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Governance
of Addictions
Governance
of Addictions
European Public
Policies

Tamyko Ysa
Joan Colom
Adrià Albareda
Anna Ramon
Marina Carrión
Lidia Segura

1
1
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 Foreword

This book is the first in a planned series of six arising out of ALICE RAP (Addic-
tions and Lifestyles in Contemporary Europe—Reframing Addictions Project),
a five-year, €10-million endeavour co-financed by the Social Sciences and
Humanities division of FP7 within the European Commission and led by the
Foundation for Biomedical Research based in Barcelona and the Institute of
Health and Society in Newcastle University (<http://www.alicerap.eu>). The
other planned titles in the Governance of Addictive Substances and Behaviours
series are The Impact of Addictive Substances and Behaviours on Individual
and Societal Well-being; What Determines Harm from Addictive Substances and
Behaviours?; Concepts of Addictive Substances and Behaviours across Time and
Place; The Impact of Market Forces on Addictive Substances and Behaviours;
and The New Governance of Addictive Substances and Behaviours.
ALICE RAP studies the place of addictions and lifestyles in contemporary
Europe and aims to inform us how we can better redesign their governance. By
addictions, we mean the regular and sustained heavy use of drugs such as alco-
hol, nicotine, and cocaine and regular and sustained heavy engagement in
actions such as gambling or internet gaming (Rehm et al. 2013).
There are three potential frames in which we can understand addiction. The
first is an evolutionary one. We humans share a co-evolutionary relationship
with psychotropic plant substances that is millions of years old (Sullivan and
Hagen 2002). These include ethanol in fermenting fruit, ephedrine in khat,
arecoline in betel nut, nicotine in various tobacco plants, and cocaine in coca
plants. Exposure has both neurotransmitter and nutrient functions and we have
the biochemical pathways to metabolize these chemicals. But, of course, expo-
sure was usually only in tiny amounts. The problem is that we are now exposed
to these drugs in such huge doses that, for the most part, our bodies and brains
do not know how to deal with them in any meaningful way. These drugs also
trick our brains into acting as though the benefits of using them far outweigh
the harm, whereas this is blatantly not the case. And, of course, a lot of busi-
nesses and individuals make a great profit out of this—just think of alcohol and
the advertising industry.
The second frame is that when talking about drugs, we should consider not
only their relationship with health but also their relationship with societal well-
being in its entirety (OECD 2011a). Societal well-being includes many domains
vi FOREWORD

that impact on and are impacted by addictive substances—education, work-life

balance, productivity, and human capital, to name just a few. But—and for illicit
drugs perhaps more importantly—they also impact on personal security, crime,
social integration, and transparent governance regimes. As was the case with
prohibition of alcohol in the USA during the 1920s, it is the consequence of
prohibition, organized crime, and its political influence that has led to many
jurisdictions in the Americas, north and south, to call for the abandonment of
the prohibition of illicit drugs and adjustment of the existing drug conventions
in favour of legal availability managed by government regulations, but still
within the frame of global legal agreements.
The third frame is that we grossly underestimate the harm done by addictive
drugs. Let’s take alcohol as an example, the only psychoactive drug not subject
to a legally binding agreement. Alcohol was the world’s fifth most important
risk factor for ill-health and premature death in 2010, after high blood pressure,
tobacco, household air pollution from cooking fires, and a diet low in fruit,
moving up from eighth position in 1990 (Lim et al. 2012). The annual social
costs of alcohol from impaired health, crime, and lost productivity work out at
about €300 for every single EU citizen, man, woman, and child (Rehm et al.
2012). It is estimated that this would likely double to about €600 for every one
of us, if the social costs that alcohol causes to people surrounding the drinker
are included—friends, families, colleagues, and strangers (Laslett et al. 2010).
Much of these costs are preventable and ill-affordable in times of economic
downturn.
There are three groups of action that can inform better governance of addic-
tions. The first is to capitalize on the importance of social networks. Data from
the US Framingham Heart Study found that at any one time, for every addi-
tional contact among family and friends who chose not to drink alcohol, the
next time an individual was asked, the likelihood of heavy drinking was reduced
by ten per cent (Rosenquist et al. 2010). Likewise, for every additional contact
among friends and family who drank heavily—more than one drink (women)
or two drinks (men) a day—the next time an individual was asked, they were 18
per cent more likely to drink heavily.
The second action is to recognize that changing the social and physical envi-
ronment is far more effective in helping people improve their health than trying
to change individual behaviour alone. Social and physical changes that take the
healthiest route are the easiest to follow. This means that government action is
absolutely essential. There are powers only governments can exercise, policies
only governments can mandate and enforce, and results only governments can
achieve. Governments at all levels can regulate the markets in which private
businesses operate through mechanisms that impact particularly on price,
 FOREWORD vii

availability, and advertising (World Economic Forum and WHO 2011). One of
the biggest impediments of governments putting health as their paramount
concern is a default in the democratic process and their unwillingness or inabil-
ity to stand up to big tobacco and big alcohol.
The third action is to develop better metrics. ALICE RAP is developing a tool
for managing the harm done by addictions, with the development of a footprint
of nations, regions and cities, sectors and organizations, and products and ser-
vices to promote accountability and monitor change. Modelled on a carbon
footprint (Williams et al. 2012), an addictions footprint would measure, for
example, the amount of alcohol-related ill-health and premature death result-
ing from the actions of an entity or organization, such as introducing a mini-
mum price per gram of alcohol by a government, bringing forward pub closing
times in a city, or from the amount of beer produced in different markets by the
world’s largest brewer.
If you want to redesign the governance of addictions, it is vital to identify
the starting point, and this book does just that. This is the first time that this
has ever been done in such a thorough and comprehensive way. And the
findings are remarkable. In addictions policies, the structure of the approach
follows the strategy of the approach. Countries that implement a well-being
and relational management strategy tend to embrace a comprehensive poli-
cy for addictions. They also tend to be those in which the Ministry of Health,
as opposed to the Ministry of the Interior, is the main body responsible for
planning and implementing drug policy. They have a harm-reduction as
opposed to a regulatory approach; decriminalize rather than criminalize
drug use; have proactive rather than post-factum policy-making; have a
health-oriented rather than a public-security approach; and aim to protect
the public and society in general rather than focus on individual responsibil-
ity. Countries that embrace a comprehensive policy for addictions tend to
tackle legal and illicit substances together, as opposed to split substance
policies; have a long experience in drug and addiction policies, as opposed
to little experience and poor continuity; have complex rather than simple
organizational structures; have multi-level governance and high levels of
devolution, rather than centralized organizational structures; and involve
rather than exclude stakeholders.
Since only just over one-quarter of the twenty-eight European countries
studied fall in the well-being and relational management strategy/comprehen-
sive policy for addictions cluster, there is clearly an enormous opportunity for
improvement for Europe as a whole. And there are no excuses for not seizing
this opportunity—this book lays out the clear elements of what would consti-
tute better policy.
viii FOREWORD

Peter Anderson
International Coordinator of the ALICE RAP project; Chief Series Editor, Gov-
ernance of Addictive Substances and Behaviours; Professor, Substance Use,
Policy and Practice, Newcastle University, England; Professor, Alcohol and
Health, Maastricht University, Netherlands
 Acknowledgements

The authors want to thank the 7th European Framework for funding this
research and all the people involved in the ALICE RAP project for their sup-
port, comments, and contributions over the past few years. We would especially
like to thank Peter Anderson, Toni Gual, and all the team from the Hospital
Clínic of Barcelona for being excellent facilitators and providing the support we
needed to reach our desired goals.
We would like to express our special thanks to Lourdes Feans for the collec-
tion, management, and analysis of the mass media information, and to Xavier
Fernández-i-Marín for his sound methodological approach to analysing our
quantitative results. We are also in debt to Jan-Erik Karlsen for his contribu-
tions to the research meetings as well as his revisions of draft chapters, which
were remarkably valuable. We cannot forget Xavier Majó, who made a special
contribution to this work by participating in specific meetings, solving doubts,
and providing much-appreciated ideas and new ways of approaching this
research. Neither must we forget the help of Oriol Iglesias, marketing professor,
in conducting the naming session that led to the different labels used in the
book. As a collaborative project, this book could not have been done without
the help and contributions of our area partners in ALICE RAP; special thanks
to Franz Trautmann, Esa Österberg, Thomas Karlsson, and Mikaela Lindeman,
whose work has been especially useful to this study.
We would also like to thank all the people who have participated in inter-
views and/or revised our work: Joseph Barry, Gerhard Bühringer, Pieter de
Coninck, Fernanda Feijao, Vibeke Asmussen Frank, Sir Ian Gilmore, Cees
Goos, Matilda Hellman, John Holmes, Eric Janssen, Matej Kosir, David P. Mar-
tínez Oró, Maurice Mittelmark, David Nutt, Esa Österberg, Dag Rekve, Robin
Room, Emanuele Scafato, Sir Jack Stewart-Clark, Franz Trautman, and Witold
Zatonski.
Last but, as usual, not least, we would like to thank to all our colleagues from
ESADE and GENCAT for their patience and support throughout this project.
 Contents

