more speedy solution) until drying and
grinding (in edge-runners), sieving, and packing, are effected. The
dust, when inhaled, is quickly absorbed, and in all these dry
processes danger, in the absence of very carefully thought out
exhaust ventilation, is great. In processes involving ebullition, danger
is present in the steam which carries up with it chromate of lead in
fine particulate state. Vats and vessels, therefore, in which the
boiling is effected require partial hooding over and connection of the
hood with an efficient exhaust. In subsequent wet processes of
pressing the cakes of chromate of lead, the hands, arms, and
overalls become thickly coated with pigment. Danger from chrome
greens is practically limited to the dust created in dry grinding,
usually effected in large edge-runners.
For references, see end of Chapter XVII.
 CHAPTER XVII
DESCRIPTION OF PROCESSES—Continued

Coach-Painting.[34]—Lead poisoning is peculiarly prevalent in

this industry, and no corresponding reduction in the number reported
can be observed from year to year (see the table on p. 47), or in the
many industries grouped under the heading, “Paint used in Other
Industries,” such as is noted for lead industries taken as a whole.
Of the 697 cases included in returns during the ten years 1900-
1909, 352 were reported from railway carriage and waggon works,
299 from ordinary carriage works and wheelwrights’ shops, and 46
(separate tabulation was only commenced in 1905) in motor-car
works. In the year 1903 inquiry was made in 603 factories and
workshops, including all classes of coach and carriage building,
railway carriage and engine works, and agricultural implement
works. Information was asked (among other things) as to—(1) The
number of persons employed in painting with lead paints; (2)
description of the method adopted for smoothing the coats of paint;
and (3) the substitutes tried for white-lead paint. Persons employed
numbered 9,608. In 52 factories and workshops smoothing of the
coats of paint was not practised, while in the remaining 551 it was
affirmed that a wet method alone (pumicestone and water) was used
in 178, a dry method alone (sandpaper) in 39, and both wet and dry
methods at some stage or other of the work in 334. Substitutes were
mentioned as having been tried in 94 instances, but this was almost
exclusively for filling and jointing, and not for the first or priming coat.
The figure 178 (wet method alone) is probably much too high,
because, while it is true that pumicestone and water alone are used
for the flat surfaces of the body—the bulk of the work—dry
sandpapering of the first two priming coats and of the final finishing
coats (when of white, cream, or yellow colour), of the under parts of
carriages, iron chassis of motor-cars, and of curved surfaces, such
as the spokes of wheels, is almost universal. The reason for thus
treating the priming coat dry is that a wet process would raise the
grain of the wood. The 52 factories in which it was stated that no
smoothing was done were nearly all premises for the repair or
manufacture of railway trucks, requiring no special finish, and the 39
factories in which only sandpaper was said to be used in smoothing
were premises in which rough, cheap, or common vehicles, such as
carts, were made. Use of sandpaper is quicker and less expensive
than use of pumicestone, and water and wet methods cannot be
used very well on iron surfaces.
In ordinary coach and carriage painting, after the sandpapering of
the first two priming coats, six or seven coats of “filling” (usually
ground slate mixed with gold size and turpentine) are applied, and
each coat is rubbed down wet. Joints and interstices of woodwork
and irregularities in iron surfaces are generally filled in with a
stopping or paste of white lead, in the smoothing of which sandpaper
is used.
In the manufacture of motor-cars, the terne (lead) coated sheets
which form the body, after preliminary preparation, receive two coats
of a lead paint. These are either lightly sandpapered or “flatted” with
pumice and water. Three coats of non-poisonous filling follow, and
are flatted with pumice or German brick and water. The body then
passes to a skilled workman, who applies the final coats of colour.
For facing mouldings and for corners throughout all stages of the
processes, dry sandpaper takes the place of pumice and water. All
stopping on the chassis, the first lead coat on the bonnet, and all
coats of paint on the wheels, are sandpapered dry. Sometimes a
third of a man’s time may be taken up in sandpapering alone.
Dangers and Prevention.—Grave risk of inhaling lead dust is
present (see the table on p. 47) when sandpaper is used, often at a
point just above the mouth and nostrils. Rubbing down the wheels is
perhaps the most dangerous work, and for this exhaust ventilation
can be applied locally. Inventive genius has yet to be directed to
