Professional Documents
Culture Documents
Edited by
Gevisa La Rocca · Marie-Eve Carignan
Giovanni Boccia Artieri
Infodemic Disorder
Gevisa La Rocca
Marie-Eve Carignan
Giovanni Boccia Artieri
Editors
Infodemic Disorder
Covid-19 Coping Strategies in Europe, Canada
and Mexico
Editors
Gevisa La Rocca Marie-Eve Carignan
Faculty of Human and Social Sciences Department of Communication
Kore University of Enna Université de Sherbrooke
Enna, Italy Sherbrooke, QC, Canada
© The Editor(s) (if applicable) and The Author(s), under exclusive licence to Springer
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Contents
1 Covid-19
and the Global Crisis of Information: an
Introduction 1
Marie-Eve Carignan, Gevisa La Rocca, and Giovanni
Boccia Artieri
2 Infodemic
Disorder: Covid-19 and Post-truth 15
Giovanni Boccia Artieri
3 A
Review of Some Covid-19 Pandemic Numbers in
European Union, Canada, and Mexico 31
Fabio Aiello and Giovanni Boscaino
4 We
Are All Europeans. EU Institutions Facing the
Covid-19 Pandemic and Information Crisis 65
Alessandro Lovari and Marinella Belluati
5 The
Practice of Emergency Gatewatching During the First
Phase of the Pandemic. An Analysis Through the Tweets
in Italian, Spanish, French and German 97
Gevisa La Rocca, Francesca Greco, and Giovanni
Boccia Artieri
v
vi Contents
6 The
Covid-19 Pandemic in Canadian Newspapers: An
Analysis of the Journalistic Articles as Risk and Crisis
Messages133
Olivier Champagne-Poirier, Marie-Eve Carignan, Marc
D. David, Tracey O’Sullivan, and Guillaume Marcotte
7 Disinformation
in the Age of the Covid-19 Pandemic:
How Does Belief in Fake News and Conspiracy Theories
Affect Canadians’ Reactions to the Crisis?161
Marie-Eve Carignan, Olivier Champagne-Poirier, and
Guilhem Aliaga
8 Analysis
of the Mexican Communication Plan to Control
the Covid-19 Epidemic187
Olga Rodríguez-Cruz and Gabriela Rodríguez-Hernández
9 Social
Media Interactions in Mexico About the SARS-
CoV-2 Vaccination Plan219
Olga Rodríguez-Cruz
10 Rethinking
Our Interpretation Processes: Some Evidence253
Gevisa La Rocca, Giovanni Boccia Artieri, and Marie-Eve
Carignan
Index267
Notes on Contributors
vii
viii NOTES ON CONTRIBUTORS
ix
x List of Figures
Fig. 8.2 Mexico’s President Andres Manuel Lopez Obrador shows his
amulets. Source: Public domain image taken from the website
of the Office of the Mexican President 198
Fig. 8.3 First appearance of Susana with the mask. Source: Public
domain image taken from the SuSana Distancia campaign
(Undersecretary Hugo López-Gatell. August 14, 2020) 204
Fig. 8.4 Susana invites you to maintain interpersonal distance. Source:
Public domain image taken from the Ministry of
Communication and Transport (SCTMexico, April 15, 2020c) 205
Fig. 8.5 Susana explains that only one person per family can leave the
house out of necessity. Translation: It is important that only
one person per household goes out to buy groceries or
medicines. Source: Public domain image taken from Mexican
Ministry of Health, December 16, 2020 206
Fig. 8.6 SuSana Distancia—timeline. Source: The graphic design of the
timeline was created by Mariana Padilla Martínez 210
Fig. 8.7 ¡Quédate en casa!—advertising poster. Source: Public domain
image taken from the SuSana Distancia campaign 213
Fig. 9.1 Posts related to episode 2 on Facebook. Source: The table was
developed by the author. Interruptus Radio’s original post:
https://m.facebook.com/story.php?story_fbi
d=1781809678662117&id=464224880420610&sfnsn=s
cwspwa229
Fig. 9.2 Posts related to episode 2 on Facebook 230
Fig. 9.3 Posts related to episode 4 on Facebook (The information can
be consulted at the following Facebook page: https://m.