List of contributors xv
Abbreviations xvi
1 Introduction to European public policies 1
1.1 Presentation 1
1.2 Addiction: A growing global concern 1
1.3 The long road that led us here 3
1.4 Governance of addictions: A wicked issue 6
1.5 The structure of this book 7

2 Methodology to analyse governance on addictions in Europe 9

2.1 Introduction to governance of addictions 9
2.2 Departing from existing country comparative analysis in Europe:
Contextual indicators 9
2.3 Information gathering for governance of addictions 11
2.4 Triangulation of sources of information 17
2.5 Governance of addictions in Europe 19
2.6 European models of governance of addictions 19
2.7 Cluster analysis of addiction policies in Europe 22
2.8 Challenges and limitations of the research 24

3 European Union achievements and the role of international

organizations 27
3.1 Introduction to EU policy on addictions 27
3.2 The EU addiction policy process: A historical perspective 27
3.3 Stakeholder involvement in EU policy-making on addictions 36
3.4 Impact of addictive substances and geopolitics in European regions
and countries 38
3.5 The leading and coordinating role of international organizations 41
3.6 EU achievements: Main common features of the member states’
policies 42
3.7 Conclusion: The EU process. Seeking convergence 44

4 Model 1: Trendsetters in illicit substances (Belgium, Czech

Republic, Germany, Italy, Luxembourg, the Netherlands, Portugal,
Spain) 47
4.1 Introduction to Model 1 47
xii CONTENTS

4.2 Description of the model: Approaches to the governance

of addictions 47
4.3 Germany 50
4.4 Belgium 52
4.5 The Czech Republic 54
4.6 Italy 56
4.7 Luxembourg 58
4.8 The Netherlands 59
4.9 Portugal 61
4.10 Spain 65
4.11 Conclusion to Model 1 in Europe 67

5 Model 2: Regulation of legal substances (Finland, France, Ireland,

Norway, Sweden, UK) 69
5.1 Description of the model: Approaches to the governance
of addictions 69
5.2 Sweden 74
5.3 Finland 77
5.4 France 79
5.5 Ireland 81
5.6 The UK 83
5.7 Norway 85
5.8 Conclusion to Model 2 in Europe 86

6 Model 3: Transitioning (Austria, Bulgaria, Cyprus, Denmark,

Poland, Slovenia) 89
6.1 Description of the model: Approaches to the governance
of addictions 89
6.2 Poland 90
6.3 Austria 92
6.4 Bulgaria 94
6.5 Cyprus 96
6.6 Denmark 97
6.7 Slovenia 98
6.8 Conclusion to Model 3 in Europe 100

7 Model 4: The traditional approach (Estonia, Greece, Hungary,

Latvia, Lithuania, Malta, Romania, Slovakia) 103
7.1 Description of the model: Approaches to the governance
of addictions 103
7.2 Slovakia 105
7.3 Estonia 107
 CONTENTS xiii

7.4 Greece 109

7.5 Hungary 110
7.6 Latvia 111
7.7 Lithuania 113
7.8 Malta 114
7.9 Romania 115
7.10 Conclusion to Model 4 in Europe 116

8 Conclusion: The key to understanding the governance of addictions

in Europe 119
8.1 European government policies on addictions: A comparative
analysis 119
8.2 Governance framework and trends 120
8.3 Four models of governance of addictions in Europe 123
8.4 The contingent comparative approach to addictions 126
8.5 Research limitations 127
8.6 Final remarks 127

Annexes 131
Bibliography 218
Index 238
 List of contributors

Adrià Albareda MSc in International Relations and BA in Political Science.

Researcher in the Institute for Public Governance and Management at ESADE
Business School. He is working on research projects on governance, public
management, management of networks, and public–private partnerships.
Marina Carrión BA in Political Science. She is currently working as a
researcher at the Public Health Department of the Government of Catalonia.
Joan Colom Doctor of Medicine, Executive Master in Public Management
(ESADE Business School), and Master in Addiction (University of Barcelona).
He is the Director of the Programme on Substance Abuse at the Catalan
Agency of Public Health of the Government of Catalonia, and Advisor to the
World Health Organization. He is the recipient of the Queen Sofía Award for
prevention of substances abuse.
Anna Ramon PhD in Sociology at the University of Barcelona. Her thesis is
entitled ‘The Structure and Dynamics of Social Capital in Europe’. She is
currently working as a researcher at the Public Health Department of the
Government of Catalonia and is an Associate Professor at the University of
Barcelona.
Lidia Segura Clinical psychologist, addiction, and public health specialist. She
is the coordinator of the implementation of policies and prevention
programmes on alcohol in Catalonia.
Tamyko Ysa PhD in Political Science, Executive Master in Public
Management, MSc in Public Administration and Public Policies (LSE), BA in
Political Science, and BA in Law. Associate Professor in the Department of
Strategy and General Management and in the Institute for Public Governance
and Management at ESADE Business School (<http://www.esade.edu/
public>), serving also as a visiting researcher in the Department of Business
and Politics at Copenhagen Business School.
 Abbreviations

ACMD Advisory Council on the CEEC Central and Eastern

Misuse of Drugs of the European Countries
United Kingdom CEEV Comité Européen des
AIDS Acquired immunodeficiency Entreprises Vins
syndrome CELAD European Committee to
ALICE RAP Addiction and Lifestyles in Combat Drugs
Contemporary Europe— CIA Central Intelligence Agency
Reframing Addictions
CND Commission on Narcotic
Project
Drugs
AMPHORA Alcohol Measures for Public
COREPER Committee of Permanent
Health Research Alliance
Representatives
ANDT Alcohol, Narcotic drugs,
CPI Corruption Perception Index
Doping, and Tobacco
CSF European Civil Society
APA American Psychological
Forum on Drugs
Association
CY Cyprus
APTA Alcohol Produces and
Traders Association CZ Czech Republic
of Latvia DAG Drug Advisory Group of
ASAM American Society of Ireland
Addiction Medicine DE Germany
AU Austria DG Directorate-General
BAC Blood alcohol content DG JUSTICE Directorate-General for
BE Belgium Justice
BoE Brewers of Europe DG SANCO Directorate-General for
Health and Consumers
BU Bulgaria
DHMA Danish Health and
BUMAD Belarus, Ukraine, Moldova
Medicines Authority
Action Drug Programme
DK Denmark
CAC Cyprus Anti-Drugs Council
EAHC Executive Agency for Health
CADAP Central Asia Drug Action
and Consumers
Programme
EC European Commission
CARICC Central Asian Regional
Information and ECB European Central Bank
Coordination Centre ECMA European Cigar
CCDA Hungarian Coordination Manufacturers Association
Committee on Drug Affairs ECTR European Confederation of
CECCM Confederation of European Tobacco Retailers
Community Cigarette ECU European Currency Unit
Manufacturers EDU Europol Drugs Unit
CEE Council of the European EEC European Economic
Communities Community
 ABBREVIATIONS xvii

EFRD European Forum for IDT Institute on Drugs and Drug

Responsible Drinking Addiction of Portugal
EMA European Medicines (Instituto da Droga e da
Agency Toxicodependência)
EMCDDA European Monitoring Centre IDU Injecting drug users
for Drugs and Drug IMF International Monetary
Addictions Fund
ENCOD European Coalition for Just INCB International Narcotics
and Effective Drug Policies Control Board
EP European Parliament IR Ireland
EPHA European Public Health IT Italy
Alliance JHA Justice and Home Affairs
ES Estonia LT Lithuania
ESTA European Smoking Tobacco LU Luxembourg
Association
LV Latvia
EU European Union
MDMA Methylenedioxy-N-
EURAD Europe against Drugs Methylamphetamine
EUROCARE European Alcohol Policy MEP Members of the European
Alliance Parliament
EUROJUST European Union’s Judicial MILDT Inter-departmental Mission
Cooperation Unit for the Fight against Drugs
EUROPOL European Union’s law and Drug Addiction (Mission
enforcement agency interministérielle de lutte
FCTC Framework Convention of contre la drogue et la
Tobacco Control toxicomanie)
FDCO Federal Drug Coordination MT Malta
Office NAA Anti-drug Agency of
FDF Federal Drug Forum Romania
FI Finland NGO Non-governmental
organization
FP7 Seventh Framework
Programme NHS National Health Service
FR France NIS newly independent states
GDP Gross domestic product NL Netherlands
GR Greece NO Norway
HDG Horizontal Drugs Group NordAN Nordic Alcohol and Drug
Policy Network
HIV Human immunodeficiency
virus infection NSP needle and syringe
programme
HU Hungary
NSPDA National Strategy for
ICD International Classification
Prevention of Drug
of Diseases
Addiction of Estonia
ICDL Inter-ministerial
ÖBIG REITOX Focal Point
Commission on Drugs of
Austria
Luxembourg
OECD Organization for Economic
IDPC International Drug Policy
Co-operation and
Consortium
Development
xviii ABBREVIATIONS