some modification of the vacuum-cleaning apparatus, so that an
exhaust can be attached to the back of the worker’s hand or in
connection with a frame in which the sandpaper is held. In the
process of wet rubbing, the abraded coats drip on to the floor, and
when dry may rise as dust into the atmosphere.
Precisely similar operations, or only modified in detail, have
accounted for heavy incidence of lead poisoning in the painting of
perambulators, of safes, of bicycles, of bedsteads, of gas-meters,
the “metallic” enamelling of baths (in which also chipping off of the
old paint not infrequently occasions an attack), in engineering and
machine-making works, in cabinet and furniture making, in French
polishing, in the making of artists’ canvases, etc. Several cases are
reported among railway employees engaged in the painting of
bridges, girders, and signal-posts. A method for the removal of the
dust given off in these processes has not yet been arranged.
Chipping off of old paint can be effectually replaced by solvent
solutions, in the use of which, as they are very inflammable,
precautions against naked lights are necessary.
In the making of better-class measuring tapes, the tape, after
passage through the white-lead mixture and drying, is made to travel
through a machine to remove roughnesses, and subsequently
through the fingers of the worker, protected by leather. Dust arises in
both the last operations, and requires to be removed by exhaust
ventilation. Similar means of prevention are necessary wherever
paint is applied, as in photo-engraving, and colouring artificial flowers
by means of an aerograph instrument.
Owing to the limited extent to which exhaust ventilation is possible,
reliance must be placed on substitution of wet processes for dry
wherever possible. Cleanliness of floors requires special attention.
Although in all painting operations dust is the most potent cause of
poisoning, we would assign to contamination of the hands and the
eating of food with unwashed hands a more prominent place as a
cause than in any of the other processes involving use of lead or
lead colours. In a post-mortem on a sign-painter employed only a
few days, made three weeks after his cessation of employment on
account of an attack of encephalopathy, paint was found thickly
adherent under the nails.
Substitution of colours containing no lead suggests itself as a
simple remedy, but the progress in this direction made so far in the
industries mentioned is limited. Several important firms
manufacturing motor-cars use no lead colours at all; more than one
important railway company (the outside of the carriages of which has
no white colour) and a few makers of perambulators do the same. It
is difficult to obtain knowledge how far leadless are replacing lead
colours. In the manufacture of cornice poles (in which small industry
several severe attacks were reported) the suggestion of a factory
inspector to employ lithopone was adopted, with entire success. A
patent graphite has been substituted for orange lead, with which
wooden patterns to form the moulds of articles to be subsequently
cast in metal are frequently painted.
House-Painting.[35]—The work of house-painting and plumbing
outside a workshop does not come under the Factory and Workshop
Act, 1901, except to a limited extent under Section 105 in buildings
in course of erection; and even in that case the requirement of
notification of lead poisoning imposed by Section 73 does not apply.
If, however, a house-painter is employed for part of his time in mixing
paints in a workshop belonging to a builder, then the question may
legitimately be raised as to whether plumbism may not have been
due in some measure to such workshop conditions. Despite the
limited extent to which the Act applies to lead poisoning of house-
painters and plumbers, seeing that it is industrial in origin many
practitioners notify cases, with the result that the number every year
exceeds considerably that from any other lead industry in the
country. Thus, the number notified in the ten years 1900-1909 was
1,973, including 383 deaths. The proportion of deaths to persons
notified is much higher than for lead industries generally (19·4 per
cent., as compared with 4·0 per cent.). If the proportion of cases to
deaths were the same in house-painting as in other industries (and it
is a fair assumption to make), the number of cases would be 9,418.
When investigation is made into the reported cases, the pre-
dominance of the severer symptoms—paralysis, brain symptoms,
and chronic plumbism—is brought out. Causation of poisoning, in
order of importance, appears to be: (1) Dust from sandpapering one
surface of paint before applying another; (2) dust from mixing dry
white lead with oil; (3) dust arising from paint that has dried on
overalls; (4) contamination of food with unwashed hands; and (5)
fumes from burning off old paint.