facebook.com/story.php?story_fbid=292618052219552&i
d=100044140794092&sfnsn=scwspwa. The information can
be consulted at the following Facebook page: https://m.
facebook.com/story.php?story_fbid=273015357519841&i
d=100044341360428&sfnsn=scwspwa). Source: The table
was developed by the author using information available at
Lorenzo Meyer’s and Sergio Aguayo’s Facebook walls:
https://m.facebook.com/story.php?story_fbi
d=292618052219552&id=100044140794092&sfnsn=scws
pwa (Meyer) and https://m.facebook.com/story.php?story_
fbid=273015357519841&id=100044341360428&sfnsn=scws
pwa (Aguayo) 231
Fig. 9.4 Type of reply 233
Fig. 9.5 Type of reply 234
Fig. 9.6 Type of replies 235
Fig. 9.7 Type of reply 235
xii List of Figures
xiii
xiv List of Tables
networks and on the Internet, where traffic was increased by 60% in some
countries (OECD, 2020), as well as in traditional media, to a point where
Lalancette and Lamy (2020) were watching an unprecedented media
eclipse in Canada, as all the news revolved around the pandemic and its
effects. Roy (2021) observed the same phenomenon of media eclipse
occurring in the content published by the Francophonie news media pres-
ent on the Instagram platform. This media overkill of Covid-19 was also
already raising concerns among various researchers noting the challenges
faced by press companies already precarious and economically shaken by
the pandemic as well as information professionals overworked in a context
that sometimes put their own health at stake, while the risks of slippage are
significant when it comes to health-related information (Caron-Bouchard
& Renaud, 2010; Lacroix & Carignan, 2020; Le Cam et al., 2020). On
the other hand, the coming fatigue reactions among part of the public in
the face of this massive coverage, implying a potential lack of interest in
this news, were cause for concern because of their potential consequences
on adherence to the health measures put in place as well as on the percep-
tion, among a fringe of the population, of a disproportionate media cover-
age of the pandemic.
Nevertheless, the fact that this virus is new and therefore unknown,
coupled with the fact that society had not had to deal with a pandemic of
this magnitude for several years,1 raised a need to quickly obtain informa-
tion about it. Research has followed one another at an accelerated pace,
allowing important knowledge about the virus, vaccines and potential
treatment to be developed at an unprecedented speed, but also leading to
certain errors in the methodologies put in place in a sometimes-hasty
manner and in the accelerated revision processes of scientific articles.2
These mistakes may have generated confusion and mistrust among part of
the public.
Plunged into this highly anxiety-provoking situation, despite a media
overkill of the measures put in place, but also in front of the fact that the
1
For the World Health Organization, this health situation is the most serious that has been
announced since 2005, when the Global Alert System for International Public Health
Emergencies was set up.
2
Prestigious journals such as The Lancet or the New England Journal of Medicine have
retracted articles related to Covid-19, whose data were considered dubious. These withdraw-
als can have a significant impact on public confidence in science.
1 COVID-19 AND THE GLOBAL CRISIS OF INFORMATION: AN INTRODUCTION 3
3
Numerous poisonings related to the ingestion of disinfectant have been reported in the
United States, resulting in the deaths of at least four people (Associated Press, 2020). WHO
has issued public warnings to this effect and added an infographic on the ingestion of disin-
fectant on its myth busters available online.
6 M.-E. CARIGNAN ET AL.
The aim of this book is to pull off the construction of information pro-
cesses during the Covid-19 pandemic. To achieve this final goal, the book
is divided into a path that proceeds from the general to the particular.
More specifically, in the next chapters, we will approach the situation from
different angles, developing a triangulation of research sources and meth-
ods. AoIR’s ethical guidelines (2019) have been followed in using sources,
data, posts, tweets and other materials from the Internet in this volume.
The second chapter, signed by Giovanni Boccia Artieri, will return to
some of the elements discussed in the introduction and will focus more
specifically to outline the main elements of the public and academic debate
connected to the themes of “fake news,” “misinformation,” “disinforma-
tion,” “media manipulation,” “conspiracy theory,” “coordinated inau-
thentic behavior” and “propaganda” that are all intertwined in digital
platform ecosystems. Reference is made here to the problem that afflicts
the information field and which is defined by three interrelated issues dis-
information, misinformation and propaganda (Born & Edgington, 2017).
