Ramon Magsaysay

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Ramon Magsaysay

Ika-7 Pangulo ng Pilipinas

Ikatlong Pangulo ng Ikatlong Republika

Nasa puwesto
30 Disyembre 1953 – 17 Marso 1957

Pangalwang Pangulo Carlos P. García

Nakaraang sinundan Elpidio Quirino

Sinundan ni Carlos P. García

Kasapi ng Kapulungan ng mga Kinatawan ng Pilipinas mula

sa Solong Distrito ng Zambales

Nasa puwesto
28 Mayo 1946 – 1 Setyembre 1950

Nakaraang sinundan Valentin Afable

Sinundan ni Enrique Corpus

Pansariling detalye

Ipinanganak 31 Agosto 1907

Iba, Zambales

Namatay 17 Marso 1957

Bundok Manunggal, Balamban, Cebu
 Partidong pampolitika Partidong Nasyonalista

(Mga) Asawa Luz Banzon

Mga anak Teresita, Milagros, Jun

Trabaho Inhinyero

Si Ramón "Monching" del Fierro Magsaysay[1] (31 Agosto 1907 – 17 Marso 1957) ay ang
ikapitong Pangulo ng Republika ng Pilipinas(30 Disyembre 1953-17 Marso 1957), na nagsilbi
hanggang sa kanyang kamatayan sa di sinadyang pagbagsak ng eroplanong kanyang sinasakyan.
Isinilang siya sa Castillejos, Zambales noong ika-31 ng Agosto, 1907 kina Exequiel Magsaysay at
Perfecta del Fierro. Nag-aral siya sa Pamantasan ng Pilipinas at sa Jose Rizal College (kilala
ngayon bilang Pamantasang Jose Rizal).
Naglingkod siya bilang tagapamahala ng Try-Tran Motors noong panahong bago magdigmaan.
Nang bumagsak ang Bataan, inorganisa niya ang "Pwersang Gerilya sa Kanlurang Luzon" at
pinalaya ng puwersang Amerikano at Pilipino ang Zambales noong 26 Enero 1945. Noong 1950,
bilang Kalihim ng Pagtatanggol, kaniyang binuwag ang pamunuan ng mga Hukbalahap. Pinigil niya
ang panganib na binabalak ng Pulahang Komunista at naging napakatanyag sa mamamayan.
Noong eleksiyon ng 1953, tinalo niya si Quirino at naging ikatlong pangulo ng Pangatlong Republika
ng Pilipinas. Ang kanyang pangalawang pangulo ay si Carlos P. Garcia.
Iniligtas ni Pangulong Magsaysay ang demokrasya sa Pilipinas. Ito ang kanyang pinakamahalagang
nagawa. Pinigil niya ang paghihimagsik ng Huk o ng komunista. Si Luis Taruc, Supremo
ng Hukbalahap o ang pinakamataas na lider ng komunista, ay sumuko sa kanya. Kaya si
Magsaysay ay tinawag na "Tagapagligtas ng Demokrasya".
Siya ay tinawag na "Kampeon ng mga Masa" at ang pinakamamahal na Pangulo ng Pilipinas dahil
ibinalik niya ang tiwala ng mga mamamayan sa pamahalaan. Winakasan niya ang korupsiyon sa
pamahalaan at pinatalsik ang mga inkompetenteng heneral.
Nagwakas ang kanyang pamamahala nang mamatay siya dahil sa pagbagsak ng eroplanong
kanyang sinasakyan(Mt. Pinatubo) sa Bundok Manunggal sa Balamban, Cebu noong 17 Marso
1957.

Mga nilalaman

 1Talambuhay
o 1.1Kabataan
o 1.2Ikalawang Digmaang Pandaigdig
o 1.3Kapulungan ng mga Kinatawan
o 1.4Kalihim ng Pagtatanggol sa ilalim ni Elpidio Quirino
o 1.5Pagkapangulo
 1.5.1Ekonomiya
o 1.6Kamatayan
 2Sanggunian
Talambuhay[baguhin | baguhin ang batayan]
Kabataan[baguhin | baguhin ang batayan]

Ramon Magsaysay bago ang 1927

Si Ramon Magsaysay ay ipinanganak sa Iba, Zambales sa panday na si Exequiel Magsaysay at

gurong si Perfecta del Fierro. Siya ay nag-aral sa Zambales Academy sa sekundarya at Unibersidad
ng Pilipinas sa kolehiyo sa kursong pre-inhenyerya. Lumipat siya sa Institute of Commerce sa Jose
Rizal College (1928–1932) at nakapagtapos ng kursong Komersiyo. Nagtrabaho siya bilang tsuper
habang nag-aaral. Siya ay nagtrabaho bilang mekaniko ng Try Tran Bus Company sa Maynila at
kalaunang naging manager nito. Sa opisina ng Try Tran na nakilala niya ang kanyang asawang
si Luz Banzon na kumukuha ng kabayaran para sa kompanya ng bus na ipinagbili ng ama ni
Banzon sa Try Tran. Sila ay ikinasal noong Hunyo 10, 1933.
Ikalawang Digmaang Pandaigdig[baguhin | baguhin ang batayan]
Sa pagsiklab ng Ikalawang Digmaang Pandaigdig, sumali si Magsaysay sa motor pool ng ika-31
Dibisyong impanterya ng Hukbo ng Pilipinas bilang kapitan. Pagkatapos ng pagbagsak ng
Bataan noong 1942, inorganisa niya ang Puwersang Gerilya ng kanluraning Luzon na lumaban sa
mga Hapones. Nanatili siya sa ranggong kapitan nang mapalaya ng mga Amerikano ang Pilipinas
noong 1945 bagaman pinangasiwaan niya ang mga 12,000 katao. Tumanggi siyang itaas ang
kanyang ranggo ngunit ginawa siyang isang major ng mga Amerikano. Sa wakas ng digmaan,
hinirang siyang Militaryong Gobernador ng Zambales noong Pebrero 4, 1945. Pagkatapos ng
dalawang buwan, ang administrasyong panglalawigan ay inilipat sa sibilyang Gobernador.
Kapulungan ng mga Kinatawan[baguhin | baguhin ang batayan]
Noong Abril 23, 1946, si Magsaysay ay nahalal sa Kapulungan ng mga Kinatawan ng
Pilipinas bilang Independiyente. Noong 1948, pinili siya ni Pangulong Manuel Roxas upang pumunta
sa Washington, Estados Unidos bilang Chairman of the Committee on Guerilla Affairs upang
makatulong sa pagpasa ng Rogers Bill na nagbibigay ng mga benepisyo sa mga beteranong Pilipino
sa digmaan. Muli siyang nahalal na kinatawan noong 1948 at naging Chairman ng House National
Defense Committee.
Kalihim ng Pagtatanggol sa ilalim ni Elpidio Quirino[baguhin | baguhin ang
batayan]
Noong Agosto 31, 1950, si Magsaysay ay hinirang ni Pangulong Elpidio Quirino na maging Kalihim
ng Pambansang pagtatanggol matapos alukin ni Magsaysay si Quirino na labanan ang mga
gerilyang komunista gamit ang kanyang mga karanasan sa labanang gerilya noong Digmaan.
Pinaigting ni Magsaysay ang kanyang pakikidigma laban sa mga Hukbalahap na naging isa sa
pinakamatagumpay na kampanyang anti-gerilya sa modernong kasaysayan. Ang tagumpay nito ay
sinasabing sanhi sa isang bahagi ng mga hindi kombensiyonal na pamamaraang ginamit ni
Magsaysay. Ginamit niya ang mga sundalo ng Hukbo ng Pilipinas upang mamahagi ng mga relief
good at iba pang mga tulong sa mga malalayong pook sa probinsiya. Nagtayo ang hukbo ng mga
paaralan, mga ospital, mga bahay pansakahan para sa mga mahihirap na mamamayan. Nag-alok si
Magsaysay ng kapatawaran, paggamot medikal at libreng lupain sa kagubatan ng Mindanao sa
sinumang rebelde na susuko. Habang ang opinyong maganda ng publiko sa hukbo ng Pilipinas ay
tumataas, ang bilang ng Hukbalahap ay bumabagsak. Bago ni Magsaysay, ang mga mamamayan
sa mga mga malalayong pook na rural ay walang tiwala sa mga sundalo ng Hukbo ng Pilipinas,
ngunit sa ilalim ni Magsaysay ay nagsimulang igalang at hangaan ng mga mamamayan ang mga
sundalo. Noong mga 1952, ang karamihan ng mga pinunong rebelde ay nabihag o napatay na.
Noong mga 1953, naniwala si Quirino na ang banta ng Hukbalahap ay nakontrol na at si Magsaysay
ay nagiging labis na makapangyarihan sa politika. Nakatagpo si Magsaysay ng panghihimasok at
panghaharang ng Pangulong Quirino at mga tagapayo nito sa takot na baka matalo sila sa susunod
na halalan ng pagkapangulo. Sa panahong ito ay wala pang intensiyon si Magsaysay na tumakbo
bilang pangulo ngunit hinikayat mula sa ibat ibang panig ng lipunan. Kalaunan siyang nahikayat na
ang pagtakbo sa pagkapangulo ang paraan upang maipagpatuloy ang kanyang pakikipaglaban sa
komunismo. Naniwala si Magsaysay na ang tiwaling administrasyon ni Quirino ang nagsasanhi ng
pagsiklab ng mga gerilyang komunista. Nagbitiw si Magsaysay bilang kalihim ng pagtatanggol ni
Quirino noong Pebrero 28, 1953 at naging kandidato para sa pagkapangulo ng Partido Nacionalista.
Pagkapangulo[baguhin | baguhin ang batayan]