 Use of Leadless Paints.—Opinion still differs as to the
feasibility of substituting zinc sulphide
or zinc oxide (or a combination of the two) for white lead in paints, in
spite of elaborate investigation of the point by commissions of inquiry
appointed notably by the French, Austrian, and Dutch Governments.
There is, however, general consensus of opinion that for the painting
of internal surfaces of houses and of all surfaces which are not
exposed to the weather zinc paints have the advantage (apart from
their non-poisonous quality) over white-lead paint of not changing
colour. The technique for applying zinc oxide paint differs much from
that for applying white lead. Being much less dense, it requires to be
ground with a greater proportion of oil, and the vehicles and driers
necessary for the thinning of the stiff paste are different from those
ordinarily used for thinning and mixing white lead. Coats of zinc
oxide should be applied as thin as possible, and hence there is the
drawback that where three coats of white lead will suffice, four coats
of zinc oxide may be necessary unless the paint is skilfully applied.
The best method of applying zinc oxide paint with the brush has to
be learnt in order to get the best effect. The ordinary house-painter,
therefore, accustomed to the use of lead paint, cannot expect to
obtain the same result from zinc paint treated in the same way. And
zinc oxides differ in value as pigments according to the methods of
production. That obtained by direct roasting of the ore (franklinite
and zincite) is superior to that prepared by the indirect method of
oxidation of spelter.
Zinc sulphide enters into the composition of many white paints
mixed with zinc oxide, barytes, and often lead sulphate. Its defect in
colour is thus concealed, and it adds to the mixture the important
property known to the painter as “body.” Under a variety of names,
such as “Orr’s enamel white,” “patent zinc white,” and “lithopone,”
such mixtures have a large sale, and for many purposes can act as a
substitute for white-lead paint.
Extensive inquiries have been made in recent years in Continental
countries into the effect of use of white-lead paint in producing
plumbism, the processes employed, and the possibility of substitutes
—in Austria, from 1904 to 1907; in Germany, in 1905; in Holland,
from 1903 to 1909; in France, from 1901 to 1909; in Switzerland, in
1904; and in Belgium, from 1904 to 1909. In 1902 the French
Government, by a decree applying to house-painting, prohibited (1)
use of white lead except when ready mixed with oil; (2) direct
handling of white lead; (3) dry-rubbing or sand-papering of painted
surfaces; and required (4) provision of the usual means for
cleanliness, including overalls. This decree in 1904 was extended to
all kinds of painting with use of white lead. Finally, in 1909, a law, to
take effect from 1914, was passed prohibiting the use of white lead
in paint altogether.
In Belgium, following on regulations issued under royal decree in
1905, in which, among other things, quarterly periodical medical
examination of house-painters was required, the law dated August
20, 1909, came into force, prohibiting the sale, transport, and use, of
white lead in the form of powder, lumps, or small pieces, and
requiring, if intended for the purpose of painting, the white lead to be
mixed ready ground in oil. Dry-rubbing and sandpapering are also
prohibited.
In the German Empire the work of house-painting is controlled by
regulations dated June 27, 1905, of which the following are the main
provisions: (1) Prohibition of actual contact with white lead in
grinding and mixing, and adequate protection from the dust so
created; (2) mechanical incorporation of the white lead with the oil or
varnish, and prevention of the escape of dust into the workroom; (3)
preliminary moistening prior to scraping, chipping off, or rubbing
down, dry oil colours; (4) and (5) provision of overalls and washing
accommodation, including soap, nailbrushes, and towels (in erection
of new buildings the workmen must be able to wash in a place free
from frost); (7) instruction of the workman by the employer as to the
risk attaching to the work by supplying him with a copy of the
regulations and cautionary notice. Further, where painting operations
are carried on in factories or workshops as subsidiary to other
processes, there must be (8) provision of washing accommodation in
a special room capable of being heated, and of a place in which to
keep clothing; (9) periodical medical examination at half-yearly
periods; and (10) prohibition of smoking and consumption of alcohol
in the workrooms.
 The Austrian Regulations, dated April 15, 1909, follow the German
Code closely, but differ in that they (1) prohibit the use of white lead
paint for the interior surfaces of houses or of any surfaces not
exposed to the weather; (2) affixing of a notice on the can or cask