The look in this chapter on these informational issues will make it possible
to better master the concepts evoked later throughout this book, in addi-
tion to being at the heart of the infodemic related to the Covid-19
health crisis.
The third chapter of this book, written by Fabio Aiello and Giovanni
Boscaino, focuses on the spread of the coronavirus. As the authors recall,
this pandemic situation has shown that a health crisis that seems very lim-
ited geographically, at least in its early stages, can quickly gain momentum
and spread throughout the globe, especially in this era of globalization,
reminding us that we live in a society of internationalized risks. As we
mentioned at the beginning of the introduction, the spread of the conta-
gion and the actions implemented by local governments to counter it
seems to have been rather heterogeneous. Therefore, it may be useful to
understand how different some of the characteristics of the spread of the
infection have been in different areas of the world. To better understand
the situation, the authors propose a purely objective approach, referring to
the purely quantitative aspect of the contagion, a description of both the
size and the speed of the contagion albeit limited to three different geo-
graphical macro-areas: the States of the European Union, Canada, Mexico.
Their analysis allows us to identify a common trait for these three geo-
graphic contexts so different from each other, in the period under analysis
in this volume. In effect, the three areas were characterized by reasonably
similar virus prevalence rates. Instead, their fluctuations are recognized as
1 COVID-19 AND THE GLOBAL CRISIS OF INFORMATION: AN INTRODUCTION 7
The aim of the third episode of this analysis was to study the first 150 com-
ments that Internet users made on the walls of two prestigious Mexican
research-professors: Lorenzo Meyer and Sergio Aguayo. The authors
reached the conclusion that, in most cases, people are not interested in
discussing or reflecting about certain public interest issues. They have a
well-defined political stance that does not allow them to interact or
exchange points of view that might contribute to a better informed and
more critical community. They observed, at least in the virtual spaces that
they studied, that silence can be a major part of—among other headings—
the social and political dissatisfaction which the country is going through.
Chapter 10 reconstructs the path developed within the volume by pro-
posing a meta-analysis of the practices of infodemic disorder analyzed in
the pages of the volume. It proposes a reading of the observed phenomena
(from Chaps. 4–9) as sub-units of the macro phenomenon of infodemic
disorder (described in Chap. 2), demonstrating the usefulness of the data
analysis developed in the volume within the third chapter in order to ana-
lyze a social phenomenon such as the emerging one of infodemic disorder.
The work process developed throughout the volume follows the abduc-
tion model and the communicative practices for the two dimensions for
each geographical context (Dimensions = 2, Geographical Contexts = 3;
develop DxGC = 6 subunits) outline six attributable communication prac-
tices to the infodemic disorder.
The developed methodology is recomposed in this last chapter and is
that of the nested case study developed for single units in parallel with dif-
ferent techniques and from dissimilar observation points. To reunite the
communication practices of the infodemic disorder and develop a meta-
analysis on them Gevisa La Rocca, Giovanni Boccia Artieri, Marie-Eve
Carignan apply an automated procedure, capable of reconstructing the
sensemaking developed within the pages of the volume.
By focusing on the communication strategies of governments and pub-
lic health managers and the messages disseminated on social and tradi-
tional media in three countries during the Covid-19 pandemic, this book
provides a better understanding of the best and less good communication
practices adopted to deal with the pandemic and apply health measures
and to benchmark communication processes in the three countries, which
we will do at the conclusion of this book which proposes a first analysis of
information and disinformation processes during the Covid-19 pandemic,
from a comparative and international perspective, at a time when the
1 COVID-19 AND THE GLOBAL CRISIS OF INFORMATION: AN INTRODUCTION 11
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tizers in two states. CBS. Retrieved https://www.cbsnews.com/news/
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nouvelles-internet-est-devenu-un-veritable-far-west-en-temps-de-pandemie
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gate the disinformation/propaganda problem, Hewlett Foundation. Retrieved
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Disinformation-Propaganda-Report.pdf
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1 COVID-19 AND THE GLOBAL CRISIS OF INFORMATION: AN INTRODUCTION 13
The speed of the news cycle, with its faster rhythm of production,
reduces the time needed for source verification in the publishing system
and increases the need for consumption of ever new information content,
leading audiences to move easily through the abundance of media chan-
nels. This is associated with the rapid circulation of user-generated content
that can participate in the growth of misinformation and disinformation
phenomena, also through the development of online propaganda strate-
gies (Giglietto et al., 2020), which also involve an issue such as health.
