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 CUBA
WHAT EVERYONE NEEDS TO KNOW®
 ALSO BY JULIA E. SWEIG

Inside the Cuban Revolution: Fidel Castro and

the Urban Underground

Friendly Fire: Losing Friends and Making

Enemies in the Anti-​American Century
 CUBA
WHAT EVERYONE NEEDS TO KNOW®

JULIA E. SWEIG
THIRD EDITION

1
 3
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Printed by R.R. Donnelley, United States of America
 CONTENTS

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS XV
FOREWORD XVII
INTRODUCTION XXI

Cuba before 1959

What were the main features of Cuban life during

Spanish colonial rule? 1
How did Cuba’s independence movement gain momentum
and what was its relationship to abolition? 4
Who was José Martí? 6
How did Cuba’s final war for independence begin? 7
Why did the United States intervene and how did the Cuban War
of Independence come to be known as the Spanish-​American War? 8
What kind of independence did Cuba gain
and what was the Platt Amendment? 10
What were the early years of Cuban independence like
and how did the Platt Amendment impact Cuba’s political culture? 12
Why does the United States have a naval base
at Guantánamo Bay, Cuba? 14
What was the political climate out of which Fulgencio
Batista first emerged? 15
vi Contents

How did Cuban politics and U.S.-​Cuban relations evolve

between 1934 and 1952? 16
What were the origins of the Cuban Revolution? How did it succeed? 20
What role did women play in the Cuban insurrection? 27
How did race relations figure into Cuba’s political development during
the prerevolutionary period? 29
Beyond the realms of politics and economics, how closely intertwined
had Cuban and American culture become by the 1950s? 33

The Cuban Revolution

and the Cold War, 1959–​91

DOMESTIC 35
Why did the Batista regime collapse? 35
What was so special about Fidel Castro? 35
What did the Communist Party have to do with it all and were
the Soviets involved? 36
After Fidel took power, what happened to the other
revolutionary groups? 38
What did Che Guevara do after 1959? 38
What did the first revolutionary cabinet look like? 39
Was Castro really a Communist? 40
So, did communism mean no democracy? 42
How did the revolution organize Cuban society? 44
Why did Cubans start leaving for exile? 46
What kind of backlash was there to the
revolution’s radicalization? 47
What kind of benefits did the revolution deliver and to whom? 49
How did race factor into the equation? 52
In a notoriously patriarchal society, how did women
fare under the revolution? 54
What kind of space did the regime allow for
intellectuals and artists? 55
How did the regime deal with its adversaries
in the exile community? 58
 Contents vii

How did the revolution handle religion? 61

Why did the revolution make such a big deal out of sports? 64
What about Cuba’s human rights record during this period? 65
Why did King Sugar continue to dominate Cuba’s
economy after the revolution? 68
What were the main economic features of Cuba’s
integration with the Soviet bloc? 69
What was “rectification”? How did Fidel and Raúl Castro
view the prospect of market reforms in the 1980s? 70
Who was General Arnaldo Ochoa and why was he executed? 72

U.S.-​CUBA 74
Was there ever a chance that the United States would
react well to the Cuban revolutionaries? 74
How much weight did U.S. economic interests have in driving
the two countries apart? 75
What really happened when Castro visited Washington in 1959? 77
Why did the Bay of Pigs invasion fail? 78
After the invasion fiasco, did the United States continue
covert operations against Cuba and how did the United States involve
Cuban exiles? 82
What was the Cuban Missile Crisis? 84
How did U.S. attempts to overthrow Castro play inside of Cuba? 86
What was the scope of U.S. economic sanctions? 87
How successful was the United States in isolating Cuba
in the 1960s and into the 1970s? 89
What’s the story behind the Kissinger/​Ford secret
diplomacy with Cuba in 1974? 91
How did Jimmy Carter’s administration approach Cuba? 92
What was the Mariel boatlift? 95
Why did Reagan toughen up U.S. policy toward Cuba? 98
What did Reagan do to crack down on Cuba? 99
Who was Jorge Mas Canosa? 100
How did the Cuban American National Foundation emerge? 101
What is Radio Martí? 102
viii Contents

CUBA IN THE WORLD 104

Why did Fidel, Che, and the other revolutionaries think they
would succeed in spreading revolution in the third world? 104
What were the basic objectives of the Cuban
Revolution’s foreign policy? 105
Where was Cuba’s foreign policy focused during
the early years of the revolution and how did
Che Guevara fit into the mix? 107
How did Latin American governments react to Cuba’s
armed internationalism? 112
How did Cuba’s presence in southern Africa evolve? 113
What was Cuba’s role in the Horn of Africa
and the Ethiopia/​Somalia conflict? 115
How did Cuba’s foreign policy in the Middle East evolve? 117
How did world events shape Cuba’s relationship
with the Soviet Union? 119
What were the key features of Cuba’s involvement in Central America
and the Caribbean in the 1980s? 122

The Cuban Revolution

after the Cold War, 1991–​2006

DOMESTIC 125
How did the collapse of the Berlin Wall and dissolution
of the Soviet bloc affect Cuba? 125
How did Cuba adapt at home to the loss of Soviet subsidies
and global realignment brought by the Cold War’s end? 126
Why didn’t the regime collapse? 128
What were the regime’s economic reforms
and why were they so limited? 130
What kind of foreign investment began in Cuba,
what consequences did this investment bring
to the island, and how did authorities respond? 133
Did Cuba attempt to emulate any other economic models
in this period? 137
 Contents ix