that it contains lead; and (3) periodical medical examination at
quarterly instead of half-yearly periods.
At the present time committees appointed by the Home Office are
inquiring into the coach-painting and house-painting industries in this
country.
The results of careful and detailed experiments made by the White
Lead Commission appointed by the Dutch Government, which
inquired into the subject, are summarized as follows:
I. Zinc-white paints are much better able to withstand the action of
sulphuretted hydrogen gas than white-lead paints.
II. Zinc-white paints do not withstand the action of sulphurous acid
in the atmosphere as well as white-lead paints.
As this gas is present in coal-smoke of locomotives, steamers, tall
chimneys, etc., zinc-white paint much exposed to such smoke—for
instance, in railway-stations, etc.—will soon become corroded, and
cannot then replace white lead.
III. Zinc-white paints applied on zinc, Portland cement, or iron (the
latter having previously been provided with first coats of red oxide of
lead or iron), are able to withstand the action of the open air for a
space of five years quite as well as white-lead paints, and can
entirely replace the latter, provided they are not exposed to the
action of vapours containing sulphurous acid.
IV. In the interior of buildings zinc-white paints, applied on wood,
iron, zinc, Portland cement, and plaster, are as good as white-lead
paints; and can entirely replace the latter, provided they are not
exposed much to vapours containing sulphurous acid or to much
damp.
V. Zinc-white paints applied on wood, if not exposed much to the
action of sulphurous acid gas, will in many cases last during five
years in the open air as well as white-lead paints, and can replace
the latter with good results. But in all places where water
accumulates, as on window-sills, the lower side of cornice-work, etc.,
they will, even after three or four years, deteriorate to such a degree
that repainting will become necessary for the preservation of the
wood; in this respect, therefore, they are inferior to white-lead paints.
VI. Zinc-white paints, such as the White Lead Commission have
used successfully, cover at least equally as well as the white-lead
paints customary in this country.
The zinc-white putty used by the White Lead Commission is quite
as serviceable as ordinary white-lead putty.
VII. Painting with zinc-white paint, such as the Commission used
on new woodwork in the open air, does not cost more than painting
with the white-lead paints customary for that purpose.
VIII. Painting on existing paintwork, so-called “repainting,” in the
open air, with zinc-white paints such as the White Lead Commission
used, costs more than the white-lead paints hitherto in use,
inasmuch as the preparation of the wood painted with zinc-white
paints involves greater expense in rendering it fit for the repainting
than in the case of wood painted with white lead in rendering it fit for
further painting with white lead.
In the case of painted wood which is exposed to the open air, the
possibility is, moreover, not excluded that, where such wood is in an
unfavourable condition of humidity (see under § V.), it may have to
be repainted sooner than if it had been painted with white-lead
paints.
In these circumstances the cost of maintenance of wood painted
with zinc-white paint, and exposed to the open air, is further
increased as compared with wood painted with white-lead paint.
IX. Lithopone paints cannot replace white-lead paints in the open
air; they have proved to be quite unfit in this respect.
X. For paintwork above water, first coats of oxide of iron have,
during five years, proved to be quite as good and serviceable as first
coats of red oxide of lead.
For coats of paint under water, oxide of iron cannot be used.
Coats of oxide of iron paint are cheaper than coats of red oxide of
lead paint.
When oxide of iron is used for the first coat, much more technical
skill is required for the painting of the covering coats than is the case
when red oxide of lead is used for the first coat.
 Shipbuilding.[36]—Cases arising in shipbuilding are due not so
much to mixing the paints or red-lead paste as to
the dust produced in sandpapering the coats of white paint applied in
cabins, etc., in chipping and scraping off old red-lead paint, often in
confined spaces such as double bottoms, tanks, bilges, etc.
Splashing from injecting red lead between plates, fumes from
burning off old paint, and fumes from paint while using it in confined
spaces, are mentioned in reports. Several attacks have occurred to
persons engaged in inserting red-hot rivets into holes containing
yarn soaked in red lead and oil. Lead fumes, it is suggested, are
given off. The number of cases included under this heading each
year has been—
1900 32
1901 28
1902 15
1903 24
1904 48
1905 32
1906 26
1907 22
1908 15
1909 27
1910 21