OFDT French Monitoring SNBHW Swedish National Board of

Centre for Drugs and Drug Health and Welfare
Addiction (Observatoire (Socialstyrelsen)
français des drogues et des SNIPH Swedish National Institute
toxicomanies) of Public Health
OKANA Organization against drugs (Statensfolkhälsoinstitut)
of Greece SP Spain
OLAF European Anti-Fraud STAKES National Research and
Office Development Centre for
OST Opioid substitution Welfare and Health
treatment (Sosiaali-ja Terveysalan
PL Poland Tutkimus-ja
Kehittämiskeskus)
PT Portugal
SW Sweden
REITOX European Information
Network on Drugs and TI Transparency International
Drug Addiction (Ŕéseau UK United Kingdom
Européen d’information UMHRI University Mental Health
sur les drogues et les Research Institute
toxicomanies)
UN United Nations
RO Romania
UNAIDS Joint United Nations
SCAD South Caucasus Action Drug Programme on HIV/AIDS
Programme
UNGASS United Nations General
SELEC South-East Law Enforcement Assembly
Centre
UNODC United Nations Office on
SGI sustainable governance Drugs and Crime
indicators
USA United States of America
SK Slovakia
USSR Union of Soviet Socialist
SL Slovenia Republics
SMG Narcotic Substances Act WB World Bank
of Austria
WHO World Health Organization
(Suchtmittelgesetz)
WVS World Values Survey
 Chapter 1

Introduction to European
public policies

1.1 Presentation
More than one hundred years ago, on 23 January 1912, the first international
­convention on drugs, intended comprehensively to tackle drug control, was
signed in The Hague. A century later, despite the efforts made on all levels by
numerous actors and all the knowledge and evidence amassed, our society is
still struggling to find ways to deal effectively with addictive substances and
behaviours and, even harder, to reach global consensus on the issue. Why is
governance of addiction so difficult? What can we learn from recent experi-
ences and efforts in Europe? Is it possible to talk about the existence of different
typologies of governance of addiction in Europe? Is there a European model of
governance of addiction? This book aims to respond to these questions and
presents the state of the art in the governance of addictions in the twenty-seven
European Union member states, plus Norway. Current approaches to govern-
ing addictive substances are reviewed to show what can be learned from them
in order to reframe the governance of addiction.
This book presents comparative multidisciplinary research (including public
management, health, political science, sociology, economics, and law) that devel-
ops an explanatory framework for understanding how governments ­formulate
and implement addiction policies in Europe. For this purpose, four substances are
taken into account: heroin, cannabis, alcohol, and tobacco. The study focuses on
policies and governance practices in Europe from the ­beginning of 2005 to the
end of 2011. However, to provide a historical perspective and overview of the evo-
lution of governance, documents from 1980 to 2012 have been taken into account.

1.2 Addiction: A growing global concern

In a consumerist and globalized Europe, during a hitherto unknown period of
peace, new lifestyles have emerged over the last fifty years, as have new and not
always pleasant forms of relationship and coexistence with addictive ­substances.
In Europe each year there are around 8,500 drug-related deaths, 2,100 of which

This book was finished before Croatia became a EU member state.

2 GOVERNANCE OF ADDICTIONS

are from HIV/AIDS attributable to drug use, while 3,000 people become infect-
ed with HIV because of drug use (EC-DG Justice 2012). Furthermore, 120,000
people aged between 15 and 64 die every year in Europe because of alcohol
consumption, and alcohol costs about €300 a year per person in terms of pro-
ductivity loss, health, and criminality (ALICE–RAP 2012). Tobacco consump-
tion causes the death of 695,000 people between 35 and 69 years old every year,
the largest single cause of avoidable death in the EU (EC-DG Health 2012). In
summary, around 800,000 people die every year due to substance consumption,
which represents 0.16 per cent of the total population of the twenty-eight coun-
tries from which we drew our data. It is worth noting that young people and
disadvantaged groups are among those more affected, which adds even more
complexity to the issue and makes it, if possible, even more essential to look for
feasible responses and solutions. Apart from fatal consequences, addictions
also cause further harm to users, their relatives and friends, and to society as a
whole. This has generated a growing concern and a joint mobilization of civil
society and governments to find ways to tackle this issue seriously.
Notwithstanding that, what should we understand by ‘addiction’? Is this the
best term to use when addressing governance issues? How does the addiction
debate affect governance? There have been many attempts throughout history
to define the term ‘addiction’, and it is not our intention to enter into that debate
here. However, it is necessary to provide some background about what can be
understood by addiction and what are the current trends. As Berridge and Mars
(2004: 747) note, ‘addiction is a contested term, first in widespread use in medi-
cine in the early twentieth century to describe compulsive drug taking. Replaced
older language of “habit”, “inebriety”, or “morphinomania”. Initially focused on
alcohol and drugs, but latterly applied to nicotine, symbolising “ownership” by
public health as well as by psychiatry.’ In this regard, in the 1950s the World
Health Organization (WHO) distinguished drug habituation from drug addic-
tion on the basis of the absence of physical dependence, desire rather than com-
pulsion to take the drug, and little or no tendency to increase the dose. Later, in
the 1960s, WHO recommended that both terms should be abandoned in favour
of ‘dependence’, which can exist in various degrees of severity. The latest (tenth)
International Classification of Diseases (WHO 2010) promoted by WHO still
excludes the term ‘addiction’.
However, the concept of addiction continues to be widely employed by pro-
fessionals and the general public alike. In contrast to WHO’s position, the
American Psychological Association (APA) still uses the term ‘addictions’ as a
feasible umbrella to cover both psychological and physical symptoms of
dependence and thus addictive behaviours. And the American Society of
Addiction Medicine (ASAM) states that addiction is a chronic neurological
 Introduction to European public policies 3

disorder involving many brain functions, most notably a devastating imbalance

in the so-called reward circuitry.
As noted by Rehm et al. (2013), these terms are to a certain extent outdated,
and there is a need to find a new term that properly reflects the magnitude of the
issue, its causes, and consequences. More specifically, the authors propose the
term ‘heavy use over time’, which is responsible, among other things, for chang-
es in the brain and other physiological characteristics of substance use disor-
ders, intoxication, and withdrawal and tolerance phenomena—regarded as
central to current definitions of addiction or dependence. Furthermore, ‘heavy
use over time’ is the main origin of social consequences arising from substance
use disorders, such as problems fulfilling social roles. Finally, it is responsible
for the greater part of the substance-attributable burden of disease and mortal-
ity. In short, this definition embraces the object of analysis of this book and
eliminates some of the current problems and operationalizations.
In this book, we look at public policies dealing with the addicted population
but we also take into account strategies aimed at controlling or regulating con-
sumption of addictive substances in general, use and abuse of drugs (including
recreational drug use), intoxication, and detoxification and rehabilitation. We
address a range of issues from manufacturing, trafficking, possession, and con-
sumption to prevention, treatment, and social reintegration of affected indi-
viduals and their immediate environment.

