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FORKED
 FORKED
A New Standard for American Dining

Saru Jayaraman

1
 1
Oxford University Press is a department of the University of Oxford. It furthers
the University’s objective of excellence in research, scholarship, and education
by publishing worldwide.Oxford is a registered trade mark of Oxford University
Press in the UK and certain other countries.
Published in the United States of America by Oxford University Press
198 Madison Avenue, New York, NY 10016, United States of America.
© Saru Jayaraman 2016
First Edition published in 2016
All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in
a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, without the
prior permission in writing of Oxford University Press, or as expressly permitted
by law, by license, or under terms agreed with the appropriate reproduction
rights organization. Inquiries concerning reproduction outside the scope of the
above should be sent to the Rights Department, Oxford University Press, at the
address above.
You must not circulate this work in any other form
and you must impose this same condition on any acquirer.
Cataloging-in-Publication data is on file at the Library of Congress
ISBN 978– ​0 –​19–​938047–​3

1 3 5 7 9 8 6 4 2

Printed by Sheridan, USA

This material is not intended to be, and should not be considered, a substitute for medical or
other professional advice. Treatment for the conditions described in this material is highly
dependent on the individual circumstances. And, while this material is designed to offer
accurate information with respect to the subject matter covered and to be current as of the
time it was written, research and knowledge about medical and health issues is constantly
evolving and dose schedules for medications are being revised continually, with new side
effects recognized and accounted for regularly. Readers must therefore always check the
product information and clinical procedures with the most up-to-date published product
information and data sheets provided by the manufacturers and the most recent codes of
conduct and safety regulation. The publisher and the authors make no representations or
warranties to readers, express or implied, as to the accuracy or completeness of this material.
Without limiting the foregoing, the publisher and the authors make no representations or
warranties as to the accuracy or efficacy of the drug dosages mentioned in the material. The
authors and the publisher do not accept, and expressly disclaim, any responsibility for any
liability, loss or risk that may be claimed or incurred as a consequence of the use and/or
application of any of the contents of this material.
Oxford University Press is not responsible for any websites (or their content) referred to
in this book that are not owned or controlled by the publisher.
To the 11 million restaurant workers nationwide.

To my children, who say they want to be

‘ROC star’ restaurant workers when they grow up.

And to everyone who works to make this

industry better for all of us.
 CONTENTS

Acknowledgments ix

1. Introduction: Why We Are Forked 1

2. Casual and Family-​Style Restaurants: Tipped
Over the Edge 27
The Olive Garden 40
Vimala’s Curryblossom Café 52
3. Fine Dining: The Great Service Divide 65
Craft 71
The Capital Grille 78
4. Mexican Food: Climbing the Ladder 87
Taco Bell 89
Chipotle 100
5. Burgers, Bills, and No Benefits 119
McDonald’s 126
In-​N-​Out Burger 135
 C ontents

6. A Tale of Two Sandwiches 147

Subway 147
Zingerman’s 159
7. The Coffee Café: A Place for Debate? 173
Starbucks 174
Manifesto Café 186
8. Diners: Change Is Possible 195
Denny’s 196
Florida Avenue Grill 206
9. Conclusion: The Road from Here 213

Index 225

viii
 ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

This book was most definitely a team effort. First, many thanks to
everyone at ROC: our amazing restaurant worker members and
leaders; the many fabulous restaurant employer members who
partner with Restaurant Opportunities Center (ROC), many of
whom are profiled in this book; board members of Diners United,
the new and growing group of consumers who are paving the way
for a new kind of consumer movement; our donors and funders,
especially the Ford Foundation for helping to launch this book; and
our board, allies, executive team, and staff all over the country. For
research assistance, connections to subjects, and general support,
many thanks to Christina Fletes, Teofilo Reyes, Mike Rodriguez,
Michaela Allen, Graham Kovich, ROC Michigan members, Dania
Rajendra, Alex Galimberti, Lauren Jacobs, Kennard Ray, and pro-
fessors and students at the University of California, Berkeley, the
University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill, and the University of
Georgia. For fabulous and creative thinking around the book and
getting the word out, many thanks to Ariel Jacobson, Maria Myotte,
and Elspeth Gilmore, and ROC’s filmmaker and creative genius
 A cknowledgments

Sekou Luke. Last but not least, many thanks to my co-​founders and
co-​conspirators Fekkak Mamdouh and Sekou Siby.
Thanks to Oxford editor Chad Zimmerman for his faith and
support throughout the process, to my agent Regina Brooks, and
to my family. Thanks to my parents, sisters, and nephews for their
constant love and support. To Zach, Akeela, and Lina, thank you
for making everything possible!

x
FORKED
 [1]
INTRODUCTION

Why We Are Forked

People know me as the co-​founder and co-​d irector of the Restaurant

Opportunities Centers (ROC) United, a national social-​movement
organization dedicated to raising wages and working conditions in
the nation’s restaurant industry. I have dedicated my life to serving
as an organizer, advocate, and spokesperson for raising standards
for restaurant workers.
What almost no one knows about me is that I don’t come from a
line of restaurant workers; I come from a family of restaurant owners.
And the family restaurant did not pay its workers well.
In the early 1900s, my great-​g reat grandfather, a policeman
named Sundara, opened a large restaurant in the tiny town of
Karur, India. Motivated in part by his disdain for working for oth-
ers (a sentiment shared today by his descendant), Sundara decided
to open his own place, and call it Sundara Villas. Since the propri-
etor was an Indian Brahmin, Sundara Villas was forbidden by caste
from serving meat. The cuisine was South Indian vegetarian, served
communal-​style on washed banana leaves to guests seated at long
marble tables.
In those days, the general rule—​and preference—​was to eat at
home, specifically a meal cooked by a wife or mother. Men only ate

