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CHEMISTRY
1BO4UBOGPSE4FSJFTPO3FOFXBCMF&OFSHZ7PMVNF
CHEMISTRY
Our Past, Present, and Future
edited by
editors Choon Ho Do
Preben Maegaard
Anna Krenz
Attila E. Pavlath
Wolfgang Palz
Wind Power
for the World
Published by
Pan Stanford Publishing Pte. Ltd.
Penthouse Level, Suntec Tower 3
8 Temasek Boulevard
Singapore 038988
Email: editorial@panstanford.com
Web: www.panstanford.com
Preface xiii
Introduction 1
Choon Ho Do and Attila E. Pavlath
2.9.6 Pharmacology 67
2.10 Conclusion 69
3. Did Chemistry Change the World? 73
Attila E. Pavlath
3.1 Introduction 73
3.2 Construction Materials 75
3.2.1 Wood 75
3.2.2 Metals 76
3.2.3 Plastic 80
3.2.4 Leather and Textile 81
3.2.5 From Pottery to Glass through Ceramic 82
3.3 Conclusion 84
Part II: Contributions of Chemistry
4. Agriculture 87
Livia Simon Sarkadi
4.1 Introduction 87
4.2 Development of Agriculture 88
4.2.1 Brief Chronology of Main Achievements 89
4.3 Chemical Fertilizers and Soil Nutrients 96
4.4 Crop Protection and Pest Management 98
4.5 Livestock Production and Protection 103
4.5.1 Brief History of Livestock Production 104
4.5.2 Veterinary Medical Care 105
4.6 New Challenges for Agriculture 107
4.7 Closing Words 110
6. Energy 141
James Wei
6.1 Fossil Fuel: Fire and Combustion 142
6.1.1 Fuel Mining, Refining 142
6.1.2 Combustion Process 148
6.1.3 Safety, Health, and Environment 150
6.2 Biofuel 154
6.2.1 Biochemical Fermentation of Food 154
6.2.2 Biochemical Fermentation of Biomass 156
6.2.3 Thermochemical Reactions of Biomass 157
6.3 Batteries 158
6.4 Nuclear Power 160
6.4.1 Mining and Fuel Enrichment 160
6.4.2 Nuclear Reactor Process 164
6.4.3 Safety, Health, and Environment 166
Index 447
Preface
It is hard to imagine what our life would be without the numerous
developments chemistry has provided in the past and is still
providing for our everyday life. Just review our ordinary daily
activities for a single day, from the moment we wake up to the
time when we fall asleep. What would we do without toiletries,
food, clothing, footwear, window glass, electric light, TV sets,
telephones, etc.? All of these and much more are created by the
wonders of chemistry. The list is very long and in their absence of
chemical developments, we would be in the Stone Age.
Unfortunately, society is largely ignorant about the importance
of chemistry. The discoveries of chemistry should be evident
in various pieces of equipment frequently used every day; in
materials that make our lives easier, more comfortable, and
more pleasant; medications that ease pain and prevent and cure
diseases, just to mention a few. Why is the general public unaware
of all this? Are all of these advantages just taken for granted
assuming that they just happen to be there? Apparently most
people do not think about this. Why is it so difficult for the public
to realize what life in our world would be like had chemistry not
brought about those numerous discoveries? One does not have
to be a scientist to be logical about this if these benefits are placed
in the spotlight. Unfortunately, human nature is not perfect. It is a
well-known fact that a catastrophe is more likely to capture
the public’s attention than a happy event. It is evident that the
contributions of chemistry have to be publicized in plain language
without any confusing chemical terms. That made us to realize
the importance of this book as a means to enlighten anyone who
picks it up.
Prof. Attila Pavlath, former president of the American
Chemical Society and co-editor to this publication, was very much
aware of the importance of public understanding of chemistry.
During his presidency in 2001, his team launched a project titled
“Technology Milestones from the Chemist’s View” to disseminate
the importance and application of chemistry in various fields to
the public. The idea for the present book came from a paper by
xiv Preface
Choon Ho Do
Attila E. Pavlath
Introduction
that in the United States every day more than 80 persons (30,000
persons per year) die in automobile accidents. Nevertheless,
everyone gets confidently into the car regularly balancing the
benefits against the possible dangers.
Then why do many people become suddenly concerned
about and even hostile toward chemistry when some shortcomings
of chemistry are reported once in a while? It is logical to assume
that because the rare accidents related to chemicals are frequently
reported in large headlines and the numerous benefits of
chemistry generally are ignored or at best relegated to a note on
the fifteenth page, they skew our mind about the ratio of good
and bad. Frequently, people have become more and more
convinced that chemistry represents a danger in our life.