The figures illustrate the difficulty of obtaining a reduction in the

attacks when the cause is to be found in conditions not amenable to
control by exhaust ventilation. The possibility of effecting some
reduction by such precautions as can be adopted is suggested by
the diminution (from 110 to 60) in the number of cases in the
Government dockyards in the six years 1905-1910 and 1899-1904
respectively, as compared with the increase (from 67 to 87) in all
other shipbuilding yards.
In the Government dockyards, among other precautions, men
employed on red-leading appear before the medical officer
periodically, and no man is allowed to do the work for more than two
days a week. Further, oxide of iron paint is to be used in the double
bottoms, wing passages, and other confined spaces on board ships.
All men employed as painters are allowed five minutes out of their
working time for washing.
Other Industries.—The industries and processes which are
gathered together under this head will be seen from the following
distribution:
Cases
(Ten Years:
Industries. 1900-1909).
(1) Iron drums and kegs 47
(2) Harness furniture 23
(3) Tempering springs 13
(4) Other contact with molten lead 103
(5) Metal sorting 13
(6) Handling lead and dust from metallic lead 122
(7) Shot-making 14
(8) Glass-making 13
(9) India-rubber 23
(10) Yarn-dyeing 28
(11) Copper letters and opal signs 28
(12) Other lead compounds 196
(13) Miscellaneous 36
Total 659