1
 F orked

in restaurants if they were traveling, or a bachelor, or if their wives

were sick or traveling. Gender norms forbade women from eating
out or mixing with men in such public spaces, and thus the restau-
rant was almost an entirely male affair, with the exception of the
proprietor’s daughters and granddaughters, who would run around
playing in the restaurant.
Sundara brought his sons to work in the restaurant, but also
hired young men from Karur and the neighboring villages. These
workers were paid meager monthly wages, and many slept in the
restaurant itself.
My great-​grandfather, Venkataramanaswamy (try that ten
times!), took over the restaurant when Sundara died. He also
brought his sons to work in the restaurant. At this point there
were young men who had worked at the restaurant for a lifetime,
literally. And although wages were meager, there was most defi-
nitely a sense of family. Workers who fell ill were neither asked
to work nor docked pay. Servers and cooks became lifelong fam-
ily members. The longest-​lasting server, a man named Sundaram,
volunteered to cook at my parents’ wedding and attended every
family wedding and function after that; my great-​g randfather
paid for Sundaram’s son’s coming-​of-​age ceremony. Another cook
worked both in the restaurant and in the house, washing the chil-
dren’s clothes.
There is no way I could call my great-​g randfather a “high road”
employer, which is the label we at ROC give to employers who pro-
vide their employees with livable wages and working conditions.
The sense of family that my parents used to describe the restau-
rant is the same word almost every restaurateur in America uses to
describe their employees—​generally without cause and as a justifi-
cation for paying low wages. We at ROC always respond by saying
that being a family, although wonderful, is not enough; a family that
keeps some of its relatives in poverty is a family that can do better,

2
 I ntroduction : W h y W e A re F orked

both for the sake of the workers and ultimately for the benefit of
employers and consumers.
My restaurant-​owning grandfathers were small business owners
who followed the norms, customs, and culture of their day; today,
these surrounding factors have changed and evolved. One hundred
years later, their granddaughter is leading a movement to improve
wages and working conditions for the workers they employed.
I love and respect my great-​g randfather. He was a kind and
extremely generous man who took care of his large family, his broth-
ers’ families, and even the families of his employees. Certainly,
through his eyes, I can understand the plight of the small restau-
rateurs in America struggling to understand how they would go
against the norm of low pay and poor benefits in this industry and
still succeed. However, the employers profiled in this book show
that norms and standards can evolve in ways that help workers,
employers, and consumers to thrive collectively. Times are chang-
ing, and the industry—​and society—​certainly can do better.

HOW WE ARE FORKED

Right now, more than eleven million Americans work in restau-

rants. Unfortunately, the people who prepare, cook, and serve
our food are also twice as likely as other Americans to be on food
stamps.1 The restaurant industry—​the industry that feeds us!—​is
also starving its workforce, both economically and as a civil soci-
ety that values its citizens. However, this book sets out to describe
a different path, which some employers are already on, to resolve
these challenges.
Workers, consumers, and even employers have been gouged—​
“forked”—​by low standards for employee treatment that have been
set by the largest companies in this industry. But in another sense,

3
 F orked

the industry is also at a fork in the road: much of the industry is

following the “low road” to profitability that has been modeled by
a majority of large corporate restaurant chains, whereas a small but
growing group of employers have shown that taking the “high road”
to profitability results in better payoffs in the long run. In fact, a 2014
study conducted by Cornell University researchers in partnership
with ROC shows that employers can cut costly employee turnover
almost in half by providing higher wages and better working condi-
tions, a tremendous gift to an industry that suffers from one of the
highest employee turnover rates of any sector.2 This book will profile
people and companies taking both paths, and show how we can get
where we need to go by taking the “high road” at the fork in the road.
This book is a guide for anyone who eats out and anyone who
wants to eat out better and more ethically. It is a tool to help us
understand how restaurants fare on issues of worker wages, ben-
efits, and promotions. Most importantly, this book (along with
ROC’s smart phone application—​more on this later) gives consum-
ers the tools they need to communicate their values every time they
eat out. This book includes both ratings of well-​k nown restaurant
companies and more in-​depth profiles of companies that rate well
and others that do not.
This book is not intended to condemn any companies, organi-
zations, or individuals; on the contrary, the book is meant to show
both the challenges at hand and that change is possible anywhere
and everywhere, and that change is completely within our power as
consumers to effect within our lifetimes.

WHY THIS BOOK?

In 2013, I wrote a book called Behind the Kitchen Door, about work-
ing conditions in the restaurant industry, then proceeded to take my

4
 I ntroduction : W h y W e A re F orked

seven-​month-​old daughter with me on an insane book tour across

the country. We stopped in big and small cities, and I spoke in
churches, libraries, bookstores, restaurants, and anyplace that would
have us. Sometimes I’d take my daughter with me up to the podium,
and other times she’d be crawling around in the back of the audience
while I pounded the podium with my fist and described the poverty-​
level wages and abysmal working conditions faced by the millions
of restaurant workers in this country. I would talk about the work
of ROC, the national movement that I co-​founded and co-​direct,
and our work over the last twelve years to bring workers, responsible
employers, and consumers together to change the industry.
In too many instances, women would approach me at the end
of the book talk and share horrific stories of sexual harassment and
assault while working as servers in restaurants. These stories dra-
matically changed the course of ROC’s work, as I’ll describe later.
Either way, everywhere I spoke, anytime I spoke, people would
always ask, “So what can we do?” “Where can we eat?” And some-
one, almost every single time, would come up with the idea that
everyone felt they had discovered for the first time—​the idea of a
diners’ guide, something tangible to tell eaters which restaurants
fare well on issues of wages and working conditions for restaurant
workers. And I would always say, “Yes, we have an app for that.”
The first ROC Diners’ Guide to Ethical Eating was created for
New York City in 2007, and it was a simple booklet to highlight restau-
rant owners who were providing livable wages and working conditions
to their employees. We grew into a national organization that same
year, and in 2012, published our first national version of the guide
online and as a smartphone app. The guide and app rated the 100 most
popular restaurant chains and also provided awards to approximately
75 of our responsible restaurant employer partners.3
We never created the guide to tell people where to eat and where
not to eat. If every ethical eater in America only frequented the 100