Therefore, we need to understand chemistry and chemicals and
the consequence of their interactions.
Why is it important? You might assume, especially if you are
not involved in any chemistry-related activities, that it is of no
concern to you and it makes no difference in your life. However,
this is not true! If the public does not understand the benefit of
chemistry, they will not support its practice. The end result is
less chemical research and development, less number of new
products, and less improvement on existing ones we use in our
life. Chemical scientists understand the governing principles and
properties of chemicals, and chemical reactions occur among
chemicals. They know HOW it is done. However, the public must
realize WHAT chemistry has done and what the consequences
are if chemistry is downplayed and also realize the reasons why
we need continuous developments in chemistry.
Why do we need fresh air? Why do we need clean water to
drink? Why do we need healthy food? Why do we need gasoline
to drive a car? What does gasoline do for the car? What will
happen if we breathe bad gas? What will happen to our body if
we drink polluted water? What gives color pictures on TV when
it is switched on? These questions are related to chemicals and
chemical reactions. Whether you believe it or not, whether
you like it or not, our life is sustained by chemical reactions
and chemicals. Why? It is because our body and our Universe are
made up of chemicals. Living organisms and inorganic materials
are chemicals. We cannot avoid chemicals and we cannot live
without chemicals. Every day we need amenities essential to
Introduction
our modern life, e.g., food, cloth, cars, housing, TV, smart phones.
To produce these items, we have to produce more materials by
better processes and in an economical way. All these are related
to chemistry. We need chemicals and therefore it is necessary
to understand chemistry for not only our existence sustenance
but also improvement of our future.
The goal of this book is to show not just the important benefits
of chemistry, but also reasons why chemistry is needed in the
present time and in the future to solve problems ahead of us,
whether you like it or not. Where and how to provide food for
citizens to escape from hunger? How to get necessary energies
for our living? How to develop medicines to cure diseases and
healthy life? How to supply clean water to drink? What to do to
prevent and reduce crimes? How to detect smuggling? How to
detect fake items?
Sciences and technologies progress rapidly. So does society.
You, as a human, whether you are a decision maker or an ordinary
person, have to decide many things: not only scientific matters
but also ethics for you and your family and society. That is why
the public needs to understand chemistry to make a better choice
or decision because most things and events are related to
chemistry.
We hope that after reading this book, you will appreciate
the benefits of chemistry. We also hope you will keep a proper
balance between the benefits and problems in a rational and
not sensationalist way. We have tried to make the book easily
readable with joy and thoughtfulness. We hope this book will give
you the tool to present the benefits of chemistry to your friends
and neighbors in a simple non-scientific language and to help
change their negative opinion about chemistry, too.
The book is composed of three parts consisting of 14 chapters.
Following is a brief description of the parts and the chapters.
Readers may start from any chapter because each chapter describes
a different subject and is independent of each other.
Part I. Chemistry Inherited from the Universe. Images
and perception on chemistry and comprehensive description
are given for the need of understanding chemistry for our better
future both personally and globally. This part is composed of
the following three chapters.
Introduction
79. Religion
It has already been said that knowledge of religion, a non-material
thing, can be preserved from the remote past only by the most
roundabout means. It is conceivable that the people of the Upper
Palæolithic spent at least as much time in ceremonial observances
as in working flint. Analogy with modern uncivilized tribes would
make us think that this is quite likely. But the stone tools have
remained lying in the earth, while the religious customs went out of
use thousands of years ago and the beliefs were forgotten. Yet this
is known: As far back as the Mousterian, thirty thousand years ago,
certain practices were being observed by the Neandertal race of
western Europe which modern savages observe in obedience to the
dictates of their religion. When these people of the Mousterian laid
away their dead, they put some of their belongings with them. When
existing nations do this, it is invariably in connection with a belief in
the continued existence of the soul after death. We may reasonably
conclude therefore that even in this long distant period human
beings had arrived at a crude recognition of the difference between
flesh and spirit; in short, religion had come into being. Even to say
that Neandertal man did not know whether his dead were dead,
implies his recognition of something different from life in the body, for
he recognized of course that the body had become different.
Whether the Neandertal race already held to the existence of spirits
distinct from man or superior to him, it is impossible to say.
The Upper Palæolithic Cro-Magnon peoples laid out the bodies of
their dead and sometimes folded them. They also sometimes
painted the bodies, and buried flint implements and food in the
graves. That is, funerary practices were becoming established. We
may assume that hand in hand with this development of
observances there went a growth of ritual and belief.
Fig. 21. Horse carved in mammoth ivory. From Lourdes, France. The spirited
portrayal of the neck, ears, eyes, and mouth parts is characteristic of
Magdalenian sculpture.