1.3 The long road that led us here

Although human beings have always consumed drugs, the patterns and the
substances we use nowadays are not the same as they were a hundred years ago.
The ‘traditional’ ways of consuming addictive substances have historically been
linked to social, liturgical, and cultural factors. However, after the industrial
revolution and the consequent evolution of social organization, the relationship
with drugs changed: addictive substance consumption expanded considerably
and become more linked to leisure time (Pavarini 1983). Moreover, following
Díaz (1998), there are different historical factors that contributed to the current
consumerist model of drugs, among which the development of the pharmaceu-
tical industry, the emergence of chemical addictive compounds, and the pro-
cess of globalization are determinant.
Three general trends on how addictions have been tackled by Western Euro-
pean governments can be identified: the moral paradigm, assistentialism,
and the public-health approach. The moral paradigm emerged at the begin-
ning of the twentieth century as a reactive and puritan response to the popu-
larization of drugs, and promoted a moral crusade against them. This approach
4 GOVERNANCE OF ADDICTIONS

c­ onsidered drug consumption as an indication of individual weakness and lack

of self-control. The moral attitude was both to stigmatize and ‘save’ drug con-
sumers, who were viewed as sinful and vicious. Treatment was mainly provid-
ed either by ‘beneficiary houses’ or by health professionals, who a few decades
later embraced an assistentialist approach. The moral paradigm was especially
promoted in the USA by the temperance movements. The temperance move-
ments were social movements urging the prohibition of alcohol beverages. An
example was the American Temperance Society, founded in 1826, which had as
one of its slogans ‘Lips that touch liquor shall not touch ours.’ The main achieve-
ment of the temperance movements in the USA was the 1920 constitutional
amendment limiting the sale, manufacture, and transportation of alcohol for
consumption—the ‘Dry Law’. The temperance movements exported this
­
approach through conferences, conventions, and international agreements
(Shanghai 1909; The Hague 1912, 1913, and 1914; and Geneva 1925, 1931, and
1936). The last of these conventions, Geneva 1936, implied that signatory
members accepted the prohibitionist approach promoted by the USA.
The moral paradigm partially persisted through UN conventions into the
second half of the twentieth century—the Single Convention (1961) as amend-
ed by the 1972 protocol, the Convention on Psychotropic Substances (1971),
and the Convention Against Illicit Traffic in Narcotic Drugs and Psychotropic
Substances (1988) (Courtwright 2001). However, its current relevance is only
residual, especially in Europe where the temperance movement has never been
as strong as in the USA.
The new economic model that emerged after the Second World War, the
development of the welfare state in Western Europe, and a growing middle class
are key factors to understanding the emergence of the assistentialist paradigm.
As noted by Romaní (1997), during the 1950s and 1960s the drugs phenome-
non was consolidated as a characteristic of complex societies and the drugs
consumerist model was reified. In this context, the scientific view that prevailed
considered drug consumers to be diseased, and dependence to be an illness that
had to be treated from a medical scientific approach. Treatments were based on
prescription and abstinence, and relapse was considered a failure. This approach
established a power relation between the physician and the patient (Foucault
1963), the former representing knowledge and the latter considered an outsider
whom science had to heal. It was also in this period that the WHO started pro-
moting international treaties (the first in 1961) considering drug consumers as
outcasts from modern societies.
The public-health approach emerged hand in hand with the heroin and
cocaine boom during the 1970s and 1980s. The popularization of heroin con-
sumption in particular represented a turning point in public-health and
 Introduction to European public policies 5

security problems. At first, most countries opted for an assistance strategy, with
the ultimate aim of total abstinence by the patient. However, the emergence of
HIV/AIDS forced a change of attitude and governments introduced health-
oriented measures, the most important of which were harm reduction pro-
grammes. For instance, in 1982 drug users forced Amsterdam city council to set
up the first needle and syringe exchange programme, to prevent a hepatitis B
epidemic among injecting drug users (Burning 1991). And in 1988, the scien-
tific advisory body of the UK government stated that the ‘spread of HIV is a
greater danger to individual and public health than drug misuse’ (Advisory
Council on the Misuse of Drugs 1988).
Although the public-health approach had the same goals as the assistentialist
one—total abstinence—it also embedded intermediate goals focusing on pre-
serving health and improving the quality of life of drug consumers. As Rhodes
and Hedrich (2010: 19) show, ‘a core principle of harm reduction is the develop-
ment of pragmatic responses to dealing with drug use through a hierarchy of
intervention goals that place primary emphasis on reducing the health-related
harms of continued drug use’. Despite the efforts of this model to avoid the stig-
matization of heroin consumers, negative public opinion towards this group of
people did not change during the 1980s and the 1990s and still persists today. To
fight stigmatization and discrimination, users themselves started to organize in
different countries. The Junkie Unions in the late 1970s in the Netherlands were
probably the first organizations to fight for users’ rights (Van Dam 2007).
During the 1990s the heroin alarm became less prevalent in Western Europe
not only because consumption was significantly reduced, but also because of
the emergence of cocaine and new synthetic and designer drugs. In contrast,
during the same decade Eastern European countries (former satellites of the
USSR) experienced the scourge of heroin that Western European countries had
been through in the 1980s. Furthermore, the 1990s were characterized as the
decade in which problematic use of alcohol, associated with high-risk con-
sumption patterns among young people, emerged.
In this context, recreational consumption of legal and illicit substances
avoided stigmatization, which only appeared when consumption was problem-
atic. Consumption became normalized and was no longer linked to marginal
contexts (Romaní 2009). Therefore, for broad social sectors drug consumption
became socially accepted and part of the hegemonic cultural model. The
twenty-­first century began with the diffusion of drug and polydrug consump-
tion, especially of alcohol, cannabis, cocaine, methylenedioxy-N-methylam-
phetamine (MDMA), and crystal meth. Nowadays, consumption of drugs is an
activity in itself for young people; it does not require any kind of justification
and is compatible with any recreational activity (Díaz et al. 2004).
6 GOVERNANCE OF ADDICTIONS

Bearing in mind the diversity of consumption scenarios, its progressive nor-

malization in some contexts, and even its trivialization in others, Western soci-
eties have been forced to find renewed policies and adapt better to these
realities, some of which are nothing more than old policies with a modern look.
Nowadays, European public policies on addiction are characterized by three
trends (Trautmann 2013) that can co-exist at both national and European
levels.
The first trend, decriminalization of drug use, is especially relevant for
illicit drugs like cannabis and heroin. This is characterized as a health-orient-
ed approach that no longer regards drug consumers as criminals but as
patients. In parallel, consumption and/or possession of small amounts for
personal use are treated as misdemeanours and not as criminal offences. The
second trend is the wider introduction of harm reduction policies for both
illicit and legal substances. Harm reduction appeared as a practice with the
heroin boom of the 1980s and the consequent need to find ways to deal with
its consequences. Since the beginning of the 2000s, acceptance of harm
reduction has significantly increased among European countries, has been
embraced by international organizations such as the EU, the WHO, and the
UN, and is recognized as a characteristic of public-health-oriented policies.
The third trend is a shift from repression towards regulation. This trend has
been the main approach to dealing with legal substances like alcohol and
tobacco, but has also recently been developed for cannabis in different
countries.

1.4 Governance of addictions: A wicked issue

In the last three decades, the complexity of dealing with public policies has
increased, mainly due to what are known as ‘wicked problems’ (Rittel and Web-
ber 1973), which by definition are inherently resistant to clear and agreed solu-
tions. As Kickert et al. (1997), Stoker (1998), Bovaird (2004), Mendoza and
Vernis (2008), Esteve et al. (2012b), and Ysa et al. (2014) state, ‘the need to
respond to ‘wicked social problems’ requires public agencies to be prepared to
work in partnership with other public, civil society, and business organizations’
(Mendoza and Vernis 2008: 392). Moreover, Lozano et al. (2006: 392) add that
‘the governance of our complex and interdependent societies will not be possi-
ble unless we turn the sense of responsibility among their many social actors
into one of co-responsibility’. Hence public, private, and non-profit sectors
come together to address issues, solve problems, and provide services that are
too complex and/or costly for any organization to handle on its own (O’Toole
1997).
 Introduction to European public policies 7

Governance is understood as ‘the processes and structures of public policy

decision-making and management that engage people constructively across the
boundaries of public agencies, levels of government, and/or the public, private
and civic spheres in order to carry out a public purpose that could not otherwise
be accomplished’ (Emerson et al. 2012: 2). Complex societies have boosted gov-
ernance as a necessary process to tackle wicked problems. Nonetheless, govern-
ments still have a major role to play within the governance process as they retain
critical tasks that cannot be delegated to other sectors, such as steering and
defining strategies. In this sense, policy is still one of the main tools for influenc-
ing and shaping the governance of addictions and for this reason is one of the
main foci of this book.
The complexity of addiction issues leaves no doubt that they represent a
wicked issue that must be tackled by different levels of government in collabo-
ration with NGOs and businesses. The governance of addiction is a recognized
complex area that does not follow the traditional linear model (problem—
options—solution—implementation) and is influenced by various factors that
intervene in policy-making, due to its implications for society and the contro-
versy that it generates (Ritter and Bammer 2010). As a result, we deal with
­policies that are ‘co-produced by a wide range of actors at the level of the state
(ministries, parliaments, agencies, authorities, and commissions), society
(businesses, citizens, community groups, global media including networked
social media, foundations) and supranationally (the European Union, the Unit-
ed Nations)’ (WHO 2011b: viii). The governance of addiction is also influenced
by many stakeholders from different fields: health, justice, public order, safety,
economy, trade, etc. This wide range of stakeholders, and the international
domain related to drug trafficking and the EU, make the governance of addic-
tions even more complex.
A further matter of complexity to add to the addictions issue is the role of
traditions, national cultures, and ideological rhetoric. In Europe this means
that we do not find the same unified response to alcohol, and rejection of it, as
we do for other substances. There is a double standard relating to illicit and legal
substances and stigma is traditionally associated with drug consumers. Regard-
ing ideological rhetoric, the addictions policy is heavily impacted by the turno-
ver of political parties, which is easy to see through the time discontinuities in
strategy and makes it difficult to set sustained responses in motion.