Inaugurasyon nina Ramon Magsaysay at Carlos P. Garcia bilang Pangulo at Ikalawang Pangulo noong
Disyembre 30, 1953, Independence Grandstand (ngayong Quirino Grandstand)

Nanalo si Ramon Magsaysay sa 1953 halalan ng pagkapangulo laban sa nakaupong pangulong

si Elpidio Quirino. Siya ay nanumpa na suot ang Barong Tagalog na kauna-unahang pangulo ng
Pilipinas na gumawa nito. Binuksan niya ang mga bakod ng Malacañáng sa mga ordinaryong
mamamayan.
Buong nilinis ni Magsaysay ang hukbo ng Pilipinas, winakasan ang korupsiyon at pinatalsik ang mga
walang kakayahang heneral. Ang mga espesyal na unit na anti-gerilya ay nilikha laban sa mga
naghihimagsik. Ang susi sa tagumpay ni Magsaysay ang kanyang pakikitungo sa mga ordinaryong
mamamayan. Mahigpit niyang ipinatupad ang disiplina ng mga hukbo sa kanilang pakikitungo sa
mga magsasaka.
Ekonomiya[baguhin | baguhin ang batayan]
Bilang Pangulo, nilinang niya ang malapit na pakikipagugnayang ekonomiko at panseguridad ng
Pilipinas sa Estados Unidos. Ang paglago ng ekonomiya ng Pilipinas ay 7.13 %.
Dahil sa malubhang pagiging hindi pantay ng pamamahagi ng mga lupain at kayamanan sa mga
mahihirap na mamamayan, nagpakilala siya ng mga reporma sa lupain ngunit ang mga ito ay
patuloy na hinaharang mga konserbatibong kasapi ng Kongreso ng Pilipinas na may-ari ng mga
lupain na kumakatawan sa kanilang pansariling interes.
Gayunpaman, nagawang makakuha ni Magsaysay ng mga tirahang lupain para sa mga walang
tahanang magsasaka, nagawang pabagsakin ang presyo ng mga bilihin at nagawang hatiin ang
mga malalaking estadong lupain.
Kamatayan[baguhin | baguhin ang batayan]

Bundok Manunggal na pinagbagsakan ng eroplanong sinasakyan ni Magsaysay.

Libingan ni Magsaysay sa Sementeryo Norte sa Maynila.

Noong Marso 16, 1957, nilisan ni Magsaysay ang Cebu kung saan siya nagsalita sa tatlong mga
institusyon ng edukasyon. Nang kinagabihan ng mga ala una ng madaling araw, sumakay siya sa
eroplano ng pangulo na "Mt. Pinatubo" na isang C-47 pabalik sa Maynila. Nang kinaumagahan nang
Marso 17, ang kanyang eroplano ay iniulat na nawawala. Nang katanghalian, iniulat na ang kanyang
eroplano ay bumagsak sa Bundok Manunggal sa Cebu at ang 26 sa 27 pasahero at crew ay
namatay. Ang tanging nakaligtas ang mamamahayag na si Néstor Mata.
Ang tinatayang 2 milyong katao ay dumalo sa paglilibing kay Magsaysay noong Marso 22, 1957.
Hinalinhan siya ni Pangalawang Pangulo si Carlos Garcia bilang Pangulo.
Si Ramon Del Fierro Magsaysay Sr. ay isinilang noong ikaw 31 ng
Agosto taong 1907. Ang kanyang mga magulang ay sina Perfecta Del
Fierro at si ginoong Exequiel Magsaysay.

Ang kanyang ama ay isang panday at ang kanya namang ina ay isang
guro sa kanilang lugar sa Zambales.

Nag-aral ng elementarya si Ramon sa lungsod ng Castillejos,

Zambales at at nag high school sa Zambales Academy sa San Narciso.

Noong 1927, siya ay pumasok sa Unibersidad ng Pilipinas sa kursong

may kinalaman sa medisina ngunit noong taong 1928 ay lumipat si
Magsaysay sa Jose Rizal College at kung saan ay nagtapos sa kursong
Commerce.

Matapos ang pag-aaral ay nagtrabaho si Magsaysay bilang isang

automobile mechanic sa isang kompanya ng bus na "Try
Transportation"

Noong 1933 ay ikinasal si Magsaysay kay Luz Banzon at sila'y

biniyayaan ng tatlong anak at ito ay sina Teresita, Milagros at Ramon
Magsaysay Jr.
Noong sumiklab ang World War 2 ay sumali si Ramon sa 31st
Infantry Disivion ng Philippine Army at kung saan ay binuo nya ang
Western Luzon Guerrilla Forces upang labanan ang mga hapon.
Noong 1946, sa paghihikayat na rin ng dating mga kasamahan sa
Guerrilla at nahalal si Magsaysay bilang congressman sa ilalim ng
Liberal Party. Taong 1949, muli ay nahalal si Magsaysay sa ikalawang
termino.

Taong 1950 naman ay nahalal siya bilang Secretary of Defense at

naging tagumpay na mapasuko ang grupong Hukbalahap. Tumagal
ang kanyang panunungkulan hanggang 1953 at kalauna'y nagresign at
naging Presidential Candidate laban kay dating pangulong Elpidio
Quirino.

Naging matagumpay ang pagtakbo ni Magsaysay at nang taong ding

iyon ay nanumpa bilang ika pitong presidente ng Pilipinas.

Sa loob ng mahigit tatlong taong panunungkulan ay binuksan ni

Pangulong Magsaysay ang Malacañang sa lahat ng nais magtungo.

Noong December 30, 1957, Pabalik na ng Maynila galing Cebu, Si

Pangulong Ramon Magsaysay at ang tatlumput-anim na kasama nito
ay namatay sa plane crash.
Tinatayang 2 milyong katao ang dumalo sa libing ni Pangulong
Magsaysay.

Ferdinand Marcos
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Jump to navigationJump to search
This article is about a former President of the Philippines. For his son, a politician and former senator
of the Philippines, see Ferdinand Marcos Jr.
In this Philippine name, the middle name or maternal family name is Edralin and the surname or
paternal family name is Marcos.