There are also some devices which look like the beginnings of
attempts at composition. The effect of a row of reindeer is produced
by drawing out the first few in some detail, and then suggesting the
others by sketching in their horns (Fig. 23). Artists were no longer
content, in the Magdalenian, always to do each animal as a solitary,
static unit. They were trying, with some measure of success, to
represent the animals as they moved in life and perhaps to combine
several of them into one coherent picture or to suggest a setting.
By this time they had also acquired considerable ability in handling
colors. The Aurignacian and Solutrean artists restricted themselves
to monochrome effects. They engraved or painted outlines and
sometimes accentuated these by filling them in with pigment. But the
best of the later painters in the Magdalenian—those, for instance,
who left their frescoes on the walls of the famous cave of Altamira in
Spain—used three or four colors at once and blended these into
transition tones.
82. Heredity
The first of the several factors through which it is logically possible
to explain the life and conduct and customs of any people is race or
heredity: in other words, the inborn tendencies, bodily and mental, of
the people that carry these customs. At first sight it may seem that
this element of race might be quite influential. Since peoples differ in
inherited characteristics of body—complexion, features, hair, eye
color, head form, and the like—these bodily inherited peculiarities
ought to be accompanied by mentally inherited traits, such as
greater or less inclination to courage, energy, power of abstract
thought, mechanical ingenuity, musical or æsthetic proclivities, swift
reactions, ability to concentrate, gift of expression. Such racial
mental traits, again, might conceivably be expressed in the conduct
and culture of each people. Races born to a greater activity of the
mechanical faculties would achieve more or higher inventions, those
innately gifted in the direction of music would develop more subtly
melodious songs, and so on.
Yet in every particular case it is difficult or impossible to establish
by incontrovertible evidence that heredity is the specific cause of this
accomplishment, of this point of view, or of this mode of life; that it is
the determining factor to such and such degree of such and such
customs. This is not a denial of the probability that inborn racial
differences exist. It is an affirmation of the difficulty, discussed in
Chapters I, IV, and V, of knowing what is inborn; and more
specifically, of the difficulty of tracing particular customary activities
back to particular racial qualities. The problem of connecting specific
race traits with specific phenomena of culture or group conduct, such
as settled life, architecture in stone, religious symbolism, and the
like,—of determining how much of this type of architecture or
symbolism is instinctive in the race and how much of it is the result of
traditional or social influences,—remains unsolved.
For example, should one try to apply to the explanation of the
mode of life or culture of the Indians of the Southwestern United
States biological facts, such as their head form, one would be
confronted by the difficulty that long heads are characteristic of some
of the town-building tribes, or Pueblos, and also of some of the tribes
living in brush huts. Broad heads are also found among both the
settled and nomadic tribes. The Pueblo Taos and non-Pueblo Pima
are narrow-headed, the Pueblo Zuñi and non-Pueblo Apache broad-
headed. So with the pulse rate, which has been already mentioned
(§ 70) as unusually slow among the Southwestern Indians. It is the
same for the nomadic Apache who lived by fighting, and for the Hopi
and Zuñi who are famous for their timidity and gentleness. Similar
cases might be cited almost endlessly. It is evident that they are of a
kind with the lack of correspondence between race and speech, or
race and nationality, among the European peoples.
84. Diet
The greater part of the Southwest is arid. Fish are scarce. The
result is that most of the tribes get little opportunity to fish. Most of
these Southwestern Indians will not eat fish; in fact, think them
poisonous. This circumstance might lead to the following inference:
nature does not furnish fish in abundance; therefore the Indians got
out of the habit of eating them, and finally came to believe them
poisonous. At first blush this may seem a sufficient explanation. But
it is well to note that the explanation has two parts and that only one
of them has to do with nature: the habit of not eating fish because
they are too scarce to make it worth while. As soon as one proceeds
to the second step, that the disuse led to aversion and then to a false
belief of poisonousness, one has gone on to a different matter.
Disuse, aversion, and belief lie wholly within the field of human
conduct. To derive a psychological phenomenon, such as a belief,
from another psychological phenomenon such as a particular disuse,
because this disuse is founded on a geographical factor, would of
course be a logical fallacy. It can also be shown not to hold, since we
prize caviar and oysters and venison in proportion to their rarity.
Scarcity in this case thus leads to the contrary psychological attitude,
and either fails to establish beliefs or establishes favorable ones.
Again, either through a change in climate or through the
improvement of trade, a food that was scarce may become plentiful.