And, more generally, the competitiveness of the news market has made it
necessary—to reach audiences in the attention economy—a transforma-
tion of health news in an emotional key, through the production of com-
pelling narratives capable of engaging users (Maksimainen, 2017), also
with a view to obtaining reactions that can circulate more of those specific
contents. For these reasons, it is necessary to consider the level of public
engagement with health content within an information ecosystem in
which access to information production, circulation, and consumption has
become generalized. The current media ecosystem, in the interrelation-
ship between mainstream media and mass access to the Internet, has
changed the scale of production and consumption of health-related news,
as well as accelerated the speed and level of penetration of consumption of
these contents among audiences.
In this context, moreover, search engines and social media have taken
on the role of information hubs, if not real gatekeepers. The gatekeeping
function, which has to do with filtering and controlling the information
that achieves social visibility and, therefore, on how this reality is struc-
tured (Shoemaker & Vos, 2009), is now confronted with a selective pro-
cess that takes place in a media environment where non-traditional sources,
such as individuals on social media, news portals, or alternative sites, com-
pete for power on the public agenda with institutionalized sources of
information (Fletcher & Park, 2017). These new actors apply selective
logics that are different from those of traditional gatekeeping agents. They
are logics that combine the actions of individuals—in terms of searches,
shares, ratings, tagging, and reactions on content—with algorithm-based
services, such as search engines and news aggregators that redistribute and
channel news online.
This is the socio-technological and cultural context in which infodem-
ics is placed and expands, accompanying a major health issue such as the
pandemic crisis with a pressing information need.
20 G. BOCCIA ARTIERI
WHO, through EPI-WIN, has identified such trusted sources and engaged
them not only as amplifiers of accurate, timely information, but also as advis-
ers on the kind of information that their constituents need and urgently
want to see.
research suggests that people are more likely to share misinformation than
they think.
Two concomitant processes act in the selectivity processes of this mis-
leading information: on the one hand, the selective biases produced by
polarization, on the other, the action of the algorithms.
On the first side, we find the effects produced by confirmation bias, that
is, by that attitude, typical of human nature, which leads us to confirm a
hypothesis through favorable evidence rather than trying to take into con-
sideration contrary evidence. Following the interpretation of those media
scholars who argue that those who select the news do so because they
already have an opinion on it (Arceneaux & Johnson, 2013), we can say
that social platforms, rather than generate polarization, reflect it. Therefore,
it is not a question of some conversion of one’s point of view but, rather,
of a confirmation actively sought by individuals, currently referred to as
confirmation bias. This interpretation, which refers both to studies on
selectivity (Bennett & Iyengar, 2008) and to those who consider the audi-
ence as an active subject in communication processes, has the merit of
bringing the phenomenon of polarization back into a much broader con-
text than the communicative one, giving up the technological shortcut
explanation (“it’s the responsibility of the media”) too often used in the
study of this complex phenomena.
On the second side, we can observe how information recommendation
systems based on big data and algorithms are today a fundamental ele-
ment of selective orientation through which most users browse, select,
and consume information online (Beam, 2014). While algorithms facili-
tate selective processes by allowing information to be filtered, the way they
shape the nature and type of information encountered can have a prob-
lematic impact on users (Zuiderveen Borghesius et al., 2016). From this
point of view, analyzing the Covid-19 infodemics represents an opportu-
nity to observe the ways in which the dissemination of information con-
tent shapes digital network structures and how visibility algorithms can
also affect them. A study at the University of Warwick in England and at
Indiana University Bloomington’s Observatory on Social Media (Menczer
& Hills, 2020) shows how even when you want to share or find high-
quality information, the inability to view all the news in social media feeds
inevitably leads to sharing things that are partially or completely false. In
practice, the ability of social media algorithms to make some content viral
leads to confusing virality (hence the successful exposure of a content)
with quality. This cognitive pollution of the selectivity of news is today
24 G. BOCCIA ARTIERI
affected by the possible manipulations by the action of bots that are orga-
nized to disseminate specific content; in this sense, the proliferation of
Covid-19 misinformation by bots, coupled with human susceptibility to
believing and sharing misinformation, may well impact the course of the
pandemic. (Himelein-Wachowiak et al., 2021).