1.5 The structure of this book

In Chapter 2 we present the methodological design for the study research. Sub-
sequently, we analyse international trends, with a special focus on the role of the
8 GOVERNANCE OF ADDICTIONS

EU and its governance of addictions model. The aim of Chapter 3 is to analyse

how the EU and its policies influence the twenty-seven member states, plus
Norway. In Chapters 4 to 7 we present the four approaches to governing addic-
tions in Europe. The final chapter contains our conclusions and thoughts on
future prospects.
 Chapter 2

Methodology to analyse
governance on addictions
in Europe

2.1 Introduction to governance of addictions

In this chapter we present the methodology used for this research in order to
develop a comprehensive analysis and put forward the state of the art of the
governance of addictions in the twenty-seven EU member states, plus Norway.
The study is a combination of qualitative and quantitative analysis. For two
years, we have gathered information from these countries to analyse their gov-
ernance of addictions. The research process is built from a bottom-up approach,
by collecting data on each country and then looking at the commonalities
among the countries to classify them.
In a nutshell, our book started by gathering information on all twenty-eight
countries. For each of the countries a table and a report were built, logging key
information about the country. This information was complemented with
semi-structured interviews and a survey with experts in the field.

2.2 Departing from existing country comparative

analysis in Europe: Contextual indicators
Since our intention is to research whether there is a single European model for
addictions or several, we depart from comparative studies that classify coun-
tries using variables that are keys for public policies on addictions. Those are:
Esping-Andersen’s welfare states regimes, the OECD Better Life Initiative, sus-
tainable governance indicators, world values survey data, and Corruption Per-
ception Index indicators (Esping-Andersen 1990; Ferrera 1996; Hall and
Soskice 2001; Bohle and Greskovits 2006). Esping-Andersen (1990: 80), defines
the welfare state as:
the institutional arrangements, rules and understandings that guide and shape current
social policy decisions, expenditure developments, problem definitions, and even the
respond-and-demand structure of citizens and welfare consumers. The existence of
policy regimes reflects the circumstance that short term policies, reforms, debate, and
10 GOVERNANCE OF ADDICTIONS

decision-making take place within frameworks of historical institutionalization that

differ qualitatively between countries.

The policy interest in well-being has grown in the last ten years and, in 2008, the
French government convened the Stiglitz Commission—Commission on the
Measurement of Economic Performance and Social Progress—(Stiglitz et al.
2009), aimed at measuring economic performance and social progress. The
final report in 2009 highlighted the impermanence of subjective measures of
quality of life when trying to gauge the overall well-being and progress of a
society, and encouraged governments to collect these subjective measures of
quality of life. Since then, well-being and progress have been incorporated in
different governmental agendas, and the OECD has made remarkable achieve-
ments in this field by creating the Better Life Initiative to measure quality of life
(OECD 2011c). The added value of this framework is the inclusion of subjective
measures to obtain a view of the quality-of-life status in a country. This is need-
ed since traditional indicators, such as GDP, do not reflect the actual differences
in society further than gross product per capita.
The OECD Better Life Initiative measurement system takes into account
material living conditions and quality of life. Each block includes variables to
measure well-being and progress. Specifically, the variables we used for this
book include material living conditions (housing, income, and jobs) and qual-
ity of life (community, education, environment, governance, health, life satis-
faction, safety, and work-life balance). These variables provide us with the state
of the art of OECD countries, presenting their weaknesses and their strengths.
From a methodological point of view, the main limitation in using the OECD
indicators is that some EU countries—Latvia, Lithuania, Romania, Bulgaria,
Cyprus, and Malta—are not OECD members.
We complemented the OECD Better Life Initiative with two sustainable gov-
ernance indicators. The first is the status index, which examines each state’s
reform needs in terms of the quality of democracy and performance in key
policy fields (Bertelsmann Stiftung 2011). More specifically, it analyses the
quality of democracy and policy performance in areas such as economy and
employment, social affairs, security, and resources. The second is the manage-
ment index, focused on governance capacities in terms of steering capability
and accountability. This examines the executive capacity of different actors to
formulate, coordinate, and implement policies, as well as their accountability.
The management index is a construct formed by the following variables: steer-
ing capability, policy implementation, institutional learning, and accountabili-
ty. As with OECD data, the main limitation of Bertelsmann Stiftung indicators
is the omission of Estonia and Slovenia (OECD members since 2010 but
excluded from the Bertelsmann Stiftung study).
Another random document with
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thereof till the waters are dried up. Though this may appear
marvellous, it is the fact with these people.”
Nos. 1, 2, 3, and 4. “Are four rivers (perhaps canals) belonging to
Maséna.”
“The present Sultan of Maséna is Ahmad Hamad Labo, who rules
over Timbuctoo, Jeri, and Oonbori, and indeed he may be called the
sovereign of the Gharb (West) in Soodan. He is now at war with
Sego.
“From Soccatoo to Benji is one day’s journey through Sisilbi,
which is the metropolis of Ghalooji. This country is level and fertile,
and contains rivers, woods, gardens, and wells. On the east side of it
there are two rocky, rugged mountains; on the right there is a river,
and on the left there are plains and barren deserts. In the environs of
the capital of Benji there are, however, several villages or towns
belonging to the Mohammedans. Between the territory of Benji and
that of Mouri is three days’ and nights’ journey, through barren and
sandy deserts. Mouri contains small mountains, woods, and has two
roads on the left; on one of which there is a deep stream, and on the
other are two lakes, surrounded with flowering and fruitful trees. This
country originally belonged to the Sultan of Kabi, and its inhabitants
are infidels. Its present sultan is named Ghagara, and has a city for
his residence named Lukoo-you, which has a great lake near it. The
chief towns of this country are Dogordoosi, Myzani, Toonsubi, and
Tabada. There are many smaller ones, which need not be mentioned
for brevity’s sake. The lands are mostly stony, sandy, and hilly. There
are a great many deep wells, well supplied with water; but the
country altogether has but few trees, though it abounds with reptiles.
“Next to it, at two days’ journey through dry deserts, with one track
of road only, though woody and hilly, the country of Emanoo lies, the
first town of which is Bakendoosi, which is of a moderate size; and
has, on the east, a lake surrounded with trees; and, on the west, a
well-known great and very tall tree. Between this town and the
metropolis of the sultan, whose name is Aghmarak, is half a day’s
journey. Emanoo is part of the countries of the Tuaricks, and
contains lakes, wells, mountains, hills, and sands. Its people live
upon the dokhun, and possess a great many cattle.
“Next to this, at one day’s journey, is the territory of Taghzar,
which also belongs to the Tuaricks, and contains hills, wells, and
natron lakes, which is called in our language káwa, or salt. East and
west of this country there are mountains well stocked with cattle. The
people are the worst and most ill-disposed of the tribes of Tuarick;
and their chief living is peas and dokhun. Their sultan is named
Hama-ráwadó, and also Hama-zanzamá, which means in our
language Dog.
“On the right of this country the territory of Jerma lies; it is a
narrow vale, between high hills and hillocks of sand; and on the east
it has a lofty mountain; it contains natron and other deep lakes. It is
inhabited by the tribe of Benoo-Hami, who are great warriors,
possessing swift and well-trained horses, and their spears are
extremely long and well-ironed with sharp blades. They are ill-
disposed people, and have no lawful sultan, but their chief is one
chosen out of the tribe. They subsist mostly upon dokhun, and their
country abuts on the great sea or river Cówara.
“On the left of the before-mentioned country (Taghzar) that of
Azwa lies, which is inhabited both by the Tuarick and by Benoo-
Hami. It contains plains, vales, mountains, hills, and sands; and has
deep streams. They possess abundance of cattle, and most of their
living is the dokhun.
“Between Taghzar and the river Cówara is three days’ journey,
through a barren desert, without any human being in it, inhabited
only by wild beasts; and it has a long and deep stream running
through sandy hills. From this stream the people of Taghzar provide
themselves with water when they go to the chase of the giraffe in the
winter season. The distance between their town and this stream is
half a day’s journey, through some woody plains, a few small
mountains, and sandy hills. On the road, however, there is a small
lake, surrounded with shrubs and trees, in which water is found only
in the autumn.
 “Near the river there are a great many white hills, without any
trees upon them; but on the banks there are very large tall trees of
tamarinds, under the shade of which travellers rest themselves.
W. “Now the great river Cówara comes, and here is its
representation. This great river is the largest in all the territories of
Houssa; we know not of its source, nor of any one who has seen it. It
rushes and precipitates itself through the country from left to right,
and contains many islands inhabited by fishermen, herdsmen,
husbandmen, and settlers. As to the variety of its animals, birds, and
fish, it is only known to the Lord Creator; it has rocks and mountains,
which break and shatter to pieces all vessels that are driven against
them; and its great roaring and noise, with the agitation of its waves,
astonish the hearer and terrify the beholder; and, at the same time,
exhibit the wonderful power of the Omnipotent Creator.
X. “Is an undescribed branch of the river.
Y. “The writing of this copy ended on Thursday afternoon, the 5th
of Rajab, 1242, of Hegira—(January 31, 1827, A.D.), in the city of
Soccatoo, residence of the Prince of the Faithful Sultan Mohammed
Bello, by his special command to me, Mohammed, son of Ahmad
Masané—(i.e. native of Maséna)—for Abdálláh the English
Christian.”
A. V. SALAMÉ.