(1) and (2) have been described under tinning of metals, as the
processes are similar, and in the year 1909 they were included along
with tinning of hollow-ware under the same code of regulations.
Tempering of steel buffer springs (3)[37], carried on in Sheffield,
gives rise to poisoning from fumes of molten metal into which the
springs are immersed, and from dust of skimmings, unless there is
efficient hooding and exhaust. A sample of dust collected from a
lampshade over a melting-pot was found in the Government
laboratory to contain 48·1 of metallic lead, or 51·8 per cent. of lead
monoxide. In testing the springs under a hydraulic press, and
subsequent straightening by hammering on an anvil, the thin coating
of lead on the surface scales off, and may be inhaled.
Other contact with molten metal (4) includes operations which do
not differ from several already described, in which danger is incurred
from either fumes and dust in skimming the dross or subsequent
handling, such as manufacture of solder, coating cables, filling
copper cylinders with molten lead for the purpose of bending them,
and subsequently re-immersing them in the bath to melt out the lead,
tinning of nails, making lead patterns for fenders (in which there may
be danger, also, from use of a wire brush to get rid of adhering
sand), etc.
Handling lead and dust from metallic lead (5) includes operations
such as die-stamping, stamping tickets and other articles on a
leaden slab (where the danger is akin to, though probably less in
degree than in file-cutting), examining bullets, manufacture of
metallic capsules, lining boxes with sheet lead, lead glazing (where
the danger is essentially that of plumbing work), etc.
It includes also a number of cases which were reported previous
to 1905 in the markers of testing ranges at a small-arms factory.
Duckering[38], who investigated these cases, found that the bullets
were stopped by dry sand in boxes 8 feet long. On entering the sand
the bullets became disintegrated, so that, after being in use for some
time, the sand contained a large amount of lead, and had to be
removed. In doing this the box was turned over, and the sand
deposited on the floor immediately behind the targets. The lead was
then separated by sifting by hand, and the sand used over again. In
these operations much floating dust was produced, which was
inhaled by the markers, who stood in an open trench immediately in
front of and below the targets.
Metallic Capsules.—Some cases have occurred from the
manufacture of capsules for bottles. The capsule consists of a lead
leaf rolled between two leaves of tin. Cases arising in the early
processes of casting and rolling do not differ from those described as
due to contact with molten metal and handling of lead. The most
difficult to deal with are those which occur in the final process of
cleaning and colouring. Before colouring with varnish paint, the
capsule is placed on a rapidly revolving lathe, and the hand of the
worker, carrying a cloth containing whitening, is placed lightly on the
capsule. A slight amount of dust is inevitably raised, and this dust,
collected from the bench, was found to contain from 11·5 to 25·6 per
cent. of lead; while dust which had settled on a beam 9 feet from the
floor contained 9·3 per cent. Of thirty-one workers employed in
cleaning and colouring, fifteen showed evidence of lead absorption
in a blue line on the gums, and in one there was considerable
weakness of the left wrist. Similar experience of lead poisoning in
this industry has been noted in German and Austrian factories.
Periodical medical examination at quarterly intervals has been
instituted in the principal factory, with good results, as it enables
those who show early signs of lead absorption to be transferred to
other processes. Exhaust ventilation has been tried, but, except at
the few lathes where cleaning alone is done, without complete
success, in view of the nature of the work.
Shot-making.—Cases in shot-making arise from the dust given
off when sifting the shot into different sizes—an operation which
should be carried on in sieves entirely closed in and under negative
pressure. Dust collected from the glass casing over a sifting machine
contained 60·3 per cent. of metallic lead. The sample was free from
arsenic.
Heading of Yarn dyed with Chromate of Lead.—Cotton yarn
is dyed (10) on a considerable scale with chromate of lead, chiefly
for Oriental markets; and it is the orange chrome—that most heavily
weighted with lead—which is most in demand there. The orange
chrome colour is obtained by dipping hanks of yarn into solution of
lime, and then into acetate of lead. The process is repeated a
second time, after which the chromate is formed by dipping in
bichromate of soda, and finally boiling in lime-water[39].
In production of yellow chrome colour, the yarn is treated only
once in a bath of lead acetate. Other colours made are lemon
chrome and (by addition of an indigo bath) chrome green.
The early processes of dyeing rarely give rise to poisoning, but the
strong solution of bichromate of soda readily causes characteristic
ulceration of the skin—“chrome holes.” Danger arises from dust in
the process of heading or “noddling,” as it is sometimes called, of the
dried yarn over posts. The hanks of yarn are tugged and shaken by
women as a rule, and in the case of orange chrome very
considerable quantities of dust are liberated. We have been told that
a hank of this kind of yarn does not commend itself to an Oriental
buyer unless, when shaken, dust is visible.
 The industry was certified as dangerous in 1895, in view of serious
illness and death in Glasgow and Manchester, and special rules
were made to apply, not only to the heading operations, but also to
the winding, reeling, and weaving, of the dyed yarn—processes in
which cases of poisoning are very rare.
Detailed inquiry was made in 1906 in eleven factories where yarn
was dyed on a considerable scale by means of chromate of lead—in
eight mainly for export to India, and in three for the home market.
Yarn dyed for the home market gives off less dust when headed, as
the material undergoes additional washing in water and in dilute
acid; and it is also sometimes passed through a sizing of starch,
which fixes the chromate of lead to the yarn more securely.
Proof of the greater danger from orange chrome is found in the
fact that Dupré was able to wash 1 pound of dust (0·29 per cent.)
from 345 pounds of heavy orange yarn, and only 1 pound (0·03 per
cent.) could be washed from 3,300 pounds of light yellow or green
yarn.
In none of the factories were the workers engaged solely on the
dangerous yellow and orange chrome-dyed yarn. In some the work
may last an hour or two every day, in others for an hour or two every
day in alternate weeks, or for one week in every three or four weeks,
and perhaps in a dozen factories the work may not be done more
frequently than half a day a month, or even one in three months.
Particular attention was paid to the nature of the exhaust
ventilation at the “heading” posts, as this is the most important point
in the protection of the workers. It was provided in eight out of the
nine principal yarn-dyeing factories. The exception was one where
the work was said to be solely for the home market. In one a 2 foot 6
inch Blackman fan was placed in the wall without connection of the
“heading” posts with it by means of ducts and hoods. In four, hoods
and ducts of wood, square in section, with right-angle bends, had
been locally applied to the posts. In other four, hoods and ducts were
of metal, circular in section. The velocities in feet per minute
(obtained with a Davis self-timing anemometer) were taken at the
opening into the branch duct behind or under the post. The value of
anemometric tests in detecting blockages or interference in the ducts
is evident from the table on p. 300.
 (1) (2) (3) (5) (6) (7) (8) (10)
Fan. Fan. Fan. Fan. Fan. Fan. Fan. Fan. Fan. Fan. Fan. Fan.
240 820 330 Nil 1,200 420 450 210 780 570 700 850
450 450 20 420 510 210 570 700