His Excellency

Ferdinand Marcos
 Marcos in 1982

10th President of the Philippines

In office
December 30, 1965 – February 25, 1986

Prime Minister Himself (1978–1981)

Cesar Virata (1981–1986)

Vice President Fernando López (1965–1972)

Preceded by Diosdado Macapagal

Succeeded by Corazon Aquino

3rd Prime Minister of the Philippines

In office
June 12, 1978 – June 30, 1981

Preceded by Office established

(Position previously held by Jorge B. Vargas as Ministries

 involved)

Succeeded by Cesar Virata

Secretary of National Defense

In office
August 28, 1971 – January 3, 1972

President Himself

Preceded by Juan Ponce Enrile

Succeeded by Juan Ponce Enrile

In office
December 31, 1965 – January 20, 1967

President Himself

Preceded by Macario Peralta

Succeeded by Ernesto Mata

11th President of the Senate of the Philippines

In office
April 5, 1963 – December 30, 1965

President Diosdado Macapagal

Preceded by Eulogio Rodriguez

Succeeded by Arturo Tolentino

Senator of the Philippines

 In office
December 30, 1959 – December 30, 1965

Member of the Philippine House of Representatives from Ilocos

Norte's 2nd District

In office
December 30, 1949 – December 30, 1959

Preceded by Pedro Albano

Succeeded by Simeon M. Valdez

Personal details

Born Ferdinand Emmanuel Edralin Marcos

September 11, 1917

Sarrat, Ilocos Norte, Philippine Islands

Died September 28, 1989 (aged 72)

Honolulu, Hawaii, U.S.

Resting place Ferdinand E. Marcos Presidential Center, Batac,

Ilocos Norte

(1993–2016)

Heroes' Cemetery, Taguig, Metro Manila

(since November 18, 2016)

Political party Kilusang Bagong Lipunan(1978–1989)

Other political Liberal Party (1946–1965)

affiliations Nacionalista Party (1965–1978)

Imelda Romuáldez (m. 1954)

Spouse(s)
  Imee
Children
 Bongbong

 Irene

 Aimee (adopted)

Alma mater University of the Philippines

Profession  Lawyer

 Jurist

 Politician

Signature

Military service

Allegiance Philippines / United States[a]

Rank First lieutenant

Major

Unit 21st Infantry Division (USAFFE)

14th Infantry Regiment (USAFIP-NL)

Battles/wars World War II

This article is part of a series

about
Ferdinand Marcos

 Early Life
 Family
 Legacy
 Prime Minister
 1965 Philippine presidential election

President of the Philippines

First Term
  1965 Philippine presidential election
 1st Inauguration
 Presidency
 Communist insurgency
 Moro conflict

Second Term

 1969 Philippine presidential election

 2nd Inauguration
 First Quarter Storm
 Plaza Miranda bombing
 Vietnam War

Martial Law

 Proclamation No. 1081

 Martial law under Ferdinand Marcos
 Human rights
 Escalante Massacre
 Chico River Dam Project
 Bataan Nuclear Power Plant

Third Term

 Presidential election and referendum, 1981

 Assassination of Benigno Aquino, Jr.
 People Power Revolution
 1986 Philippine presidential election

 Order of Sikatuna (Only two of the supposed 33 Marcos awards - the

Gold Cross and the Distinguished Service Star - were given during
the Second World War, and both had been contested by Marcos'
superiors.)[1]
  v
 t
 e

Ferdinand Emmanuel Edralin Marcos Sr. (/ˈmɑːrkɔːs/,[2] September 11, 1917 – September 28,
1989) was a Filipino politician and kleptocrat[3][4][5][6][7][8][9] who was the tenth President of the
Philippines from 1965 to 1986.[10] A leading member of the New Society Movement, he ruled as
a dictator[4][11][12][13] under martial law from 1972 until 1981.[14] His regime was infamous for its
corruption,[15][16][17][18] extravagance,[19][20][21] and brutality.[22][23][24]
Marcos claimed an active part in World War II, including fighting alongside the Americans in
the Bataan Death March and being the "most decorated war hero in the Philippines".[25] A number of
his claims were found to be false[26][27][28][29][30] and the United States Army documents described
Marcos's wartime claims as "fraudulent" and "absurd".[31]
Marcos started as an attorney, then served in the Philippine House of Representatives from 1949 to
1959 and the Philippine Senatefrom 1959 to 1965. He was elected President in 1965, and presided
over a growing economy during the beginning and intermediate portion of his 20-year rule,[32] but
ended in loss of livelihood, extreme poverty, and a crushing debt crisis.[33][34][35] Marcos placed the
Philippines under martial law on September 23, 1972,[36][37][38] during which he revamped the
constitution, silenced the media,[39] and used violence and oppression[24] against the political
opposition,[40] Muslims, communists,[41] and ordinary citizens.[42] Martial law was ratified by 90.77% of
the voters during the Philippine Martial Law referendum, 1973 though the referendum was marred
with controversy.[43][44]
After being elected for a third term in the 1981 Philippine presidential election, Marcos's popularity
suffered greatly due to public outrage of the assassination of Benigno Aquino Jr. in 1983. The
assassination, along with economic collapse, revitalized the opposition, resulting in them securing a
better than expected victory in the 1984 Philippine parliamentary election. Both of these factors
alongside growing discontent and the discovery of documents exposing his finances and falsified
war records, led him to call the snap elections of 1986. Allegations of mass cheating, political
turmoil, and human rights abuses led to the People Power Revolution in February 1986, which
removed him from power.[45] To avoid what could have been a military confrontation in Manila
between pro- and anti-Marcos troops, Marcos was advised by US President Ronald Reagan through
Senator Paul Laxalt to "cut and cut cleanly",[46] after which Marcos fled to Hawaii.[47] Marcos was
succeeded by Corazon "Cory" Aquino, widow of the assassinated opposition leader Senator Benigno
"Ninoy" Aquino Jr. who had flown back to the Philippines to face Marcos.[45][48][49][50]
According to source documents provided by the Presidential Commission on Good
Government (PCGG),[51][52][53] the Marcos family stole US$5–10 billion.[54] The PCGG also maintained
that the Marcos family enjoyed a decadent lifestyle, taking away billions of dollars[51][53] from the
Philippines[55][56] between 1965 and 1986. His wife Imelda Marcos, whose excesses during the
couple's conjugal dictatorship[57][58][59] made her infamous in her own right, spawned the term
"Imeldific".[22][60][61][62] Two of their children, Imee Marcos and Ferdinand "Bongbong" Marcos Jr., are
still active in Philippine politics

Early life[edit]
Ferdinand Emmanuel Edralin Marcos was born on September 11, 1917 in the town of Sarrat, Ilocos
Norte to Mariano Marcos (1897–1945) and Josefa Edralin (1893–1988).[63]
Parents[edit]
Main article: Marcos family

Mariano Marcos was a lawyer and congressman from Ilocos Norte, Philippines.[64] He was killed in
the waning days of World War II.[65][66]
Josefa Marcos was a schoolteacher who would far outlive her husband—dying in 1988, two years
after the Marcos family left her in Malacañang Palace when they fled into exile after the 1986 People
Power Revolution.[67]

Baptism[edit]
Ferdinand was baptized into the Philippine Independent Church,[68] but was baptized in the Roman
Catholic Church at the age of three.[according to whom?]