No. II.

Translation of the Account of the “Expedition of Forty Christians,” &c.

&c.

“In past years a company of Christians came from the side of

Darwadar[2], a town belonging to the Christians, following the river to
Foota-tooro, and from thence they proceeded to Ségo. They were
forty men, and, on their arrival, the Sultan of Ségo received them
hospitably, gave them presents, and lodged them in one of his towns
called Sansaní (Sansanding of Park). They then acquainted him that
they wished to build a ship; to do which he gave them leave. During
their residence there, and the building of the ship, most of them died,
and by the time the ship was finished, five only were alive. These
five men embarked on board the vessel, and proceeded eastwards
till they arrived at Jeris, where they resided as long as God was
pleased. They thence went on to Maséna, following the river till they
came to one of our towns called Seebi[3], between Jeri and
Timbuctoo, that they might cross the way of the river[4]. They
sojourned there with the prince, who was one of the sons of the
Sultan of Timbuctoo, and whose name was Babal-kydiali. He
entertained them, and gave them leave to proceed to Timbuctoo.
They continued their voyage till they arrived in safety, five as they
were, at the city of Timbuctoo, where they resided as long as God
was pleased. Thence they went on towards the country of Sóghy till
they came to one of its towns called Gharwal-gáoo. There the
Tuaricks met, and fought them severely till three were killed, and two
only of them escaped with the vessel.
“They proceeded towards the east till they arrived at Boussa; but
the inhabitants fought and killed them, and their ship is to this
moment there. This is the substance and the truth of the case.”

Observation.—From the melancholy termination of this

adventure, and the place where the boat now exists, no one can
doubt that this account relates to Mungo Park and his party; and that
it is the most authentic and circumstantial that can be had. As to their
number being “forty Christians,” it is easily accounted for, when we
know that those people call any one who might be in the service of
an European “a Christian.” So that it is not improbable that all those
who were employed by Mungo Park were considered “Christians,”
and thus formed the number of forty.
A. V. S.
 No. III.

A Geographical Account of the Country, Rivers, Lakes, &c. from

Bornou to Egypt, &c.

“The territory of Bornou is very extensive, and contains

mountains, sands, and lakes: it has also two well known cities; one is
called Sira, the other Kataghoon, whose prince is named Dankawa.
To the name of Bornou that of Ghoodri is sometimes added.
“At twenty days’ journey from Bornou the territory of Adamawá
lies, which is mountainous, and contains vales, hills, and rivers. Two-
thirds of its inhabitants are infidels, and one-third Felan
Mahomedans. The metropolis of their sultan is called Ghórin. They
possess plenty of horses and oxen, and subsist upon the dura
(Indian corn). To the name of Adamawá the word Foobina is often
added.
“Next to Adamawá, at two days’ journey through a mountainous
desert abounding with rivers, the country of Lúghwí (Loggun of
Denham) lies; it contains a great many rivers, lakes, forests, and
trees. Its inhabitants are Soodan Mahomedans; but the desert
between it and Adamawá is infested with infidel robbers, who ride
their horses without saddles, fight most desperately, often interrupt
traffic on the road, and kill any one who falls into their hands.
“From Lúghwí to the territory of Baghármy, which comes next to it,
is two days’ journey through a desert containing a great and
extensive fresh-water sea, called Asoor or Ashoo[5]. This country is
hilly, sandy, and has small mountains; its width is a distance of ten
days, and its length is much more. Its inhabitants are Soodan,
Kahlans, and Arabs, who are robbers, and a treacherous set of
people. Their sultan, whose name is Borkoomada, is as cruel as
themselves, and even slays sheiks and Mahomedans. They possess
abundance of horses and oxen, get their water from wells, and
subsist upon the dokhun.
“Next to Baghármy the country of Roogá lies, which is stony,
abounding with rivers, and inhabited by infidels.
 “At three days’ journey through places inhabited by Arabs is the
territory of Wadaí; it is very extensive, hilly, sandy, mountainous, and
contains vales, lakes, and deep wells. Its sultan is named Yousuf,
and his capital, which is situated under high mountains, is called
Hoowara[6]; the inhabitants are a mixture of Arabs and Persians;
they are renowned for courage in war, swift horses, and the
abundance of their camels, oxen, and sheep. They have a great
many market places or towns, and their living is the dokhun and
dura.
“Next to Wadaí the country of Foor (Dar-foor) lies, at two days’
journey through mountains and woody deserts, in the midst of which
there is a vale containing dom trees. The territory of Foor is very
extensive, hilly, sandy, and droughty, so much so, that,
notwithstanding the great many deep wells they have, the people are
obliged to preserve their water within the trunks of trees. They are a
mixture of Felans, Arabs, and Kahlans; they possess plenty of swift
horses, camels, oxen, and sheep; they have all sorts of warlike
weapons, as shields, spears, armour, and so forth[7], and are great
warriors. Their sultan is named Mohammed Fadlú, who is a genteel,
handsome, black man, and renowned for his munificence and
generosity. His capital is called Nantalti, through which a river runs
during the rainy season; but in winter the people are obliged to dig
wells in the bed of that river for water. They live upon the dokhun and
dura, and have some date gardens.
“At ten days’ journey from Foor, through a mountainous, hilly,
sandy, and droughty desert, is the country of the Kordofal, which
extends seven days in length, and is inhabited by Arabs and
Kahlans; it is however possessed now by the Turks[8]. It is very
fertile, and has small mountains, hills, and sands; as also it contains
fine horses, and plenty of cattle and asses. The capital of its sultan is
called Loobi, and the living of the people is the dokhun.
“Next to Kordofal is Sonnar, which is a very extensive and fertile
country; and its inhabitants, who are Arabs, are blessed with every
sort of comfort by being able to cultivate the lands at all seasons of
the year. This fertility is owing to the situation of the country being
between two branches of the Nile; one of which, it is said, runs from
the eastward, and the other, which is called the White river, runs
from the westward; so that Sonnar is an island between the two
rivers. It is, however, now in possession of the Turks[9]. It is a very
cheap country, and its inhabitants possess plenty of oxen and asses,
and subsist upon the dokhun.
“The White river becomes very full of water during the rainy
season, which brings with it, from the Blue river, the animal called
Anghorotú[10]; but during the summer it becomes so shallow as to be
waded, the water not reaching above the thighs of people.
“Between Sonnar and Sawaken, which is on the Salt Sea coast
(the Red Sea), is a distance of forty days.”
A. S.

FOOTNOTES:

[2]It is perhaps Salvador.—A. S.