5
 F orked

or so restaurants around the country that have been given awards

for responsible employment in our app, we would eat in restaurants
much less. Instead, we sought to provide a tool for consumers to
speak up wherever and whenever they ate out—​to say to managers
and owners, “I loved the food, loved the service, and I’d love to keep
coming back here. I just wanted to let you know that how a restau-
rant fares in this app on worker wages, benefits, and promotions
practices are important to me as a consumer.”
This book represents the next step in that process. The book
includes the same ratings of employers’ wages, benefits, and promo-
tions practices, but it also includes profiles of restaurants that rate
highly and others that rate poorly in specific food and labor categories.
It especially tells the stories of outstanding restaurant employers—​
we call them “high-​road” employers because they take the high road
to profitability—​who are growing and profitable because they pay and
treat their workers well, not in spite of their above-​average wages and
working conditions. In particular, we focus on how these employers
have managed to excel in the categories listed in this book.
We also profile employers who currently take the “low road” to
profitability, but all of them have great potential to move over to the
high road with some encouragement and pressure from all of us. In
creating the Diners’ Guide, we sought to find a way to create simple,
straightforward categories with which to rate restaurants, and realized
that we needed to prioritize the key issues that restaurant workers have
told us were their most important challenges during the last decade.

WHAT ARE THE KEY ISSUES

THIS BOOK RATES?

This book is not an exhaustive examination of all the merits or

demerits of various restaurant companies’ employment practices.

6
 I ntroduction : W h y W e A re F orked

Instead, it is a tool for consumers to begin to think about what to look

for in a restaurant with regard to how it treats its workers. The key
issues that workers have prioritized—​and thus the ones we discuss
in this book—​are the same key policies that the Cornell researchers
found are key to reducing employee turnover and thus increasing
retention, productivity, and customer satisfaction: wages, benefits,
and internal mobility, regardless of workers’ race or gender.

1. Wages
With almost eleven million workers, the restaurant industry is cur-
rently the second-​largest and one of the fastest-​g rowing employer
sectors in the United States.4 Nearly one in twelve working
Americans works in the restaurant industry right now. 5 The restau-
rant industry is one of the only sectors to grow amid the economic
crisis of the last decade.6 We have continued to eat out as a nation in
ever-​increasing numbers, even when we are unemployed.
Unfortunately, while it is one of the largest and fastest-​g rowing
segments of the United States economy, it is also the absolute
lowest-​paying employer in the United States. Every year the U.S.
Department of Labor releases a list of all occupations in the United
States, including their hourly wages, and every year the restaurant
industry wins the prize for having the lowest-​paying occupations in
the United States. Every year at least six to seven of the ten lowest-​
paying occupations are restaurant occupations, with only one or
two of those occupations being fast-​food jobs. Currently, restaurant
workers occupy seven of the ten lowest-​paid occupations reported
by the Bureau of Labor Statistics; at least four of these are in full-​
service restaurants.7
So how is it that one of the largest and fastest-​g rowing sectors
of the U.S. economy—​clearly a successful sector—​is proliferating
the nation’s lowest-​paying jobs? Our analysis is that much of this

7
 F orked

persisting, extraordinary imbalance can be traced to the power of

a trade lobbying group called the National Restaurant Association,
which we at ROC call the Other NRA. The Other NRA, led by the
nation’s Fortune 500 restaurant chains, has been named among
Congress’s most powerful lobbying groups by Fortune Magazine.8,9
The NRA has lobbied extensively to keep the minimum wage as
low as possible; not surprisingly, the restaurant industry is the larg-
est employer of minimum-​wage workers in the United States.10 As
a result, the median hourly wage for all restaurant workers in the
United States is a paltry $9.20.11
Many people assume that low wages in the restaurant indus-
try are concentrated in the fast-​food segment of the industry.
Unfortunately, this is not the case. Workers in all segments of the
industry, in all positions and of all racial and gender backgrounds
work and live in poverty in the restaurant industry. Wages for
kitchen workers are abysmal, and, unbeknownst to many, income
for workers serving customers on the dining floor—​workers who
earn tips—​is no better.
In Chapter 2 of this book, I describe a brief history of tipping
and the minimum wage for tipped workers over the last 150 years,
and how the current system of allowing the restaurant industry to
exempt itself from paying its own workers because they earn tips
is a legacy of slavery. Over the last century, the restaurant industry
has continuously lobbied for tipping to be entrenched in American
restaurant culture and for resultant exemptions from minimum
wage laws for restaurant employers.12 This history climaxed in 1996,
when the CEO of the NRA was Herman Cain, a former business
analyst for Pillsbury who made his name working for brands such
as Burger King and Godfather’s Pizza. (Cain would later pursue
the 2012 Republican presidential nomination and a 2004 Georgia
senatorial nomination, losing in the primaries for both.) In his time
at the NRA Cain struck a deal with Congress: the NRA would not