Or a people may remove to a new habitat, different from that in
which their customs of eating were formed. If environment alone
were the dominating cause of their customs, these customs should
then immediately alter. As a fact, a group sometimes adheres to its
old customs. The immediate cause of such conservatism is habit or
inertia or inclination toward superstition or fear of taboo, all of which
are mental reactions expressed in folkways or social customs. Thus
environment remains at most a partial and indirectly operating
cause.
A case in point is that of the Jews. It is often said that the Jew’s
prohibition against eating pork and oysters and lobsters originated in
hygienic considerations; that these were climatically unsafe foods for
him in Palestine. This explanation is more simple than true. Ancient
Palestine was an arid country in which hogs could not be raised with
economic profit, and so they were not raised; and the Philistine and
Phœnician kept the Jew from the coast along which he might have
obtained shellfish. Eating neither food, he happened to acquire a
distrust of them; having the distrust, he rationalized it by saying that
it was foreign and wicked and irreligious to act counter to his habits
—just like the Pueblo Indian; and in the end had the Lord issue the
prohibition for him. Yet this outcome is a long way from the starting
point of natural environment. The environment may indeed be said to
have furnished the first occasion, but the determining causes of the
taboos in the Mosaic law are of an entirely different kind—distrust,
custom, rationalization, psychological or cultural factors. If doubt
remains, it is dispelled by the orthodox Jew of to-day, whose
environment thrusts some of his forbidden foods at him as
economically and hygienically satisfactory, whereas he still shudders
at the thought of tasting them.
If this sort of cultural crystallizing of custom and subsequent
rationalizing or ritual sanctioning takes place among civilized and
intelligent people, the like must occur among uncivilized tribes.
85. Agriculture
Attempts have been made to derive the invention of agriculture
from climatic factors. The first theory was that farming took its rise in
the tropics, where agriculture came naturally, almost without effort,
under a bounteous sky. Only after people had acquired the habit of
farming and had moved into other less favorably endowed countries,
did they take their agriculture seriously in order to survive. But a
second, equally plausible, and quite contradictory theory has been
advanced, which looks toward the duress rather than the easy favors
of nature. On the basis of conditions among the modern Papago
Indians and the ancient inhabitants of the Southwest, it has been
argued that it must have been the peoples of arid countries who
invented agriculture, necessity driving them to it through shortage of
wild supplies.
Between such flat opposites, the choice is merely one of
unscientific guessing. In this particular case of the Southwest it is
certain that both guesses are wrong. Agriculture did not come to the
natives of this area because nature was favorable or because it was
unfavorable. It came because through increase of knowledge and
change of attitude, some people in the region of Southern Mexico or
Guatemala or beyond first turned agriculturists, and from them the
art was gradually carried, through nation after nation, to the
Southwestern tribes, and finally even to the Indians of the North
Atlantic coast.
The reasons for acceptance of this explanation are several. First is
the distribution of native agriculture, whose practice was about
equally spread in the two American continents with its middle in or
near Central America. If a geographical diffusion of the art from a
center took place, its radiation or extension would probably be about
equal to the north and south. Then, the middle portions of the new
world held the greatest concentration of native population, such as
would have tended to produce a pressure in the direction of the
establishment of agriculture and would also normally be a
consequence of the continued custom of farming, as opposed to
unsettled life. Again, the Southwestern tribes planted only maize,
beans, and squashes; the Mexicans grew in addition tomatoes, chili
peppers, cacao, and sweet potatoes. It looks as if they had carried
their agriculture farther through having been at it longer. Then,
pottery has evidently spread out from the same center, and the two
arts seem to go hand in hand. Other evidence might be adduced,
such as archæological excavations and the botanical fact that the
home of the nearest wild relatives of the plants cultivated in the
Southwest is the central or middle American area (§ 183).
In short, the Southwestern Indians did not farm because nature
induced them to make the invention. They did not make the invention
at all. A far away people made it, and from them it was transmitted to
the Southwest through a series of successive tribal contacts. These
contacts, which then are the specific cause of Southwestern
agriculture, constitute a human social factor; a cultural or
civilizational factor. Climatic or physical environment did not enter
into the matter at all, except to render agriculture somewhat difficult
in the arid Southwest, though not difficult enough to prevent it. Had
the Southwest been thoroughly desert, agriculture could not have got
a foot-hold there. But this would be only a limiting condition; the
active or positive causes that brought about the Southwestern
agriculture are its invention farther South, the spread of the invention
to the North, and its acceptance there.
Of course this conclusion sheds no light on the causes of the first
invention in the middle American region. The ultimate origin of the
phenomenon has not been penetrated. But the prevalence of
agriculture in the aboriginal Southwest for several thousand years
past has been pretty certainly accounted for, and by an explanation
in terms of culture or civilization, or the activity of societies of human
beings.