Education[edit]
Marcos studied law at the University of the Philippines in Manila, attending the College of Law. He
excelled in both curricular and extra-curricular activities, becoming a valuable[editorializing] member of the
university's swimming, boxing, and wrestling teams. He was also an accomplished and
prolific[editorializing] orator, debater, and writer for the student newspaper. While attending the UP College
of Law, he became a member of the Upsilon Sigma Phi, where he met his future colleagues in
government and some of his staunchest critics.[69][70]
When he sat for the 1939 Bar Examinations, he was the bar topnotcher (top scorer),[clarification needed] with
a near-perfect[peacock term] score of 98.8%, but allegations of cheating prompted the Philippine Supreme
Court to re-calibrate his score to 92.35%.[71] He graduated cum laude.[citation needed] He was elected to
the Pi Gamma Mu and the Phi Kappa Phiinternational honor societies, the latter giving him its Most
Distinguished Member Award 37 years later.[72]

The murder of Julio Nalundasan[edit]

Main article: Julio Nalundasan

In December 1938, Ferdinand Marcos was prosecuted for the murder of Julio Nalundasan. He was
not the only accused from the Marcos clan; also accused was his father, Mariano, his brother, Pio,
and his brother-in-law Quirino Lizardo. Nalundasan, one of the elder Marcos's political rivals, had
been shot and killed in his house in Batac on September 21, 1935 – the day after he had defeated
Mariano Marcos a second time for a seat in the National Assembly.[73] According to two witnesses,
the four had conspired to assassinate Nalundasan, with Ferdinand Marcos eventually pulling the
trigger. In late January 1939, they were finally denied bail[74] and later in the year, they were
convicted. Ferdinand and Lizardo received the death penalty for premeditated murder, while Mariano
and Pio were found guilty of contempt of court. The Marcos family took their appeal to the Supreme
Court of the Philippines, which overturned the lower court's decision on 22 October 1940, acquitting
them of all charges except contempt.[75]

Military service during World War II[edit]

Main article: Military career of Ferdinand Marcos

Marcos's military service during World War II has been the subject of debate and controversy, both
in the Philippines and in international military circles.[76]
Marcos, who had received ROTC training, was activated for service in the US Armed Forces in the
Philippines (USAFIP) after the attack on Pearl Harbor. He served as a 3rd lieutenant during the
mobilization in the summer and fall of 1941, continuing until April 1942, after which he was taken
prisoner.[77] According to Marcos's account, he was released from prison by the Japanese on August
4, 1942,[77] and US Military records show that he rejoined USAFIP forces in December
1944.[77] Marcos's Military service then formally ended with his discharge as a Major in the 14th
Infantry, US Armed Forces in the Philippines Northern Luzon, in May 1945.[78]
Controversies regarding Marcos's military service revolve around: the reason for his release from the
Japanese POW camp;[77] his actions between release from prison in August 1942 and return to the
USAFIP in December 1944;[77] his supposed rank upon discharge from USAFIP;[78] and his claims to
being the recipient of numerous military decorations, most of which were proven to be fraudulent.[76]
Documents uncovered by the Washington Post in 1986 suggested that Marcos's release in August
1942 happened because his father, former congressman and provincial governor Mariano Marcos,
"cooperated with the Japanese military authorities" as publicist.[77]
After his release, Marcos claims that he spent much of the period between his August 1942 release
and his December 1944 return to USAFIP[77] as the leader of a guerilla organization called Ang Mga
Mahárlika (Tagalog, "The Freemen") in Northern Luzon.[79] According to Marcos's claim, this force
had a strength of 9,000 men.[79] His account of events was later cast into doubt after a United States
military investigation exposed many of his claims as either false or inaccurate.[80]
Another controversy arose in 1947, when Marcos began signing communications with the rank of Lt.
Col., instead of Major.[78] This prompted US officials to note that Marcos was only "recognized as a
major in the roster of the 14th Infantry USAFIP, NL as of 12 December 1944 to his date of
discharge."[78]
The biggest controversy arising from Marcos's service during World War II, however, would concern
his claims during the 1962 Senatorial Campaign of being "most decorated war hero of the
Philippines"[76] He claimed to have been the recipient of 33 war medals and decorations, including
the Distinguished Service Cross and the Medal of Honor, but researchers later found that stories
about the wartime exploits of Marcos were mostly propaganda, being inaccurate or untrue.[81] Only
two of the supposed 33 awards – the Gold Cross and the Distinguished Service Star – were given
during the war, and both had been contested by Marcos's superiors.[81]

House of Representatives (1949–1959)[edit]

This section needs
expansion. You can help
by adding to it. (July 2018)

After the surrender of the Japanese and the end of World War II, the American government became
preoccupied with setting up the Marshall Plan to revive the economies of the western hemisphere,
and quickly backtracked from its interests in the Philippines, granting the islands independence on
July 4, 1946.[82][83] Marcos ran for his father's old post as house representative of the 2nd district of
Ilocos Norte and won three consecutive terms, serving in the house from 1949 to 1959.[84]
Marcos joined the "Liberal Wing" that split from the Nacionalista Party, which eventually became
the Liberal Party. He eventually became the Liberal Party's spokesman on economic matters, and
was made chairman of the House Neophytes Bloc which included future President Diosdado
Macapagal, future Vice President Emmanuel Pelaez and future Manila Mayor Arsenio Lacson.[84]
Marcos became chairman of the House Committee on Commerce and Industry and a member of the
House Committees on Defense, Ways and Means; Industry; Banks Currency; War Veterans; Civil
Service; and on Corporations and Economic Planning. He was also a member of the Special
Committee on Import and Price Controls and the Special Committee on Reparations, and of the
House Electoral Tribunal.[84]
Philippine Senate (1959–1965)[edit]
This section needs
expansion. You can help
by adding to it. (July 2018)

After he served as member of the House of Representatives for three terms, Marcos won his senate
seat in the elections in 1959 and became the Senate minority floor leader in 1960. He became the
executive vice president of the Liberal Party in and served as the party president from 1961 to 1964.

Senate Presidency[edit]
From 1963 to 1965, he became the Senate President. Thus far, he is the last Senate President to
become President of the Philippines. He introduced a number of significant bills, many of which
found their way into the Republic statute books.[84]

Presidency[edit]
Presidential styles of
Ferdinand E. Marcos

Reference style His Excellency

Spoken style Your Excellency

Alternative style Mr. President

Further information: Timeline of the Marcos Dictatorship

Ferdinand Marcos was inaugurated to his first term as the tenth President of the Philippines on 30
December 1965, after winning the Philippine presidential election of 1965 against the incumbent
President, Diosdado Macapagal. His inauguration marked the beginning of his two-decade long stay
in power, even though the 1935 Philippine Constitution had set a limit of only two four-year terms of
office.
Before Marcos's presidency, the Philippines was the second largest economy in Asia, behind only
Japan.[85] He pursued an aggressive program of infrastructure development funded by foreign
loans,[85] making him very popular throughout almost all of his first term and eventually making him
the first and only President of the Third Philippine Republic to win a second term, although it would
also trigger an inflationary crisis which would lead to social unrest in his second term, and would
eventually lead to his declaration of martial law in 1972.[86][87]
On the evening of September 23, 1972, President Ferdinand Marcos announced that he had placed
the entirety of the Philippines under martial law.[88] This marked the beginning of a 14-year period of
one man rule which would effectively last until Marcos was exiled from the country on February 25,
1986. Even though the formal document proclaiming martial law - Proclamation No. 1081 - was
formally lifted on January 17, 1981, Marcos retained virtually all of his powers as dictator until he
was ousted by the EDSA Revolution.[88]

First term (1966–1969)[edit]

Main article: First term of the presidency of Ferdinand Marcos

Presidential campaign[edit]
Main article: 1965 Philippine presidential election

Ferdinand Marcos is sworn into his first term on December 30, 1965.

Marcos ran a populist campaign emphasizing that he was a bemedalled war hero emerging
from World War II. In 1962, Marcos would claim to be the most decorated war hero of the
Philippines by garnering almost every medal and decoration that the Filipino and American
governments could give to a soldier.[89] Included in his claim of 27 war medals and decorations are
that of the Distinguished Service Crossand the Medal of Honor.[89][90] According to Primitivo Mijares,
author of the book The Conjugal Dictatorship of Ferdinand Marcos and Imelda Marcos,[91] the
opposition Liberal Party would later confirm that many of his war medals were only acquired in 1962
to aid in his reelection campaign for the Senate, not for his presidential campaign.[92] Marcos won the
presidency in 1965.[93]

Expansion of the Philippine Military[edit]

The leaders of some of the SEATOnations in front of the Congress Building in Manila, hosted by Marcos on 24
October 1966

One of Marcos's earliest initiatives upon becoming president was to significantly expand the
Philippine Military. In an unprecedented move, Marcos chose to concurrently serve as his own
Defense Secretary, allowing him to have a direct hand in running the Military.[10] He also significantly
increased the budget of the armed forces, tapping them in civil projects such as the construction of
schools. Generals loyal to Marcos were allowed to stay in their positions past their retirement age, or
were rewarded with civilian government posts, leading Senator Benigno S. Aquino Jr. to accuse
Marcos in 1968 of trying to establish "a garrison state."[94]

Vietnam War[edit]
Under intense pressure from the administration of Lyndon B. Johnson,[95] Marcos reversed his pre-
presidency position of not sending Philippine forces to Vietnam War,[96] and consented to a limited
involvement,[97] asking Congress to approve sending a combat engineer unit. Despite opposition to
the new plan, the Marcos government gained Congressional approval and Philippine troops were
sent from the middle of 1966 as the Philippines Civic Action Group (PHILCAG). PHILCAG reached a
strength of some 1,600 troops in 1968 and between 1966 and 1970 over 10,000 Filipino soldiers
served in South Vietnam, mainly being involved in civilian infrastructure projects.[98][unreliable source?]