8
 I ntroduction : W h y W e A re F orked

oppose a modest increase in the overall minimum wage as long as

the minimum wage for tipped workers would in turn stay frozen for-
ever. The argument of the NRA was that since these workers earned
tips, they should never actually receive a wage increase. The federal
minimum wage for tipped workers has thus remained frozen at
$2.13 an hour for almost 25 years. The Other NRA thus succeeded
in convincing Congress and the American people that it should be
the only industry on earth to win an extraordinary exemption for
itself, saying that they should not have to pay their own workers’
wages but, instead, customers should.13
Similar deals have been struck countless times over the last
decade in at least forty-​four states across the country. Seven states—​
California, Oregon, Washington, Montana, Alaska, Nevada, and
Minnesota—​have had the same wages for tipped and nontipped
workers for decades.14 Although the NRA argues that paying tipped
and nontipped workers the same minimum wage would put them
out of business, eliminate server positions, or reduce customer
tipping, none of these predictions has been borne out in the seven
states with no mandated lower wage for tipped workers.15 These
seven states actually have faster restaurant-​industry job-​g rowth
rates, higher job-​g rowth rates (specifically in server occupations),
and higher restaurant sales per capita than the forty-​three states
with lower wages for tipped workers.16 Tipping averages are the
same in these states, and, in fact, Alaska has the highest tipping
average of any state in the United States—​and is a state with the
same wage for tipped and nontipped workers.17
So, then, how and why has the Other NRA gotten away with this
extraordinary exemption? They’ve gotten away with it by painting
the picture of a young man who works at a fine dining restaurant,
earning $18 an hour in tips and living the high life. In reality, two-​
thirds of tipped workers in America are women, and they largely
work at casual restaurants like the Olive Garden, Applebee’s, IHOP,

9
 F orked

and Denny’s. Their median wage, including tips, is $8.77 per hour
in states with a tipped minimum wage. These women suffer three
times the poverty rate of the rest of the United States workforce and
use food stamps at double the rate.18
As a result of the same deal having been struck between the
NRA and state legislators in states across the country, wages for
tipped workers in America range between $2.13 and about $5 in
forty-​one states nationwide.19 When you are a tipped worker who
receives between $2.13 and $5 an hour, you don’t actually receive
a wage; your wage is so small it goes entirely to taxes, and you get a
paystub with $0 that says, “THIS IS NOT A PAYCHECK.” As a
result, the vast majority of tipped workers in America live com-
pletely off their tips, which creates extraordinary economic insta-
bility. These workers never know how much they are going to earn
from week to week, day to day, or month to month. Although their
bills and rent do not fluctuate, their income does.
During my 2013 book tour, women approached me at the end
of book talks and shared stories that illustrated how our nation’s
system of requiring certain workers to live off tips is not simply a
matter of economic instability; it’s a matter of human indecency.
Women related stories of having to objectify themselves to earn
enough tips to survive—​and since the customer was paying their
wages, rather than their employer, the customer was always right.
This meant that these women had to tolerate whatever a customer
might do to them—​however they might touch, treat, or talk to
them—​because, again, the customer was always right.
This dynamic was eloquently summarized by a restaurant
server member of ROC, Amber, who spoke at a Senate press confer-
ence in Washington, DC, in 2013. She testified, “Senators, imagine
if your income depended on the happiness of the people you serve.

10
 I ntroduction : W h y W e A re F orked

Because my income depends on the happiness of the people I serve,

I have to put up with a guy groping my butt every day to feed my
four-​year-​old son at night.”
Forcing women to live off tips also means that these women
have to objectify themselves to get their tips. I’ve heard countless
stories of women being told by their supervisors to “go home and
dress more sexy, show more cleavage!” in order to sell more food
and make more money in tips. This practice exposes women to sex-
ual harassment not only from customers but also from co-​workers
and managers. In fact, the restaurant industry is the single largest
source of sexual-​harassment complaints to the EEOC of any indus-
try in the United States. Seven percent of American women work in
restaurants, but 37 percent of all sexual harassment complaints to
the EEOC come from the restaurant industry.20
One woman, speaking from the audience at a talk I was giv-
ing, related a horrific story of having worked as a server as a young
woman. Her manager had taken her into a walk-​in freezer, held her
at knifepoint, and raped her brutally. She felt she had no choice but
to comply, and was forced to finish out her shift afterward.
One of the most personally saddening parts of the stories women
were sharing with me was that many had moved on to other profes-
sions, but their experiences in the restaurant industry impacted their
careers. Multiple women repeated more or less the same story: I’m
a corporate lawyer/​executive/​professional. I’ve been sexually harassed
recently on the job, but never did anything about it because it was never as
bad as it was when I was a young woman working in restaurants. These
stories led us to understand that besides the six million women who
must put up with this system daily as restaurant workers, there are
millions more women who work in the restaurant industry as their
first job in high school, college, or graduate school. In fact, restau-
rants pride themselves on offering first jobs for most young people.
For young women, however, most of them working as tipped workers,

11
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having their first jobs in the restaurant industry means that they are
introduced into the world of work in a situation in which they
are encouraged to sell themselves and their bodies to earn their
income. It is the industry through which they learn what is tolerable
and acceptable in the workplace—​an industry in which they must
tolerate the most extremely inappropriate behavior from customers,
co-​workers, and managers—​in order to be able to feed their families.
For all these reasons, over the last few years, ROC has led a cam-
paign to eliminate the lower wage for tipped workers, called One
Fair Wage. To be clear, our campaign is to eliminate the lower wage
for tipped workers, not tipping altogether; unless and until employ-
ers can provide a professional, livable income to their workers, tips
are absolutely necessary on top of a full base wage to get workers
closer to a wage that will allow them to support their families. Some
restaurants have chosen to eliminate tipping altogether; we applaud
them if they do so in a transparent manner and ultimately pay their
workers a full base wage that is equivalent to what they would have
earned through tips.
In this book, we give a restaurant a point if it provides nontip-
ped workers with at least $10 as a starting wage, and another point
if it provides tipped workers with more than their state’s tipped
minimum wage. We also especially commend restaurants moving
toward One Fair Wage—​eliminating the lower wage for tipped
workers altogether.