480 270 450 270 780 360 420 390 660 540 490 850
480 (750) 420 270 360 420 430 540 570 570

480 330 Nil 250 270 120 420 510 540 530
450 (440) Nil 300 300 120 490 540 540

324 320 300 180 350 480 450 300 300 450
280 (420) 250 150 290 480 420 300 450

25 130 350 430 390 510 420

25 220 180 420 360 460 400

360 300 240 420

240 280 450 480

Nil 210 390

Nil 210 390

Nil
Nil

(1) The draught here was obtained from the main chimney-shaft.
The small velocities at the end post, it was subsequently found,
arose from the fact that the double heading post was connected by
means of a very small duct to the end of the large duct which served
the other posts.
(2) Wooden duct connected up with fan. The area of the openings
into the duct could be enlarged or diminished by means of a shutter.
The figures in brackets were those obtained when the shutter was
fully opened.
(3) In this factory originally a 2 foot 6 inch fan was simply placed in
the wall. Subsequently they were boxed in and ducts of wood
brought within a foot of the noddling bar. Four of the branch ducts
were found to be blocked.
(5) Wooden ducts and hoods behind bar both close to the fan.
(6) Circular metal ducts with curved angles, and placed about 8 to
10 inches behind post; all connected up with a 4 foot 6 inch fan. The
small velocities (120 feet) at two posts was due to loose connection
of the branch ducts allowing air to be drawn in at the foot.
(7) Metal duct distant about 2¹⁄₂ feet from the post, and situated
immediately below and not behind the bar. Dust was prevented from
rising above the post by a glass screen, the projection of which also
prevented the worker from coming too near to, or getting his head
over, the post.
(8) Metal ducts, 9¹⁄₂ inches in diameter. Evidence of ill-health was
greatest here, notwithstanding good draught, because the branch
ducts were not brought close enough to the point where “heading”
was done, but were distant 15 inches from the centre of the post,
and “noddling” was done at a distance of 2 feet from the duct, one
man standing between the draught and the bar.
(10) Draught arranged as in (7), below the bar, without protection
of the worker by a glass screen.
Regulations now apply to the industry. So clear is it that locally-
applied exhaust ventilation is of paramount importance in prevention
of poisoning, that, however intermittent the operation of “heading,”
exemption from this requirement cannot be permitted. Determination
periodically by the occupier of the speed of the draught at each
exhaust opening should prevent blockage of ducts.
The regulations do not apply to the winding of, and weaving with,
yarn dyed with chromate of lead. Rarely in the spinning and weaving
factories of Blackburn does the amount of the particular yarn in
question constitute as much as 5 per cent. of the total quantity of
coloured yarn used. Section 74, 1901, is sufficient to meet the
isolated cases where injury to health arises. The habit of biting
chrome-dyed thread has given rise to lead poisoning. Nor do the
regulations apply to treatment of calico or cloth into which lead may
enter. Such poisoning as may occur must be practically confined to
persons employed in the paint-mixing house.
 Manufacture of India-rubber.[9]—Litharge, massicot, red lead,
and sulphide of lead, are
generally mixed with rubber. Litharge is regarded not only as a
valuable filler for rubber, but has the faculty of hastening
vulcanization. All dry-heat goods depend upon it where a dark or
black effect is wanted.
Every year a few cases are reported in the process of mixing the
batches in the weighing room of the rubber factory, or more
frequently at the hot calender rolls, where the batch of dry powder
containing the lead compound is gradually distributed by hand on to
the rubber so as to effect an intimate mixture. The heated air over
the rollers causes dust to rise. According to the purpose for which
the rubber is wanted, the quantity of litharge in the batch varies. In
one factory of fourteen men employed at the calender rolls, ten
showed a blue line, five were markedly anæmic, one had weakness
of the wrists, and two weakness of grasp[40]. Only one case has
been reported since exhaust ventilation was applied locally over
each calender roll. In a rubber tyre factory five cases followed one
another in quick succession, all in persons employed on the rolls.
There should be no hesitation in requiring exhaust ventilation
wherever employment in mixing the batches or at the rolls is
constant. In general, however, the work in weighing out is
intermittent, and reliance is placed on the wearing of a respirator.
No attempt has been made to enumerate all the industries and
processes in which lead poisoning may arise. The task would
become wearisome, as they are so numerous. Nor is it necessary to
give details of all that are known, as it is doubtful whether there can
be any different in nature or requiring different treatment from the
many which have been described.