Marcos with Japanese Emperor Hirohito in 1966

Loans for Infrastructure Development[edit]

See also: edifice complex

With an eye towards becoming the first president of the third republic to be reelected to a second
term, Marcos began taking up massive foreign loans to fund the "rice, roads, and schoolbuildings" he
promised in his reelection campaign. With tax revenues unable to fund his administration's 70%
increase in infrastructure spending from 1966-1970, Marcos began tapping foreign loans. creating a
budget deficit 72% higher than the Philippine government's annual deficit from 1961-1965.[10]
This began a pattern of loan-funded spending which the Marcos administration would continue until
the Marcoses were deposed in 1986, resulting in economic instability still being felt today, and of
debts that experts say the Philippines will have to keep paying well into 2025.[10]The grandest
infrastructure projects of Marcos's first term, especially the Cultural Center of the
Philippines complex, also marked the beginning of what critics would call Marcos couple's Edifice
complex, with grand public infrastructures projects prioritized for public funding because of their
propaganda value.[99]

1969 Presidential Campaign[edit]

Main article: Ferdinand Marcos presidential campaign, 1969

Ferdinand Marcos's campaign for a second term formally began with his nomination as the
presidential candidate of the Nacionalista Party at its July 1969 general meeting. A meeting of the
party's ruling junta had met a week earlier to assure that the nomination would be
unanimous.[100] Under the 1935 Constitution of the Philippines which was in force at the time, Marcos
was supposed to be allowed a maximum of two four year terms as President.[10]
During the 1969 campaign, Marcos launched USD50 million worth in infrastructure projects in an
effort to curry favor with the electorate.[101] This rapid campaign spending was so massive that it
would be responsible for the Balance of Payments Crisis of 1970, whose inflationary effect would
cause social unrest leading all the way up to the proclamation of Martial Law in 1972.[86][87] Marcos
was reported to have spent PhP 100 for every PhP 1 that Osmena spent, using up PhP 24 Million in
Cebu alone.[102]
With his popularity already beefed up by debt-funded spending, Marcos's popularity made it very
likely that he would win the election, but he decided, as National Artist for Literature Nick
Joaquin reported in the Philippines Free Press, to "leave nothing to chance."[100] Time and Newsweek
would eventually call the 1969 election the "dirtiest, most violent and most corrupt" in Philippine
modern history, with the term "Three Gs", meaning "guns, goons, and gold"[103][104] coined[105] to
describe administration's election tactics of vote-buying, terrorism and ballot snatching.[102]

Second term (1969–1972)[edit]

Main article: Second term of the presidency of Ferdinand Marcos

See also: 1969 Philippine presidential election

Ferdinand Marcos takes the Oath of Office for a second term before Chief Justice Roberto Concepcion on
December 30, 1969

Presidential elections were held on November 11, 1969 and Marcos was reelected for a second
term. He was the first and last Filipino president to win a second full term.[106][107][108][109] His running
mate, incumbent Vice President Fernando Lopez was also elected to a third full term as Vice
President of the Philippines.

Inflation and social unrest[edit]

Marcos won the November 1969 election by a landslide, and was inaugurated on December 30 of
that year. But Marcos's massive spending during the 1969 presidential campaign had taken its toll
and triggered growing public unrest.[110] During the campaign, Marcos had spent $50 Million Dollars
worth in debt-funded infrastructure, triggering a Balance of Payments crisis.[111] The Marcos
administration ran to the International Monetary Fund (IMF) for help, and the IMF offered a debt
restructuring deal. New policies, including a greater emphasis on exports and the relaxation of
controls of the peso, were put in place. The Peso was allowed to float to a lower market value,
resulting in drastic inflation, and social unrest.[110]
Marcos's spending during the campaign led to opposition figures such as Senator Lorenzo Tañada,
Senator Jovito Salonga, and Senator Jose Diokno to accuse Marcos of wanting to stay in power
even beyond the two term maximum set for the presidency by the 1935 constitution.[110]
"Moderate" and "radical" opposition[edit]
The media reports of the time classified the various civil society groups opposing Marcos into two
categories.[112][113] The "Moderates", which included church groups, civil libertarians, and nationalist
politicians, were those who wanted to create change through political reforms.[112] The "radicals",
including a number of labor and student groups, wanted broader, more systemic political
reforms.[112][114]
The "moderate" opposition[edit]
See also: Movement of Concerned Citizens for Civil Liberties

With the Constitutional Convention occupying their attention from 1971 to 1973, statesmen and
politicians opposed to the increasingly more-authoritarian administration of Ferdinand Marcos mostly
focused their efforts on political efforts from within the halls of power.[10] This notably included the
National Union of Students in the Philippines,[114] and later the Movement of Concerned Citizens for
Civil Liberties or MCCCL, led by Senator Jose W. Diokno.[113] The MCCCL's rallies are particularly
remembered for their diversity, attracting participants from both the moderate and radical camps;
and for their scale, with the biggest one attended by as many as 50,000 people.[113]
The "radical" opposition[edit]
Main article: Communist Party of the Philippines

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Around 1970, student activism was raging and many student activists joined the ranks of the
communists. Kabataang Makabayan (Patriotic Youth, or 'KM') a political organization founded
by Jose Maria Sison intended to be a nationwide extension of the Student Cultural Association of the
University of the Philippines,[115][116] carried out study sessions on Marxism–Leninism and intensified
the deployment of urban activists in rural areas to prepare for People's war.[117][118] The line between
leftist activists and communists became increasingly blurred, as a significant number of KM
advanced activists joined the party of the Communist Party also founded by Jose Maria Sison.[117]
During the campaign period for the 1969 elections, students called promoted a mock campaign
called the Dante-for-President movement, likely referring to New People's Armyfounder Bernabe
'Kumander Dante' Buscayno.[119]
In Marcos's diary,[120][non-primary source needed][121][non-primary source needed] he wrote that the whole crisis has been utilized
by communism to create a revolutionary situation. He lamented that the powerful Lopez family
blamed him in their newspapers for the riots thus raising the ire of demonstrators. He mentioned that
he was informed by his mother of a planned assassination paid for by the powerful oligarch, Eugenio
Lopez Sr. (Iñing Lopez). He narrated how he dissuaded his supporters from the Northern Philippines
in infiltrating the demonstration in Manila and inflicting harm on the protesters, and how he showed
to the UP professors that the Collegian was carrying the communist party articles and that he was
disappointed in the faculty of his alma mater for becoming a spawning ground of communism. He
also added that he asked Ernesto Rufino, Vicente Rufino, and Carlos Palancato withdraw
advertisements from The Manila Times which was openly supporting revolution and the communist
cause, and they agreed to do so.