2. Paid Sick Days

Ninety percent of restaurant workers nationwide report not having
paid sick days, and two-​thirds report cooking, preparing, and serv-
ing our food when they are sick—​w ith everything from H1N1 to
Hepatitis A.21 Restaurant workers not having paid sick days means

12
 I ntroduction : W h y W e A re F orked

that they are forced to come to work while sick or risk losing their
job. Workers report that they are told that they will be fired if they
do not come to work, even if they are sick. Even among those work-
ers who are not told they will be fired, without receiving pay when
they are sick, the vast majority of workers prefer to work when sick
rather than cutting into an already too-​paltry income. As men-
tioned earlier, too many of these workers live completely off tips,
which can only be obtained by physically coming to work.
Of course, the issue is also a public health concern. Sick restau-
rant workers infect co-​workers and, of course, customers. The
Centers for Disease Control (CDC) reports that 50–​90 percent
of all norovirus (stomach flu) outbreaks can be traced back to sick
restaurant workers.22
Recent efforts across a broad coalition of organizations have
pushed paid sick days legislation in states and cities across the country,
with tremendous success: seventeen cities, including Washington,
DC, and the states of Connecticut, Massachusetts, and California
have passed paid sick-​days laws.23 Of course, these victories have
not been achieved without intense opposition from the Other NRA,
which argues that restaurants will be forced to close, shed jobs, or
not grow as quickly if they must provide paid sick days. In fact, in
2013 the Other NRA joined forces with Darden, the world’s largest
full-​service restaurant company and owner of the Olive Garden,
Capital Grille Steakhouse, and LongHorn Steakhouse, among other
brands. Darden helped write the preemption legislation in Florida,
and the Other NRA, where Darden plays a leading role, pushed pre-
emption bills around the country prohibiting any localities in those
states from passing local paid-​sick-​days ordinances. Such preemp-
tive legislation was passed in eight of the fourteen states in which it
was introduced, undermining citizens’ ability to pass local paid-​sick-​
days legislation even if it was democratically approved by a majority

13
 F orked

or even a unanimity of voters in a particular locality.24,25 The current

count of preemption states is eleven, with eight having been passed
in the last two years.26
Nonetheless, the fight to expand paid-​ sick-​
days legislation
to more cities and states—​and thus protect the public health—​
continues. Many restaurant employer partners and others around
the country have implemented paid sick days and found the pol-
icy to have enormous benefits in terms of worker productivity and
retention. Several are profiled in this book. In this book, we denote
restaurants that provide even a single sick day with a thermome-
ter icon ( ).

3. Internal Mobility
Two-​thirds of restaurant workers surveyed nationally reported
never receiving a promotion to a higher-​paying position, and even
fewer reported ever being offered training necessary to move up
the ladder to higher-​level positions.27 Although there is a myth of
mobility in the industry—​the idea that a dishwasher could one day
open her own restaurant—​the reality is that the vast majority of
workers see very little advancement in their careers.
Such lack of advancement has serious racial implications,
because the restaurant industry is highly racially segregated.
Workers of color are segregated into lower-​level segments—​fast-​
food and casual restaurants as opposed to fine dining—​and even
lower-​level positions—​k itchen and busser positions rather than
server and bartending positions—​especially in fine dining restau-
rants. This results in workers of color earning $4 less per hour than
white workers in the U.S. restaurant industry overall.28
ROC research shows that although 80 percent of restaurant
worker occupations provide poverty-​level wages, up to 20 percent
of the jobs in the industry can provide a livable wage.29 These are

14
 I ntroduction : W h y W e A re F orked

largely server and bartender positions in fine dining restaurants. As

mentioned earlier, the majority of servers in America do not work in
fine dining restaurants and suffer from three times the poverty rate
of the rest of the U.S. workforce. However, servers and bartenders
in fine dining restaurants can earn a livable wage; unfortunately,
these jobs are held in vast majority by white men. 30 Workers of color
face significant barriers in attempting to advance either from lower-​
level positions in fine dining restaurants or from fast-​food or casual
restaurants into fine dining.
With so little mobility in the industry, most servers in fine din-
ing restaurants are hired from outside the restaurant, and most
are white. In 2014, ROC released a series of matched-​pairs audit-​
testing studies, having sent into fine dining restaurants hundreds
of pairs of white and people of color applicants with identical
resumes, personalities, and size and height characteristics to see
who would be hired as servers. We found that white applicants had
twice the chance of a person of color of getting hired as a fine din-
ing server. 31
In the alternative scenario, several responsible restaurant
employers—​including several profiled in this book—​have chosen
to invest in their own workforce by training and promoting work-
ers from within the company to the highest-​paying positions in the
company. Zingerman’s, an Ann Arbor mainstay featured in the
“sandwich” chapter of this book, even goes so far as to train and
promote workers all the way up to the ownership level.
In this book, we provide a notation ( ) for any restaurant that
has provided a raise or a promotion to a higher-​paying position to
at least 50 percent of its current staff within the last year. This is a
decent measure of mobility, but not a complete measure of racial
discrimination and segregation, which requires ongoing study and
investigation. Consumers can be a part of observing, documenting,

15
 F orked

and changing patterns of racial segregation in the restaurant indus-

try using ROC’s smartphone application, as described in greater
detail in this book’s conclusion.