REFERENCES.
[1] Special Report on Dangerous or Injurious Processes in the Smelting of
Materials containing Lead, and in the Manufacture of Red and Orange
Litharge and Flaked Litharge, by E. L. Collis, M.B. Cd. 5152. 1910. Wyman
and Sons, Ltd. Price 6d.
[2] Annual Report of the Chief Inspector of Factories for 1901, p. 213.
[3] Ibid., p. 242.
 [4] Ibid. for 1906, p. 272.
[5] H. O. Hofman: Metallurgy of Lead. 1906.
[6] Annual Report of the Chief Inspector of Factories for 1900, p. 438.
[7] Ibid. for 1910, p. 154.
[8] Special Report above, p. 15.
[9] Layet: Quoted by Oliver in Dangerous Trades, p. 288.
[10] Dixon Mann: Forensic Medicine and Toxicology, p. 477.
[11] Sommerfeld: Bekämpfung der Bleigefahr, p. 220.
[12] Sommerfeld: Quoted by Silberstein below, p. 257.
[13] Silberstein: Die Krankheiten der Buchdrucker, in Weyl’s Handbuch der
Arbeiterkrankheiten, p. 257. Gustav Fischer, Jena, 1908.
[14] Tatham: Decennial Supplement to Sixty-fifth Annual Report of the
Registrar-General. Cd. 2619.
[15] Third Interim Report of the Departmental Committee on Certain
Miscellaneous Dangerous Trades. C. 9073. 1898.
Report on the Draft Regulations for File-Cutting by Hand, by Chester Jones.
Cd. 1658. 1903.
[16] Annual Report of the Chief Inspector of Factories for 1904, p. 125.
[17] Ibid. for 1906, p. 273.
[18] Special Report on Dangerous or Injurious Processes in the Coating of
Metal with Lead or a Mixture of Lead and Tin, by Miss A. M. Anderson, H.M.
Principal Lady Inspector of Factories, and T. M. Legge, M.D., H.M. Medical
Inspector of Factories; together with a Report on an Experimental
Investigation into the Conditions of Work in Tinning Workshops, and
Appendices, by G. Elmhirst Duckering, one of H.M. Inspectors of Factories.
Cd. 3793. London: Wyman and Sons, 1907.
Annual Report of the Chief Inspector of Factories for 1902, pp. 296-318.
Report on Draft Regulations on the Tinning of Metal Articles, by E. T. H.
Lawes.
The Cause of Lead Poisoning in the Tinning of Metals, by G. E. Duckering.
[19] The Health of Brass Workers, by T. M. Legge. Annual Report of the
Chief Inspector of Factories for 1905, pp. 388-397.
[20] Ibid. for 1898, pp. 119-123; and many references in later Annual
Reports.
[21] The Bischof Process for the Manufacture of White Lead, by Professor
Sir William Ramsay, K.C.B., D.Sc. 1906.
[22] Report of the Departmental Committee on the Use of Lead, and the
Danger or Injury to Health arising from Dust and Other Causes in the
 Manufacture of Earthenware and China: vol. i., Report; vol. ii., Appendices.
Cd. 5277-8. 1910.
Lead Compounds in Pottery: Report to H.M. Principal Secretary of State for
the Home Department on the Employment of Compounds of Lead in the
Manufacture of Pottery; their Influence upon the Health of the Workpeople;
with Suggestions as to the Means which might be adopted to Counteract
their Evil Effects, by Professor T. E. Thorpe, LL.D., F.R.S., Principal of the
Government Laboratory; and Professor Thomas Oliver, M.D., F.R.C.P.,
Physician to the Royal Infirmary, Newcastle-on-Tyne. London: Eyre and
Spottiswoode, February, 1899. Price 5¹⁄₂d.
[23] Work of the Government Laboratory on the Question of the Employment
of Lead Compounds in Pottery, by Professor T. E. Thorpe. Cd. 679. 1901.
[24] H. R. Rogers: Report of a Series of Experiments for Determining the
Amount of Lead in the Glaze of Finished Ware, based on the Method
described by Sir Henry Cunynghame, K.C.B., in his evidence before the
Departmental Committee on the Use of Lead (see 22, above).
[25] See 22, above, pp. 93, 94.
[26] C. R. Pendock: Unpublished Report.
[27] Special Report on Dangerous and Injurious Processes in the
Enamelling and Tinning of Metals, by Miss A. M. Anderson and T. M. Legge,
in Annual Report of the Chief Inspector of Factories for 1902, pp. 296-318.
[28] Annual Report of the Chief Inspector of Factories for 1910, p. 154.
[29] Zeitschrift für Gewerbehygiene, Unfall Verhütung und Arbeiter-
Wohlfahrtseinrichtungen, January, 1902.
[30] Annual Report of the Chief Inspector of Factories for 1901, pp. 221-229.
Die in electrischen Akkumulatoren Fabriken beobachteten
Gesundheitsschädigungen. Arbeiten aus dem Kaiserlichen
Gesundheitsamte, by Dr. Wutzdorff. 1898.
[31] Third Interim Report of the Departmental Committee appointed to
inquire into and report upon Certain Miscellaneous Dangerous Trades, pp.
16-19. C. 9073. 1898.
[32] D’Arcy Ellis: Brit. Med. Journ., vol. ii., pp. 406-408, 1901.
[33] Report on the Manufacture of Paints and Colours containing Lead, as
affecting the Health of the Operatives employed, by T. M. Legge, M.D. Cd.
2466. 1905.
Painters’ Colours, Oils, and Varnishes, by G. H. Hunt, Griffin, p. 357. 1901.
[34] Annual Report of the Chief Inspector of Factories for 1905, pp. 366-368,
and references in other Annual Reports.
 [35] Report of the Departmental Committee appointed to inquire into the
Dangers attendant on Building Operations, Appendix IX., pp. 184-187. Cd.
3848. 1907.
Painters’ Colours, Oils, and Varnishes, by G. H. Hunt, Griffin. 1901.
[36] Annual Report of the Chief Inspector of Factories for 1910, pp. 175-176.
[37] Ibid. for 1906, pp. 272, 273.
[38] Annual Report of the Chief Inspector of Factories for 1905, pp. 368,
369.
[39] Dangerous Trades Committee’s Final Report, C. 9509, pp. 26-30.
Alex. Scott: Minutes of Evidence of Various Lead Industries Committee,
1894, C. 7239-1, pp. 105-108.
J. S. Clayton: Industrial Lead Poisoning among Yarn Workers. Brit. Med.
Journ., vol. i., p. 310, 1906.
[40] Annual Report of the Chief Inspector of Factories for 1901, p. 231.