[3]It should here be observed that the writer, who is the
secretary of Sultan Bello, and wrote this by his order out of their
records, is a native of Maséna.—A. S.
[4]Whether this means the course, the current, or a reach of
the river, I cannot make out.—A. S.
[5]This must be another name for the great lake Shad or
Tchad.—A. S.—Perhaps rather the Asu river of Lander.—Ed.
[6]The crown prince of Wadaí, if we can call him so, was last
year in Egypt; and, upon his authority, this country lies under, or at
the foot of, the Mountains of the Moon.—A. S.
[7]When the present Pasha of Egypt sent his army to these
countries, a few years ago, some of these pieces of armour and
helmets were brought over to Cairo; and it was surprising to see
them resembling, in every respect, those of the ancient Romans
and Greeks.—A. S.
[8]Mohammed Ali, the present Pasha of Egypt.—A. S.
[9]See last Note.
 [10]Whether this name is meant for the crocodile or
hippopotamus I cannot say.—A. S.
 Nos. IV. V. VI. VII. VIII. and IX.

Traditional Account of different Nations of Africa, &c.

4. “The territory of Malee is extensive, contains a gold mine, and

is inhabited by Soodans, whose origin is said to be from the
remnants of the Copts. Among its inhabitants are also Towroods,
Felans, Arabs, Jews, and Christians. These last are subject to two
Christian sovereigns, who send their ships to the harbour of this
place; and it is said that this country was formerly possessed by a
people called Sarankali, who, it is presumed, were Persians.
“The kingdom of Malee is an ancient and flourishing country, and
comprises two other provinces: one is Banbara, which contains
rivers, woods, sands, a gold mine, and is occupied by the Soodan,
who are still infidels, and possess great power; the other, on the west
of it, is Foota, which is inhabited by the Towrood, and the Sarankali,
or Persians. The Towrood people, it is said, were originally Jews,
others say Christians; that they came from the land between the two
rivers, the Nile[11] and the Euphrates, and established themselves
next to the Jews who inhabited the island; and that whenever they
oppressed or encroached upon the Jews, the latter had always
recourse to the protection of the officers of the Sehabat (the
immediate friends or companions of Mohammed), who then ruled
over them; that they (the Jews) used to say to them: ‘We came to
live in these islands to wait the coming of a prophet (after whom
there will be no other); after whose coming and death a relation of
his, named Aboo-Bakr, will succeed him; and Aboo-Bakr’s successor
will be Amroo, whose troops will come upon the surface of this water
(by which they meant Termes), protect us against you, and enable us
to conquer your country[12].’
“This is what we found written in our books.”

N. B.—The above account, with the exception of the latter part,

and a few small variations, has been already given to us in Sultan
Bello’s Geographical Account. (See Appendix, p. 166, First Journey.)
 A. S.

5. “The origin of the Felan tribe is stated to be as follows: When

the army of the Sehabat, during the reign of Omar Ben El-khattab,
penetrated into the Gharb, they arrived first at Termes; the Towrood
people having seen them, went immediately under their protection,
and became Mooslemeens, before the Jews who were waiting for
them[13]; in consequence of which they were enabled to fight and
subdue the Jews and Sarankali (Persians). When the Sehabat
wished their troops to retire from the Gharb, the prince of the
Towrood said to them: ‘You came to us with a faith of which we were
ignorant, and you are now going away without leaving any one to
instruct us in it and its laws.’ The Sehabat, hearing this appeal, left
behind them, for their instruction, Okbat Ben Aamer. He married a
daughter of the prince, named Gajmáa, and begot by her four sons,
Dytá, Náser, Wáyá, and Rerebi. He afterwards returned to Egypt,
and left his four sons behind with their mother. They grew up, and
spoke a different language from that of their father, which was the
Arabic, as well as from that of their mother, which was the old
Towrood, called Wakoori. They married, and had sons and
daughters, from whom the Felans descended; so that the father of
the Felans was an Arabian, and their mother a Towrood.
“This we found recorded in our books[14].”
6 “The country of Barghoo is situated on the right side of the river;
it is woody and sandy, and inhabited by tribes of the Soodan, who, it
is said, are descended from the slaves of the Felans, who were left
behind when their masters crossed the river; and thus they peopled
those countries. They are insubordinate and stubborn, as also very
powerful in magic; and it is recorded that, when the equitable Prince
Hadgi Mohamed Allah-kaja ruled over this province, he could gain no
advantage over them.
“Next to Barghoo, the province of Ghoorma lies; it is extensive,
mountainous, woody, sandy, and has various rivers. Its sultan is
named Boojujú, and the inhabitants are almost of the same
description as those of Barghoo, robbers, and depraved.
 “On the west of Ghoorma, the country of Mooshier, or Mooshee, is
situated. It is extensive, and contains a gold mine, rivers, woods, and
mountains. It is inhabited by tribes of the Soodan, who possess
plenty of swift horses, very tall asses, and are very powerful in war.
Their sultan is named Wagadoogo, and their asses are imported to
Ghoonja to carry the drums of the army.
“On the right of Mooshér the territory of Asantí lies, which is very
extensive.”

N. B.—The above account, with the exception of a few small

variations, has also been given to us in Sultan Bello’s geographical
account. (See Appendix, p. 165-6, First Journey.)

7. Itinerary.
“From Sira to Boogho is a distance of twenty days; thence to
Mooshkoom-Foosh, to Sary, to Sarwa, to Indam or Indag, to Warshá,
to Booshrá, to the mountain called Kaghoom, to Mount Kinghá, to
Mount Dooziyat, to Mount Aboo-Talfan, to Mount Aboo-Zarafat; then
to Rooga, to Dygo, to Kájá, to Katoonú; then to the mountain of
Nubia, to the gold mine called Tagly, which has no less than ninety-
nine mountains, the name of each of which begins with F; but three
only of these mountains are known, whose names are as follow:
Fazooglú, Fafaklú, and Foondooflú. In two days from this place, you
will get to the Nile of Sonnar; but from Tagly to Egypt, or Cairo, which
lies northward on the left side of it, is a journey of forty days,
travelling continually by the bank of the Nile; while from Tagly to
Sawaken, which is on the sea coast (the Red Sea), is a distance of
thirty days only.”

N. B.—This is the last of the seven papers which, it appears, were

written in Captain Clapperton’s memorandum book, by order of
Sultan Bello, and are dated “the 5th of Sháában, 1242, A.H.;” about
the 3d of March, 1827, A. D.
A. V. S.
 8. “The people of Nefé came originally from Kashná, and their
prince, Thoodyar, from Atághér. He first conquered the territory of
Beni, from the river called Bakoo to that which is named Kaduná;
then the territories of Booduor Boodi, and of Bassa or Boosa. He
thence embarked on the river Kowárá, and subdued the people on
its bank, called Abágha; after which he conquered the country of
Abbi (in which we now are[15]), and that of Kanbari, in conjunction
with the Prince of Yaouri. The river of these countries is called
Kantagoora. From Yaouri he proceeded to the great mountain, or
mountains, where Nefé, Beni, and Fatti-attu are: he then went to the
river Katha, or Kasha, and conquered the countries thereabouts;
which are, Ghoor-noofu, Koográ, Jemma, Doonfee, Taboo, and Aza,
or Azai. This prince was succeeded by Ithshab, whose successor
was Ithkootoo; and the whole number of princes who ruled over this
kingdom were thirteen. The rest of the eastern parts, as far as
Katáná, are in possession of a prince named Bakoo.
“About the right of Atághér the country called Nafry lies, by the
side of a river larger than that of Kowárá.
“The people of Beni are now extremely poor. They are submissive
to their princes, till and cultivate the lands of others, and pay
capitation tax. Sheep, goats, oxen, horses, and fowls, are scarce in
their country; and as to asses, there are none, except what are
imported from other countries. They have, however, plenty of
elephants.
“The river in the territory of Kowárá lies west, on the right hand
side; and that of Kaduná is in the centre; while the river Bakoo, or
Gakoo, is in the east.”

9. “The tribes who inhabit Noofee, it is said, were originally from

Beni; others say from Takra; and some assert that they came from
the middle of the river, perhaps an island. Their first town was
Jemma; but afterwards they inhabited Kafath or Kifath, Ayaki,
Karkena, and the eastern Kowárá, by a river called Matny. They had
also Kasoo or Kashoo, Zeer, the west of Malee or Moulee, Abyou,
and Wádá.
 “The river of Kowárá runs through mountains, and a great many
woods and forests; and has mountains on the north and the east.
This great river issues from the Mountain of the Moon; and what we
know of it is, that it comes from Sookan to Kiya, to Kabi, to Yaouri, to
Boossa, to Wá-wá, and to Noofee; but in that place there is another
river which springs from Zirmá, to Ghoober, to Zeffra, to Kory or
Koora, and then enters Noofee; its name is Kaduna. On the north of
it Kanbari lies; on the east is Kory; on the south are Cankan and
Kafath; and on the west is Bassoa, or Bashwa. About the centre of it
is the kingdom of Noofee, with that of Abyou.
“Noofee was once subject to the Felans; but when Edrees, a
prince of the Felans, ruled over it, and committed so many excesses
as even to violate its virgins, the people rose up against him, sword
in hand, and freed themselves; and thus they are now at war with the
Felans. Amongst them there are Mahomedans; but the greater part
are infidels, without either religion or law: they are drunkards and
oppressors; they neither pray, nor worship any god. They walk with
you during an hour as friends, while in the next they do not hesitate
to kill you. When one of them dies, they fasten the arms across the
chest, place the body in a sitting position in the grave, and one of
them lies by it, while another sits at the entrance. They have a large
and extensive cavern, in which they place their dead; but those who
guard this cavern, though they are something like priests, are the
most depraved persons. They sometimes send messengers to call
the relatives of the dead, enjoining them to bring with them the best
of every thing they have; and when these innocent people arrive at
the cavern, they are immediately plundered of what they take there;
and if they be females, their chastity is violated.
“This is the life and habits of these infidel Pagans; and
consequently the roads about Noofee are very dangerous and
perilous.
“When their king dies, they enter his house, and live in it.”