LOCAL VERSUS NATIONAL

As mentioned earlier, this book rates restaurants in various food

categories—​casual and family-​style restaurants, fine dining restau-
rants, Mexican fast-​food restaurants, coffee shops, sandwich restau-
rants, burgers, and diners. Each chapter of this book focuses on a
different food category, and in each chapter we provide an in-​depth
story of a restaurant company that receives a high rating in the cat-
egory, and another that receives a low rating.
It will not be surprising to some that most of the restaurants
receiving high marks in this book are not national chains, and that
all the restaurants receiving low marks are national chains. (In-​N-​
Out Burger and Chipotle provide the exception.) Foodies might
be relieved to not see their favorite fine dining restaurant receive a
negative rating in this book; it might be easier for some to condemn
chain restaurants.
However, poverty wages, lack of benefits such as paid sick days,
and a lack of upward mobility are certainly not unique to national
restaurant chains. Unfortunately, these conditions are vastly per-
vasive throughout the industry, regardless of geography, ownership
structure, or size. We still need to talk to and encourage most of our
favorite local restaurants, because statistics show they are likely fol-
lowing the same low-​road standards set by the chains. Nevertheless,
all the restaurants receiving low marks in this book are restaurant
chains for two reasons. First, it would have been impossible to rate
all restaurants in America, and thus we chose to focus on the most
popular restaurants in each category, in addition to those willing

16
Another random document with
no related content on Scribd:
novelty, and I do not see why Catholics should not keep to it and
leave the outline of history alone. I do not say that it is a line of
apologetics that would convince me altogether, but it is one that
would need far more arduous discussion and merit, far more respect
than Mr. Belloc’s a priori exploits, his limping lizards and flying pigs.
But it is not my business to remind Catholics of their own
neglected philosophers, and clearly the publication of Mr. Belloc’s
articles by the Universe, the Catholic Bulletin, and the Southern
Cross shows that the Catholic world of to-day is stoutly resolved to
treat the fall of man and his unalterable nature as matters of fact,
even if they are rather cloudy matters of fact, and to fight the realities
of modern biology and anthropology to the last ditch.
So the Catholics are pinned to this dogma of the fixity of man
and thereby to a denial of progress. This vale of tears, they maintain,
is as a whole a stagnant lake of tears, and there is no meaning to it
beyond the spiritual adventures of its individual lives. Go back in time
or forward, so long as man has been or will be, it is all the same. You
will find a world generally damned, with a select few, like Mr. Belloc,
on their way to eternal beatitude. That is all there is to the spectacle.
There is, in fact, no outline of history; there is just a flow of individual
lives; there is only birth and salvation or birth and damnation. That, I
extract from Mr. Belloc and other contemporary writers, is the
Catholic’s vision of life.

The Idea of Fixed Humanity

And it is not only the Catholic vision of life. It is a vision far more
widely accepted. I would say that, if we leave out the ideas of
damning or beatitude, it is the “common-sense” vision of the world.
The individual life is, to common-sense, all that matters, the entire
drama. There is from this popular and natural point of view no large,
comprehensive drama in which the individual life is a subordinate
part. Just as to the untutored mind the world is flat, just as to Mr.
Belloc during his biological research work in Sussex the species of
pig remained a “fixed type,” so to the common intelligence life is
nothing more or less than “Me,” an unquestioned and unanalysed
Me, against the universe.
The universe may indeed be imagined as ruled over and
pervaded by God, and this world may be supposed to have
extensions of hell and heaven; all sorts of pre-natal dooms and debts
may affect the career of the Me, but nevertheless the Me remains in
the popular mind, nobbily integral, one and indivisible, and either it
ends and the drama ends with it, or it makes its distinct and special
way to the Pit, or, with Belloc and the Catholic community, to the
beatitude he anticipates.
The individual self is primary to this natural, primitive, and
prevalent mode of thinking. But it is not the only way of thinking
about life. The gist of the Outline of History is to contradict this self-
centred conception of life and show that this absolute individualism
of our thought and destinies is largely illusory. We do not live in
ourselves, as we so readily imagine we do; we are contributory parts
in the progress of a greater being which is life, and which becomes
now conscious of itself through human thought.

The Fundamental Issue

Now here I think we get down, beneath all the frothings and
bespatterings of controversy, to the fundamental difference between
Mr. Belloc and myself. It is this which gives our present controversy
whatever claim it can have to attention. Neither Mr. Belloc nor myself
is a very profound or exhaustive philosopher. In ourselves we are
very unimportant indeed. But we have this in common, that we can
claim to be very honestly expressive of the mental attitudes of clearly
defined types of mind, and that we are sharply antithetical types.
By nature and training and circumstances Mr. Belloc stands for
the stout sensible fellow who believes what he sees; who considers
that his sort always has been and always will be; who stands by
accepted morals and time-honoured ways of eating and drinking and
amusement; who loves—and grips as much as he can of—the good
earth that gives us food for our toil; who begets children honestly by
one beloved wife until she dies and then repeats the same
wholesome process with the next; who believes in immortality lest he
should be sorry to grow old and die; who trusts in the Church and its
teaching because visibly the Church is a great and impressive fact,
close at hand and extremely reassuring; who is a nationalist against
all strangers because, confound it! there are nations, and for
Christendom against all pagans; who finds even Chinamen and
Indians remote and queer and funny. I do not think that is an unfair
picture of the ideals of Mr. Belloc and of his close friend and ally, Mr.
Chesterton, as they have spread them out for us; and I admit they
are warm and rosy ideals. But they are ideals and not realities. The
real human being upon this swift-spinning planet is not that stalwart,
entirely limited, fixed type resolved to keep so, stamping about the
flat world under God’s benevolent sky, eating, drinking, disputing,
and singing lustily, until he passes on to an eternal individual
beatitude with God and all the other blessed ones. He is less like
that every day, and more and more conscious of the discrepancy.
I have read and admired and sympathised with the work of Mr.
Belloc and Mr. Chesterton since its very beginnings, but I find
throughout it all a curious defensive note. It may be I attribute
distresses to them that they do not feel. But it seems to me they are
never quite sure in their minds about this “fixed” human being of
theirs—the same yesterday, now, and for ever. Mr. Belloc must be
puzzled not a little by that vast parade of Evolution through the
immeasurable ages which he admits has occurred—a parade made
by the Creative Force for no conceivable reason, since a “fixed type”
might just as well have been created straight away. He must realise
that if man is the beginning and end of life, then his Creator has
worked within fantastically disproportionate margins both of space
and time. And in his chapters upon animal and human origins Mr.
Belloc’s almost obstinate ignorance of biological facts, his fantastic
“logic,” his pathetic and indubitably honest belief in his non-existent
“European authorities,” his fumbling and evasion about Palæolithic
man, and above all his petty slights and provocations to those whose
views jar upon him, have nothing of the serenity of a man assured of
his convictions, and all the irritability and snatching at any straw of
advantage of a man terribly alarmed for his dearest convictions.
When Mr. Belloc gets to his beatitude he will feel like a fish out of
water. I believe Mr. Belloc and his friend Mr. Chesterton are far too
intelligent not to be subconsciously alive to the immense and
increasing difficulties of their positions, and that they are fighting
most desperately against any conscious realisation of the true state
of affairs.