First Quarter Storm[edit]

 This section relies too much on references to primary
sources. Please improve this section by adding secondary or tertiary
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Main article: First Quarter Storm

By the time Marcos gave the first State of the Nation Address of his second term on January 26,
1970, the unrest born from the 1969-1970 Balance of Payments Crisis exploded into a series
of demonstrations, protests, and marches against the government. Student groups - some moderate
and some radical - served as the driving force of the protests, which lasted until the end of the
university semester in March 1970, and would come to be known as the "First Quarter Storm".[122][110]
During Marcos's January 26, 1970 State of the Nation Address, the moderate National Union of
Students of the Philippines organized a protested in front of Congress, and invited student groups
both moderate and radical to join them. Some of the students participating in the protest harangued
Marcos as he and his wife Imelda as they left the Congress building, throwing a coffin, a stuffed
alligator, and stones at them.[123]
The next major protest took place on January 30, in front of the presidential palace,[124] where
activists rammed the gate with a fire truck and once the gate broke and gave way, the activists
charged into the Palace grounds tossing rocks, pillboxes, Molotov cocktails. At least two activists
were confirmed dead and several were injured by the police.
The mayor of Manila at the time, Antonio Villegas, commended the Manila Police District for their
"exemplary behavior and courage" and protecting the First Couple long after they have left. The
death of the activists was seized on by The Manila Times and the Manila Chronicle, both of which
were controlled by Fernando Lopez's family. These newspapers blamed Marcos for the deaths and
added fire to the weekly protests.[121][non-primary source needed]
On February 18, protesters vandalized and set fire to the U.S. embassy lobby, resulting in a strong
protest from the U.S. Ambassador.[117][119][120][non-primary source needed]
The KM protests ranged from 50,000 to 100,000 in number per weekly mass action.[117] Students had
declared a week-long boycott of classes and instead met to organize protest rallies.[119]

Constitutional Convention of 1971[edit]

Main article: Philippine Constitutional Convention of 1971

Expressing opposition to the Marcos's policies and citing rising discontent over wide inequalities in
society,[10] critics of Marcos began campaigning in 1967 to initiate a constitutional convention which
would revise change the 1935 Constitution of the Philippines.[125] On March 16 of that year, the
Philippine Congress constituted itself into a Constituent Assembly and passed Resolution No. 2,
which called for a Constitutional Convention to change the 1935 Constitution.[126]
Marcos surprised his critics by endorsing the move, but historians later noted that the resulting
Constitutional Convention would lay the foundation for the legal justifications Marcos would use to
extend his term past the two four-year terms allowable under the 1935 Constitution.[10]
A special election was held on November 10, 1970 to elect the delegates of the
convention.[10](p"130") Once the winners had been determined, the convention was convened on June 1,
1971 at the newly completed Quezon City Hall.[127] A total of 320 delegates were elected to the
convention, the most prominent being former Senators Raul Manglapus and Roseller T. Lim. Other
delegates would become influential political figures, including Hilario Davide, Jr., Marcelo
Fernan, Sotero Laurel, Aquilino Pimentel, Jr., Teofisto Guingona, Jr., Raul Roco, Edgardo
Angara, Richard Gordon, Margarito Teves, and Federico Dela Plana.[10][128]
By 1972 the convention had already been bogged down by politicking and delays, when its credibility
took a severe blow in May 1972 when a delegate exposed a bribery scheme in which delegates
were paid to vote in favor of the Marcoses – with First Lady Imelda Marcos herself implicated in the
alleged payola scheme.[10](p"133")[129]
The investigation on the scheme was effectively shelved when Marcos declared martial law in
September 1972, and had 11 opposition delegates arrested. The remaining opposition delegates
were forced to go either into exile or hiding. Within two months, an entirely new draft of the
constitution was created from scratch by a special committee.[130] The 1973 constitutional
plebiscite was called to ratify the new constitution, but the validity of the ratification was brought to
question because Marcos replaced the method of voting through secret ballot with a system of viva
voce voting by "citizen's assemblies".[131](p213) The ratification of the constitution was challenged in
what came to be known as the Ratification Cases.[132][133]

Early growth of the CPP New People's Army[edit]

On December 29, 1970, Philippine Military Academy instructor Lt Victor Corpuz led New People's
Army rebels in a raid on the PMA armory, capturing rifles, machine guns, grenade launchers, a
bazooka and thousands of rounds of ammunition in 1970.[134] In 1972, China, which was then actively
supporting and arming communist insurgencies in Asia as part of Mao Zedong's People's War
Doctrine, transported 1,200 M-14 and AK-47 rifles[135] for the NPA to speed up NPA's campaign to
defeat the government.[136][137]

Rumored coup d'état and assassination plot[edit]

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Rumors of coup d'état were also brewing. A report of the U.S. Senate Foreign Relations Committee
said that shortly after the 1969 Philippine presidential election, a group composed mostly of retired
colonels and generals organized a revolutionary junta with the aim of first discrediting President
Marcos and then killing him. The group was headed by Eleuterio Adevoso, an official of the
opposition Liberal Party. As described in a document given to the committee by a Philippine
Government official, key figures in the plot were Vice President Fernando Lopez and Sergio Osmena
Jr., whom Marcos defeated in the 1969 election.[138] Marcos even went to the U.S. embassy to dispel
rumors, spread by the Liberal Party, that the U.S. supported a coup d'état.[121][non-primary source needed]
While a report obtained by The New York Times speculated that rumors of a coup could be used by
Marcos to justify martial law, as early as December 1969 in a message from the U.S. Ambassador to
the U.S. Assistant Secretary of State, the ambassador said that most of the talk about revolution and
even assassination has been coming from the defeated opposition, of which Adevoso is a leading
activist. He also said that the information he has on the assassination plans are 'hard' or well-
sourced and he has to make sure that it reaches President Marcos.[139][140]
In light of the crisis, Marcos wrote an entry in his diary in January 1970:[121][non-primary source needed] "I have
several options. One of them is to abort the subversive plan now by the sudden arrest of the plotters.
But this would not be accepted by the people. Nor could we get the Huks (Communists), their legal
cadres and support. Nor the MIM (Maoist International Movement) and other subversive [or front]
organizations, nor those underground. We could allow the situation to develop naturally then after
massive terrorism, wanton killings and an attempt at my assassination and a coup d'etat, then
declare martial law or suspend the privilege of the writ of habeas corpus – and arrest all including
the legal cadres. Right now I am inclined towards the latter."
Plaza Miranda bombing[edit]
According to interviews by The Washington Post with unnamed former Communist Party of the
Philippines Officials "the (Communist) party leadership planned – and three operatives carried out –
the (Plaza Miranda) attack in an attempt to provoke government repression and push the country to
the brink of revolution... (Communist Party Leader) Sison had calculated that Marcos could be
provoked into cracking down on his opponents, thereby driving thousands of political activists into
the underground, the anonymous former officials said. Recruits were urgently needed, they said, to
make use of a large influx of weapons and financial aid that China had already agreed to
provide."[141] José María Sison continues to deny these claims,[142] and the CPP has never released
any official confirmation of their culpability in the incident. Marcos and his allies claimed that Benigno
Aquino Jr. was part of the plot, which is generally regarded as absurd given that Aquino was pro-
American and pro-capitalist.[143][144]
Most historians continue to hold Marcos responsible for the Plaza Miranda bombing as he is known
to have used false flag operations as a pretext for martial law.[145][146] There were a series of deadly
bombings in 1971, and the CIA privately stated that Marcos was responsible for at least one of them.
The agency was also almost certain that none of the bombings were perpetrated by Communists.
US intelligence documents declassified in the 1990s contained further evidence implicating Marcos,
provided by a CIA mole within the Philippine army.[147]
Another false flag attack took place with the attempted assassination of Defense Minister Juan
Ponce Enrile in 1972. President Nixon approved Marcos's martial law initiative immediately
afterwards.[147]

Ferdinand Marcos with U.S. Secretary of State George Shultz, 1982.