But on the other hand, the action of algorithms is modeled and takes
shape in a social and cultural context characterized by a polarization of
points of view due to ideological affiliations. A global scale analysis on
Twitter (Sacco et al., 2021) highlighted how political polarization signifi-
cantly affects attitudes related to the pandemic and how conversations on
the subject within different cluster-communities are shaped by a small
number of actors who generate most of the content and are responsible
for most of the related news sources that have circulated. Furthermore,
the study shows how the incidence of fake news in some of the commu-
nity’s conversations is so high that disinformation becomes a key epistemic
trait of the community.
In this sense, the studies on the online infodemics push us to reflect
more deeply on the nature of the so-called fake news. And invite us to
avoid interpreting disinformation through a mediacentric vision, certainly
taking into consideration the media affordances (such as algorithms) but
pushing us to ask ourselves which social and community functions may
have misinformation and disinformation, starting from the deepest atti-
tudes of a political, cultural, and emotional nature that we have in front of
the news. And pushing us to ask ourselves how infodemics is a constitutive
dimension of that phenomenon that we have come to know as ‘post-truth’.
5 Conclusions
In this chapter, I have used the theme of infodemics, as a crisis due to the
overabundance of information and the difficulty of selecting quality infor-
mation content, as a territory for exploring deeper dynamics that have to
do (a) with the relationship between information and health; (b) with the
transformation of knowledge modalities in the intertwining of the social
system and a media ecosystem that sees social platforms as increasingly
central; and (c) with the problematic consequences that the information
disorder present in pandemic information can create.
In this sense, I have highlighted how the use of the Internet for infor-
mation on health issues has grown, and how social media in particular are
now central to people when it comes to both selecting information on
health and sharing their experiences on the topic. The information circuits
between mainstream and non-mainstream media have also changed,
reconfiguring the media ecosystem which sees a generalized crisis of trust
in legacy media and their editorial systems, an acceleration of news cycles
and an increasingly central gatekeeper function on the part of social
platforms.
The generalized crisis of trust also affects the legitimacy of institutional
actors, including information sources, and feeds a state of infodemic
information disorder that undermines the quality of information itself
through the production, circulation, and consumption of misinformation
2 INFODEMIC DISORDER: COVID-19 AND POST-TRUTH 27
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CHAPTER 3
1 Introduction
Coronavirus disease, more simply named as Covid-19, is an infectious dis-
ease caused by the SARS-CoV-2 virus. The first official report of the pres-
ence of SARS-CoV-2 infection was made by the Chinese health authorities
on December 31, 2019, to notify the existence of an outbreak of pneumo-
nia cases of unknown etiology, in Wuhan city (Hubei Province, China).
On January 9, 2020, the China CDC (Centre for Disease Control and
Prevention) disclosed that it had identified the etiological cause of the
outbreak in a new coronavirus, initially named 2019-nCoV, which, on
F. Aiello (*)
Kore University of Enna, Enna, Italy
e-mail: fabio.aiello@unikore.it
G. Boscaino
University of Palermo, Palermo, Italy
e-mail: giovanni.boscaino@unipa.it
Language: English
OR,
J. M‘CREERY,Printer,
Black-Horse-Court, Fleet-Street, London.
DON SEBASTIAN;
OR,
IN FOUR VOLUMES.
VOL. IV.
LONDON:
CHAP. I., CHAP. II., CHAP. III., CHAP. IV., CHAP. V.,
CHAP. VI., CHAP. VII., THE CONCLUSION.
DON SEBASTIAN;
OR,