The Idea of Progressive Humanity

It happens that my circumstances, and perhaps my mental
temperament, have brought my mind into almost dramatic opposition
to that of Mr. Belloc. While his training was mainly in written history,
the core of mine was the analytical exercises of comparative
anatomy and palæontology. I was brought up upon the spectacle of
life in the universe as a steadily changing system. My education was
a modern one, upon material and questionings impossible a hundred
years ago. Things that are fundamental and commonplaces to me
have come, therefore, as belated, hostile, and extremely distressing
challenges to the satisfactions and acceptances of Mr. Belloc.
Now, this picture of a fixed and unprogressive humanity working
out an enormous multitude of individual lives from birth to either
eternal beatitude or to something not beatitude, hell or destruction or
whatever else it may be that Mr. Belloc fails to make clear is the
alternative to beatitude—this picture, which seems to be necessary
to the Catholic and probably to every form of Christian faith, and
which is certainly necessary to the comfort of Mr. Belloc, has no
validity whatever for my mind. It is no more possible in my thought as
a picture of reality than that ancient cosmogony which made the
round earth rest upon an elephant, which stood upon a tortoise,
which stood upon God-knows-what.
 I do not know how the universe originated, or what it is
fundamentally; I do not know how material substance is related to
consciousness and will; I doubt if any creature of my calibre is
capable of knowing such things; but at least I know enough to judge
the elephant story and the fixed humanity story absurd. I do not
know any convincing proof that Progress must go on; I find no
invincible imperative to progressive change in my universe; but I
remark that progressive change does go on, and that it is the form
into which life falls more and more manifestly as our analysis
penetrates and our knowledge increases. I set about collecting what
is known of life and the world in time and space, and I find the broad
outline falls steadily and persistently into a story of life appearing and
increasing in range, power, and co-operative unity of activity. I see
knowledge increasing and human power increasing, I see ever-
increasing possibilities before life, and I see no limits set to it all.
Existence impresses me as a perpetual dawn. Our lives, as I
apprehend them, swim in expectation. This is not an outline I have
thrust upon the facts; it is the outline that came naturally as the facts
were put in order.
And it seems to me that we are waking up to the realisation that
the individual life does not stand alone, as people in the past have
seemed to imagine it did, but that it is far truer to regard it as an
episode in a greater life, which progresses and which need not die.
The episode begins and ends, but life goes on.
Mr. Belloc is so far removed from me mentally that he is unable
to believe that this, clearly and honestly, is how I see things; he is
moved to explain it away by saying that I am trying to “get rid of a
God,” that I am a rotten Protestant, that this is what comes of being
born near London, that if I knew French and respected the Gentry all
this would be different, and so on, as the attentive student of his
great apology for Catholicism has been able to observe. But all the
while he is uncomfortably on the verge of being aware that I am a
mere reporter of a vast mass of gathered knowledge and lengthened
perspectives that towers up behind and above his neat and jolly
marionette show of the unchanging man and his sins and
repentances and mercies, his astonishing punishments, and his
preposterous eternal reward among the small eternities of the
mediæval imagination. I strut to no such personal beatitude. I have
no such eternity of individuation. The life to which I belong uses me
and will pass on beyond me, and I am content.

The New Thought and the Old

Mr. Belloc is completely justified in devoting much more than half
his commentary to these fundamental issues and dealing with my
account of the appearance of Christianity and the story of the Church
much more compactly. It is this difference at the very roots of our
minds which matters to us, and it is the vital question we have to put
before the world. The rest is detail. I do believe and assert that a
new attitude to life, a new and different vision of the world, a new
moral atmosphere and a different spirit of conduct, is coming into
human affairs, as a result of the scientific analysis of the past
hundred years. It is only now reaching such a clearness of definition
that it can be recognised for what it is and pointed out.
The essential distinction of the newer thought in the world is in
its denial of the permanence of the self and in its realisation of the
self’s comparative unimportance. Even in our individual lives we are
increasingly interested in common and generalised things. The older
commoner life, the religious life just as much as the most worldly life,
seems to us excessively self-conscious. The religious life, its
perpetual self-examination for sin and sinful motives, its straining
search after personal perfection, appears in the new light as being
scarcely less egotistical than a dandy’s. And this new way of living
and thinking is directly linked on to the idea of progress, which
makes life in general far more interesting than any individual life can
be, just as the self-centred life, whether it be religious and austere or
vain or self-indulgent, is directly connected with the old delusions of
permanence which rob life in general of any sustained interest.
When one is really persuaded that there is nothing new under the
sun, then there is nothing worth living for whatever outside the
personal adventure, the dance between permanent individual
beatitude or permanent individual damnation.
As this modern conception of life as a process of progressive
change in which individuality of our order can be sometimes
excessively exaggerated as it has been in the past and sometimes
minimised as is happening now—as this conception establishes
itself, it changes the spirit of living and the values of our general
ideas about living profoundly. Lit only by a very bright light held low,
an ordinary road becomes a tangle of vivid surfaces and black
shadows, and you cannot tell a puddle or a gutter from a ditch or a
precipice. But in diffused daylight you can see the proportions of
every irregularity. So too with changing illumination our world alters
its aspects, and things that once seemed monstrous and final are
seen to be mere undulations in a practicable progress. We can
realise now, as no one in the past was ever able to realise it, that
man is a creature changing very rapidly from the life of a rare and
solitary great ape to the life of a social and economic animal. He has
traversed most of this tremendous change of phase in something in
the nature of a million years. His whole being, mind and body alike,
betrays the transition. We can trace the mitigations of his egotism
through the development of religious and customary restraints. The
recent work of the psycho-analyst enables us to understand
something of the intricate system of suppressions and inhibitions that
this adaptation to a more and more complex social life has involved.
We begin to realise how man has symbolised and personified his
difficulties, and to comprehend the mechanisms of his uncongenial
but necessary self-restraint.