1971 Suspension of the Writ of Habeas Corpus[edit]

As a response to the Plaza Miranda bombing, Marcos issued Proclamation No. 889, through which
he assumed emergency powers and suspended the writ of habeas corpus - an act which would later
be seen as a prelude to the declaration of Martial Law more than a year later.[144]
Marcos's suspension of the writ became the event that forced many members of the moderate
opposition, including figures like Edgar Jopson, to join the ranks of the radicals. In the aftermath of
the bombing, Marcos lumped all of the opposition together and referred to them as communists, and
many former moderates fled to the mountain encampments of the radical opposition to avoid being
arrested by Marcos's forces. Those who became disenchanted with the excesses of the Marcos
administration and wanted to join the opposition after 1971 often joined the ranks of the radicals,
simply because they represented the only group vocally offering opposition to the Marcos
government.[148][149]

1972 Manila bombings[edit]

Plaza Miranda was soon followed by a series of about twenty explosions which took place in various
locations in Metro Manila in the months immediately proceeding Ferdinand Marcos's proclamation of
Martial Law.[150] The first of these bombings took place on March 15, 1972, and the last took place on
September 11, 1972 - twelve days before martial law was announced on September 23 of that year.
The Marcos regime officially attributed the explosions communist "urban guerillas",[150] and Marcos
included them in the list of "inciting events" which served as rationalizations for his declaration of
Martial Law.[151] Marcos's political opposition at the time questioned the attribution of the explosions
to the communists, noting that the only suspects caught in connection to the explosions were linked
to the Philippine Constabulary.[151]
The sites of the 1972 Manila bombings included the Palace Theater and Joe's Department Store on
Carriedo Street, both in Manila; the offices of the Philippine Long Distance Telephone
Company (PLDT), Filipinas Orient Airways, and Philippine American Life and General Insurance
Company (PhilamLife); the Cubao branch of the Philippine Trust Company (now known as PhilTrust
Bank); the Senate Publication Division and the Philippine Sugar Institute in Quezon City, and the
South Vietnamese embassy.[150]
However, only one of these incidents - the one in the Carriedo shopping mall - went beyond damage
to property; one woman was killed and about 40 persons were injured.[151]

Martial Law (1972–1981)[edit]

Main article: Martial law under Ferdinand Marcos

September 24, 1972 issue of the Sunday edition of the Philippine Daily Express

Proclamation 1081[edit]
Marcos's declaration of martial law became known to the public on September 23, 1972 when his
Press Secretary, Francisco Tatad, announced through the radio[36][37][38] that Proclamation № 1081,
which Marcos had supposedly signed two days earlier on September 21, had come into force and
would extend Marcos's rule beyond the constitutional two-term limit.[152] Ruling by decree, he almost
dissolved press freedom and other civil liberties to add propaganda machine, closed down Congress
and media establishments, and ordered the arrest of opposition leaders and militant activists,
including senators Benigno Aquino Jr., Jovito Salonga and Jose Diokno.[153][154] However, unlike Ninoy
Aquino's Senate colleagues who were detained without charges, Ninoy, together with communist
NPA leaders Lt. Corpuz and Bernabe Buscayno, was charged with murder, illegal possession of
firearms and subversion.[155] Marcos claimed that martial law was the prelude to creating his Bagong
Lipunan, a "New Society" based on new social and political values.

Bagong Lipunan (New Society)[edit]

Marcos had a vision of a Bagong Lipunan (New Society) similar to Indonesian president Suharto's
"New Order administration", China leader Mao Zedong's Great Leap Forward and Korean Kim Il-
Sung's Juche. He used the years of martial law to implement this vision. According to Marcos's
book Notes on the New Society, it was a movement urging the poor and the privileged to work as
one for the common goals of society and to achieve the liberation of the Filipino people through self-
realization. [citation needed]
University of the Philippines Diliman economics professor and former NEDA Director-General Dr.
Gerardo Sicat,[156] an MIT Ph.D. graduate, portrayed some of Martial Law's effects as follows:[157]
Economic reforms suddenly became possible under martial law. The powerful opponents of reform
were silenced and the organized opposition was also quilted. In the past, it took enormous wrangling
and preliminary stage-managing of political forces before a piece of economic reform legislation
could even pass through Congress. Now it was possible to have the needed changes undertaken
through presidential decree. Marcos wanted to deliver major changes in an economic policy that the
government had tried to propose earlier.
The enormous shift in the mood of the nation showed from within the government after martial law
was imposed. The testimonies of officials of private chambers of commerce and of private
businessmen dictated enormous support for what was happening. At least, the objectives of the
development were now being achieved...[158]

Japanese imperial army soldier Hiroo Onoda offering his military sword to Marcos on the day of his surrender
on March 11, 1974

The Marcos regime instituted a mandatory youth organization, known as the Kabataang Barangay,
which was led by Marcos's eldest daughter Imee. Presidential Decree 684, enacted in April 1975,
required that all youths aged 15 to 18 be sent to remote rural camps and do volunteer work.[159][160]

1973 Martial Law Referendum[edit]

Martial Law was put on vote in July 1973 in the 1973 Philippine Martial Law referendum and was
marred with controversy[43][44] resulting to 90.77% voting yes and 9.23% voting no.

Rolex 12 and the military[edit]

Along with Marcos, members of his Rolex 12 circle like Defense Minister Juan Ponce Enrile, Chief of
Staff of the Philippine Constabulary Fidel Ramos, and Chief of Staff of the Armed Forces of the
Philippines Fabian Ver were the chief administrators of martial law from 1972 to 1981, and the three
remained President Marcos's closest advisers until he was ousted in 1986. Other peripheral
members of the Rolex 12included Eduardo "Danding" Cojuangco Jr. and Lucio Tan.
Between 1972 and 1976, Marcos increased the size of the Philippine military from 65,000 to 270,000
personnel, in response to the fall of South Vietnam to the communists and the growing tide of
communism in South East Asia. Military officers were placed on the boards of a variety of media
corporations, public utilities, development projects, and other private corporations, most of whom
were highly educated and well-trained graduates of the Philippine Military Academy. At the same
time, Marcos made efforts to foster the growth of a domestic weapons manufacturing industry and
heavily increased military spending.[161]
Many human rights abuses were attributed to the Philippine Constabulary which was then headed by
future president Fidel Ramos. The Civilian Home Defense Force, a precursor of Civilian Armed
Forces Geographical Unit (CAFGU), was organized by President Marcos to battle with the
communist and Islamic insurgency problem, has particularly been accused of notoriously inflicting
human right violations on leftists, the NPA, Muslim insurgents, and rebels against the Marcos
government.[41] However, under martial law the Marcos administration was able to reduce violent
urban crime, collect unregistered firearms, and suppress communist insurgency in some areas.[162]

U.S. foreign policy and martial law under Marcos[edit]

By 1977, the armed forces had quadrupled and over 60,000 Filipinos had been arrested for political
reasons. In 1981, Vice President George H. W. Bush praised Marcos for his "adherence to
democratic principles and to the democratic processes".[b] No American military or politician in the
1970s ever publicly questioned the authority of Marcos to help fight communism in South East Asia.
From the declaration of martial law in 1972 until 1983, the U.S. government provided $2.5 billion in
bilateral military and economic aid to the Marcos regime, and about $5.5 billion through multilateral
institutions such as the World Bank.[167]
In a 1979 U.S. Senate report, it was stated that U.S. officials were aware, as early as 1973, that
Philippine government agents were in the United States to harass Filipino dissidents. In June 1981,
two anti-Marcos labor activists were assassinated outside of a union hall in Seattle. On at least one
occasion, CIA agents blocked FBI investigations of Philippine agents.[168]

Withdrawal of Taiwan relations in favor of the People's Republic of

China[edit]
Main articles: Philippines–Taiwan relations and China–Philippines relations

Prior to the Marcos administration, the Philippine government had maintained a close relationship
with the Kuomintang-ruled Republic of China (ROC) government which had fled to the island
of Taiwan, despite the victory of the Communist Party of China in the 1949 Chinese Communist
Revolution. Prior administrations had seen the People's Republic of China(PRC) as a security threat,
due to its financial and military support of Communist rebels in the country.[169]
By 1969, however, Ferdinand Marcos started publicly asserting the need for the Philippines to
establish a diplomatic relationship with the People's Republic of China. In his 1969 State of the
Nation Address, he said:[170]
We, in Asia must strive toward a modus vivendi with Red China. I reiterate this need, which is
becoming more urgent each day. Before long, Communist China will have increased its striking
power a thousand fold with a sophisticated delivery system for its nuclear weapons. We must
prepare for that day. We must prepare to coexist peaceably with Communist China.