N. B.—It is proper here to observe, that the above two papers,

Nos. 8 and 9, are written, or rather scrawled out, unorthographically
and ungrammatically, and their composition is no more than a sort of
incoherent jargon. The translation, therefore, I have given of them is
mostly made out by conjecture. There is no doubt, however, that
Clapperton, who made some residence among these people, has
given some further account of them.
A. S.

FOOTNOTES:

[11]This is a mistake: it should be the Tigris.—A. S.

[12]The inventor of this story had, there is no doubt, meant it to
be as a prophecy for the coming of Mahomed, and that to show
that even the Christians themselves had foretold his coming; for
all these words which he puts into the mouth of these Christians
are the very result of Mahomed’s career, as recorded by the
Mahomedan historians.—A. S.
[13]See No. 4.
[14]Egypt was conquered by the Mahomedans in the 20th year
of Hegira, or the 10th after Mahomed’s death, under the Khalifat
of Omar Eben Elkattab, who, by the instigation of an intrepid
officer named Amrú Ben El-Aâss (who, under some very singular
circumstances, happened to visit Egypt and see its splendour a
few years previous), sent an army, consisting of no more than
4000 men, to subdue that mighty and rich country. Amrú
succeeded in his enterprise, and pushed on his conquest to the
Gharb; but Okbat Ben Amer’s name appears only as a witness to
the treaties concluded between the conqueror and the people of
Alexandria; though he was considered an officer of rank and
valour.—A. S.
[15]The writer of this account, it seems, was in Captain
Clapperton’s company, or attached to his service.—A. S.
A VOCABULARY OF THE YOURRIBA TONGUE.

Fowl, Ade′a
Goat, Aoor′ey
Sheep, Agon′ta
Pig, Ale′day
Salt, Ee′yo
Corn, Agbad′doo
Millet, Ok′kablebba
Grass, Co′co
Beads, Le′key
Gold, Sic′ca
Coral, In′yoh
Silver, Patak′ka
Cloth, Atchio
Man, Okon′a
Woman, Obin′a
King, Ob′bah
Horse, Ep′pee
Saddle, Gar′ree
Bridle, Ja′noo
Pepper, Att′ah
Shallots, Allabous′sa
Yams, Ish′oo
Plantains, Ayid′dey
Fire, Jun′ah
Water, Om′mee
Wood, Ig′gie
A pot, Coc′co
A calabash, E′bah
Duck, Pap′ayeh
Soup, Ob′eh
House, Ill′eh
Mug, Tank′ara
Plate, A′wo
Knife, O′beh
Head, Or′ree
Eyes, Oj′oo
Nose, Em′oo
Mouth, En′oo
Teeth, E′hee
Ears, Eff′ee
Chin, Ebb′ee
Neck, Enaff′oo
Shoulders, Edgeookah
Arm, Epk′wa
Elbow, Ebah′wa
Wrist, Onawa′wa
Hand, A′wa
Thumb, Atang′pako
Fingers, Ama′wa
The body, Agwid′demoo′gu
Belly, Inn′oh
Thigh, E′tah
Knee, Okk′oo
Leg, Ajoo′goo
Ankle, Coco′sey
Foot, Atalis′sey
Toes, Amalis′sa
Boots, Sa′labattoo
Sandals, Battoo
Fan, Abab′bey
Cow, Mall′oo
Dog, Aj′ah
Cub, Aloghin′ne
Mouse, Acoo′fu
Tiger, Ek′ka
Hyena, Eco′co
Vulture, Awood′ec
Jacket, Kook′oomah
Trousers, Shock′ootoo
Turkey, Fu′lutu′loo
Elephant, Gen′acoo
Hippopotamus, En′emy
Cotton wool, O′woo
Palm oil, Ep′eh
Cocoa-nut, Ay′ba
Tornado, Oj′uma′ri
A mule, Barak′ka
A jackass, Kettékettéh
A mat, Enn′ee
A bag, Ok′key
A gun, E′bah
A cutlass, Jom′ma
Silk, Ce′dah
Damask Ala′ri
Scarlet cloth, Doh′do
Blue ditto, Iss′ado′doh
Green ditto, Alar′ooya′goo
Yellow ditto,
Tree, E′wajass′kway
Sun, O′noo
Moon, Ajoo′pa
Star, Era′wo
God, Ala′noo
Thunder, Ar′oo
Lightning, Mannumanu
Rain, Odigoo
Wind, Avoo′voo
Cap, Fill′ah
Hat, Atte′ Ebo
Hair, Olloo
Beard, Eg′bee
Skin, All′ah
Nail, Eff′eh
One, Ok′ka
Two, Ma′jee
Three, Mai′ta
Four, Me′ne
Five, Mall′oo
Six, Mai′ffa mai′fa
Seven, Ma′gee
Eight, Ma′jo
Nine, Mai′ssu
Ten, May′wah
Twenty, Ok′ko
Thirty, Agboug
Forty, Ogojee
Fifty, Adett′a
Sixty, Ogotta
Seventy, Ado′nee
Eighty, Ogonee
Ninety, Ado′noo
One hundred, Ogo′noo
Two hundred, Egbe′o
Three ditto, Oa′doo
Four ditto, In′ee
Five ditto, Edag′bett′a
Six ditto, Eg′bett′a
Seven ditto, Edag′be′ne
Eight ditto, Eg′be′ne
Nine ditto, Edegba′noo
One thousand Eggba′noo
Two ditto Ebah
Three ditto Egba′dagoo
Four ditto Egbagie
Five ditto Egbe′dogmoo
Six ditto Egbaa′ta
Seven ditto Edegbaa′nee
Eight ditto, Egba′nee
Nine ditto, Edegbaa′noo
Ten ditto, Ebaa′noo
 FELLATAH.

One, Go
Two, Diddie
Three, Tattie
Four, Ni
Five, Jowie
Six, Jowego
Seven, Jowaddie
Eight, Jowatittie
Nine, Jowanie
Ten, Sapo
Eleven, Sapoago
Twelve, Sapodiddie
Thirteen, Sapoatittie
Fourteen, Sapoani
Fifteen, Sapoaji
Sixteen, Sapoajego
Seventeen, Sapoajaddide
Eighteen, Sapoajatittie
Nineteen, Sapoajanie
Twenty, Nogi
Twenty-one, Nogiago
Twenty-two, Nogiadiddie
Twenty-three, Nogiatittie
Twenty-four, Nogiani
Twenty-five, Nogiajowie
Twenty-six, Nogiajego
Twenty-seven, Nogiajadidde
Twenty-eight, Nogiajattitie
Twenty-nine, Nogiajanie
Thirty, Shapandatittie
Thirty-one, -------------- ago
Forty, Dabi
Fifty, Dabisapo
Sixty, Chapandijago
Seventy, Chapandajadidie
Eighty, Chapandagatittee
Ninety, Chapandajani
One hundred, Hemri
One hundred and one, Hemrigo
One hundred and two, Hemrididdie
One hundred and three, Hemritittie
One hundred and four, Hemrini
One hundred and five, Hemrijoie
Two hundred, Kamididdie
Three ditto, Kamitittie
Four ditto, Kamini
Five ditto, Kamijoie
One thousand, Koojuna
Two ditto, Koojunadiddie
Twenty ditto, Koojunaginogi
What is this? Konindadoom
Man, Gorko
Men, Worbaa
Woman, Debo
Women, Reuba
Boy, Beedo
Boys, Beepba
Girl, Surba
Girls, Surbaba
Horse, Putcha
Horses, Putche
Cow, Cows, Nagea.