Old Wine in New Bottles

The disposition of those who apprehend this outline of history
that modern science has made plain to us, and who see all life as a
system of progressive change, is by no means antagonistic to
religion. They realise the immense importance and the profound
necessity of religion in this last great chapter of the story, the
evolution of human society. But they see religion within the frame of
fact; they do not, like Mr. Belloc, look through religion at fact. Man
has accommodated his originally fierce and narrow egotism to the
needs of an ever wider and more co-operative social life, very largely
through the complex self-subjugations that religion has made
possible. Within the shell and cover of religion the new less self-
centred habits of mind have been able to develop. An immense
mass of imaginative work, of mythology, of theology, that now seems
tortuous, mystical, and fantastic, was necessary for the casting of the
new moral being of socialised man. We seem to be entering upon a
phase in which moral and intellectual education may be able to free
themselves from the last vestiges of the mythology in which that new
moral being was moulded; but it is ungracious and false to the true
outline of history to deny the necessary part that the priest, the
sacrifice, the magic ceremonial for tribal welfare, the early tribal
religions, have played in this transfiguration of the sub-human into
the modern human mind, upon which all our community rests to-day.
It is because of our sense of this continuity of our present
dispositions with the religions upon which they are founded that so
many of us are loth to part with all the forms and phrases of the old
creeds and all the disciplines of time-honoured cults. Perhaps some
of us (the present writer in the crowd among others) have been over-
eager to read new significances into established phrases, and clothe
new ideas in the languages of the old scheme of salvation. It may be
we have been pouring new wine into old bottles. It may be better to
admit frankly that if man is not fixed Christianity is, and that mankind
is now growing out of Christianity; that indeed mankind is growing
out of the idea of Deity. This does not mean an end to religion, but it
means a fresh orientation of the religious life. It means a final
severance with those anthropomorphic conceptions of destiny, that
interpretation of all things in terms of personality and will with which
religion began. For many of us that still means a wrench and an
effort. But the emphatic assertions of Mr. Belloc, the stand that
Catholicism, as he expounds it, makes against any progressive
adaptation to the new spirit in human life, may render that effort
easier.
 In this examination of Mr. Belloc’s opening and more
fundamental attacks upon the Outline of History I have shown
sufficiently that Mr. Belloc is incapable of evidence or discussion,
that he imagines his authorities, that he is careless and ignorant as
to his facts and slovenly and tricky in his logic. I have dealt kindly but
adequately with his atrocious bad manners and his insolence and
impudence. I do not think it is worth while to go on through the
second half of his outpourings with any particularity. It is exactly the
same kind of thing, but upon more familiar ground and less
fundamental issues. Mr. Belloc quibbles. He falsifies. For example,
he imagines traditions to reinforce the Gospel account of Christ’s
teaching and to show that the founder of Christianity was aware of
his godhead and taught the doctrine of the Trinity; he declares—just
out of his head—that I do not know it was the bull and not Mithra
who was sacrificed in the system of Mithraism, though I state that
quite plainly in a passage he has ventured to ignore. And so on. The
wonderful methods of the Palæolithic bow story repeat themselves
with variations, time after time. Why should I trouble to repeat the
exposure in every case? I have done enough to demonstrate the
quality of this effort to bluff and bawl away accepted knowledge and
manifest fact, and that is all that I set out to do.
And this apparently is the present state of Catholic teaching.
This stuff I have examined is the current utterance of organised
Christianity, so far as there is any utterance, upon the doctrines of
the Creation and the Fall—doctrines upon which rest the whole
scheme of Christian salvation and the entire fabric of a Christian’s
faith.
 Transcriber’s Notes
Punctuation, hyphenation, and spelling were made
consistent when a predominant preference was found in the
original book; otherwise they were not changed.
Simple typographical errors were corrected; unbalanced
quotation marks were remedied when the change was
obvious, and otherwise left unbalanced. Several apparent
misspellings may be intentional, and have not been changed.
Illustrations in this eBook have been positioned between
paragraphs and outside quotations.
Page 69: Page 69: “Mr. Belloc will get if he says” probably
is missing an “it” after “get”.
Page 95: Part of the last paragraph was misprinted.
Transcriber has attempted to correct that error. The original
text was:

And this apparently is the present state of

Catholic teaching. This stuff I have examined is
ance of organised Christianity, so far as there is
representative stuff. This is the current utter-
ance of organised Christianity, so far as there is
any utterance, upon the doctrines of the Creation
and the Fall—doctrines upon which rest the whole
scheme of Christian salvation and the entire fabric
of a Christian’s faith.
 *** END OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK MR. BELLOC
OBJECTS TO "THE OUTLINE OF HISTORY" ***

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