— Ferdinand Marcos, January 1969

In June 1975, President Marcos went to the PRC and signed a Joint Communiqué normalizing
relations between the Philippines and China. Among other things, the Communiqué recognizes that
"there is but one China and that Taiwan is an integral part of Chinese territory…" In turn, Chinese
Prime Minister Zhou Enlai also pledged that China would not intervene in the internal affairs of the
Philippines nor seek to impose its policies in Asia, a move which isolated the local communist
movement that China had financially and militarily supported.[171][172]
The Washington Post in an interview with former Philippine Communist Party Officials, revealed that,
"they (local communist party officials) wound up languishing in China for 10 years as unwilling
"guests" of the (Chinese) government, feuding bitterly among themselves and with the party
leadership in the Philippines".[141]
The government subsequently captured NPA leaders Bernabe Buscayno in 1976 and Jose Maria
Sison in 1977.[172]

First parliamentary elections after martial law declaration[edit]

The 1978 Philippine parliamentary election was held on April 7, 1978 for the election of the 166 (of
the 208) regional representatives to the Interim Batasang Pambansa (the nation's first parliament).
The elections were participated by several parties including Ninoy Aquino's newly formed party,
the Lakas ng Bayan (LABAN) and the regime's party known as the Kilusang Bagong
Lipunan (KBL).
The Ninoy Aquino's LABAN party fielded 21 candidates for the Metro Manila area including Ninoy
himself and Alex Boncayao, who later was associated with Filipino communist death squad Alex
Boncayao Brigade[173][174] that killed U.S. army Colonel James N. Rowe. All of the party's candidates,
including Ninoy, lost in the election.
Marcos's KBL party won 137 seats, while Pusyon Bisaya led by Hilario Davide Jr., who later became
the Minority Floor Leader, won 13 seats.

Prime Minister[edit]
In 1978, the position returned when Ferdinand Marcos became Prime Minister. Based on Article 9 of
the 1973 constitution, it had broad executive powers that would be typical of modern prime ministers
in other countries. The position was the official head of government, and the commander-in-chief of
the armed forces. All of the previous powers of the President from the 1935 Constitution were
transferred to the newly restored office of Prime Minister. The Prime Minister also acted as head of
the National Economic Development Authority. Upon his re-election to the Presidency in 1981,
Marcos was succeeded as Prime Minister by an American-educated leader
and Wharton graduate, Cesar Virata, who was elected as an Assemblyman (Member of the
Parliament) from Cavite in 1978. He is the eponym of the Cesar Virata School of Business, the
business school of the University of the Philippines Diliman.

Proclamation No. 2045[edit]

After putting in force amendments to the constitution, legislative action, and securing his sweeping
powers and with the Batasan, his supposed successor body to the Congress, under his control,
President Marcos issued Proclamation 2045, which technically "lifted" martial law, on January 17,
1981. [citation needed]
However, the suspension of the privilege of the writ of habeas corpus continued in the autonomous
regions of Western Mindanao and Central Mindanao. The opposition dubbed the lifting of martial law
as a mere "face lifting" as a precondition to the visit of Pope John Paul II.[175]

Third term (1981–1986)[edit]

Main article: 1981 Philippine presidential election and referendum

President Ferdinand E. Marcos in Washington in 1983.

We love your adherence to democratic principles and to the democratic process, and we will not
leave you in isolation.

— U.S. Vice President George H. W. Bush during Ferdinand E. Marcos inauguration, June 1981[176][b]

On June 16, 1981, six months after the lifting of martial law, the first presidential election in twelve
years was held. President Marcos ran and won a massive victory over the other candidates.[177] The
major opposition parties, the United Nationalists Democratic Organizations (UNIDO), a coalition of
opposition parties and LABAN, boycotted the elections.
After the lifting of martial law, the pressure on the communist CPP–NPA alleviated. The group was
able to return to urban areas and form relationships with legal opposition organizations, and became
increasingly successful in attacks against the government throughout the country.[172]The violence
inflicted by the communists reached its peak in 1985 with 1,282 military and police deaths and 1,362
civilian deaths.[172]

Aquino's assassination[edit]
Main article: Assassination of Benigno Aquino Jr.

On August 21, 1983, opposition leader Benigno Aquino Jr. was assassinated on the tarmac
at Manila International Airport. He had returned to the Philippines after three years in exile in the
United States, where he had a heart bypass operation to save his life after Marcos allowed him to
leave the Philippines to seek medical care. Prior to his heart surgery, Ninoy, along with his two co-
accused, NPA leaders Bernabe Buscayno (Commander Dante) and Lt. Victor Corpuz, were
sentenced to death by a military commission on charges of murder, illegal possession of firearms
and subversion.[155]
A few months before his assassination, Ninoy had decided to return to the Philippines after his
research fellowship from Harvard University had finished. The opposition blamed Marcos directly for
the assassination while others blamed the military and his wife, Imelda. Popular speculation pointed
to three suspects; the first was Marcos himself through his trusted military chief Fabian Ver; the
second theory pointed to his wife Imelda who had her own burning ambition now that her ailing
husband seemed to be getting weaker, and the third theory was that Danding Cojuangco planned
the assassination because of his own political ambitions.[178] The 1985 acquittals of Chief of Staff
General Fabian Ver as well as other high-ranking military officers charged with the crime were widely
seen as a whitewash and a miscarriage of justice.
On November 22, 2007, Pablo Martinez, one of the convicted suspects in the assassination of Ninoy
Aquino Jr. alleged that it was Ninoy Aquino Jr.'s relative, Danding Cojuangco, cousin of his wife
Corazon Cojuangco Aquino, who ordered the assassination of Ninoy Aquino Jr. while Marcos was
recuperating from his kidney transplant. Martinez also alleged only he and Galman knew of the
assassination, and that Galman was the actual shooter, which is not corroborated by other evidence
of the case.[179]

Impeachment attempt[edit]
In August 1985, 56 Assemblymen signed a resolution calling for the impeachment of President
Marcos for alleged diversion of U.S. aid for personal use,[180] citing a July 1985 San Jose Mercury
News exposé of the Marcos's multimillion-dollar investment and property holdings in the United
States.
The properties allegedly amassed by the First Family were the Crown Building, Lindenmere Estate,
and a number of residential apartments (in New Jersey and New York), a shopping center in New
York, mansions (in London, Rome and Honolulu), the Helen Knudsen Estate in Hawaii and three
condominiums in San Francisco, California.
The Assembly also included in the complaint the misuse and misapplication of funds "for the
construction of the Manila Film Center, where X-rated and pornographic films[citation needed] are exhibited,
contrary to public morals and Filipino customs and traditions." The impeachment attempt gained little
real traction, however, even in the light of this incendiary charge; the committee to which the
impeachment resolution was referred did not recommend it, and any momentum for removing
Marcos under constitutional processes soon died.[citation needed]

Physical decline[edit]
See also: People Power Revolution

During his third term, Marcos's health deteriorated rapidly due to kidney ailments, as a complication
of a chronic autoimmune disease lupus erythematosus. He had a kidney transplant in August 1983,
and when his body rejected the first kidney transplant, he had a second transplant in November
1984.[181] Marcos's regime was sensitive to publicity of his condition; a palace physician who alleged
that during one of these periods Marcos had undergone a kidney transplant was shortly afterwards
found murdered. Police said he was kidnapped and slain by communist rebels.[181] Many people
questioned whether he still had capacity to govern, due to his grave illness and the ballooning
political unrest.[182] With Marcos ailing, his powerful wife, Imelda, emerged as the government's main
public figure. Marcos dismissed speculations of his ailing health as he used to be an avid golfer and
fitness buff who liked showing off his physique.
By 1984, U.S. President Ronald Reagan started distancing himself from the Marcos regime that he
and previous American presidents had strongly supported even after Marcos declared martial law.
The United States, which had provided hundreds of millions of dollars in aid, was crucial in
buttressing Marcos's rule over the years,[183] although during the Carter administration the
relationship with the U.S. had soured somewhat when President Jimmy Carter targeted the
Philippines in his human rights campaign.