How did artists manage to pull off such

a cultural boom in the 1990s? 139
What caused the 1994 balsero refugee crisis? 141
How did the Cuban health care system fare in this period? 142
How did Cuba cope with HIV/​AIDS? 145
How did human rights fare more generally during this period? 147
What was the Varela Project and what is its significance? 149
What kind of space did the regime permit for intellectuals,
especially those involved in debates over economic reform? 152
How did space for organized religion evolve during this period? 153
Who was Elián González and what was his significance
to Cuba and U.S.-​Cuban relations? 156
How did the Elián González affair influence Cuba’s
domestic politics? 158
Does Cuban art and music provide an arena
and space for critical expression? 160

U.S.-​CUBA 161
How did the United States react to the end
of the Soviet era in Cuba? 161
What was the Cuban Democracy Act, who was behind it,
and what did the law intend to accomplish? 162
How did the United States and Cuba resolve
the 1994 refugee crisis? 164
How did Cuban American activists and members
of Congress react to these agreements? 166
Was a broader U.S. opening toward Cuba in the cards? 167
What was Brothers to the Rescue, and why did Cuba
shoot down two of its planes? 169
How did the United States respond? 171
How did Cuba respond to Helms-​Burton? 173
After the dust settled from the shoot-​down and Helms-Burton,
how did Cuba policy take shape during Bill Clinton’s second term? 174
How did the death of Jorge Mas Canosa affect
the Cuban American community? 177
x Contents

How did the Elián González episode affect the end

of the Clinton presidency, the 2000 presidential election,
and the Cuban American community? 178
How did the September 11, 2001, attacks affect
U.S.-​Cuban relations? 180
Why did Cuba remain on the State Department’s list of state sponsors of
terrorism during the George W. Bush administration? 182
Who were the “Cuban Five”? 183
Was Castro a target of assassination attempts during this period, and
what efforts were made to prosecute their authors? 185
What were the main features of U.S. policy toward Cuba
under George W. Bush and how did Cuba respond? 187

CUBA IN THE WORLD 191

How did Cuba adapt its foreign policy to the end of the Cold War? 191
How did relations with Europe and Canada help Cuba survive
after the Soviet collapse? 192
How did Cuba use its long-​cultivated clout at the United Nations? 194
How did Cuba relate to Latin America in a newly
democratic environment? 195
What did Cuba have to do with the election of Left/​Populist governments
in the region, especially in the Andes? 198
What was the scope of Cuba’s relationship with
Venezuela and Hugo Chávez in these years? 200
What were the main features of Cuba’s integration
into the world economy after the Cold War? 203
How did Cuba react to the war in Iraq? 205

After Fidel, under Raúl

DOMESTIC 207
How did the Cuban government deal with
Fidel Castro’s illness in 2006? 207
What happened in the immediate aftermath
of the announcement of Fidel’s illness? 208
 Contents xi

Who is Raúl Castro and why was he chosen to succeed Fidel? 210
How did Cuba’s provisional leadership respond
as the reality of Fidel’s absence took hold? 212
How was Raúl Castro elected president of Cuba? 213
After becoming president, what did Raúl do
and how did Cubans react? 214
How did public discourse and debate evolve under
the early presidency of Raúl Castro? 219
Were there political reforms? 222
Was Cuba’s successor government able to begin opening up
economically without promoting unmanageable political strife? 223
What is Fidel’s role since he stepped down from the presidency? 226

U.S.-​CUBA 228
How did the United States react to the news
of Fidel turning over provisional power? 228
Did Raúl Castro initially take a different approach
to the United States than his brother Fidel? 231
Once a stable succession was evident, how did
the U.S. government adjust its view of Cuba? 232
How did the Cuban American community react
to Fidel’s illness and Raúl’s assumption of the presidency? 235
How did Cuba play in the 2008 presidential primaries
and general election? 238
What was expected from the Obama White House
in its policy toward Cuba? 242

CUBA IN THE WORLD 244

Did the succession arouse any changes
in Cuba’s foreign relations? 244
What were the principal features of Cuba’s ties
with Latin America during Raúl Castro’s early rule? 247
How did Cuba expand its ties with Russia, China, and Iran? 252
What is the status of Cuba’s deep-​water oil exploration
and what foreign governments and companies became involved? 253
xii Contents

Did the European Union move closer to Cuba

since Fidel stepped aside? 254
How extensive is Cuba’s cultural projection—​music, art, film,
literature—​on the global stage? 256

A Changing Cuba Under Raúl

Castro’s Presidency

What are the principal elements on the landscape

of Raúl Castro’s presidency? 258
How did Cuba reform its migration laws and why
was this significant? 264
What has been the role of the Catholic Church
in Cuba during Raúl Castro’s presidency? 267
What is the status of gay rights in Cuba? 270
What’s the story with the release of political prisoners? 272
How did the Obama administration’s early policy toward
Cuba distinguish itself from its predecessors? 274
Who is Alan Gross and why did he become a factor
in U.S.-​Cuba relations? 278
Why did Cuba remain on the State Department’s list
of countries supporting terrorism throughout Obama’s first term? 282
What happened to Luis Posada Carriles? 284
Since the death of Hugo Chávez in 2013, what are the enduring
features of Cuba’s relationship with Venezuela? 285

December 17, 2014, and Beyond

What transpired on December 17, 2014? How did historic

announcements by Presidents Barack Obama and Raúl Castro
come to pass? 289
What factors motivated both governments to come to these
historic accords? 293
What was the reaction to “17-​D” in the United States? In Cuba?
In Miami? Around Latin America and the world? 296
How did the United States and Cuba implement Obama
and Castro’s “17-​D” policy goals? 299
 Contents xiii

What are the next steps, challenges, and opportunities facing

U.S.-​Cuban relations moving toward the completion of Barack Obama’s
second term in January 2017? 303
What is the future of the Cuban Adjustment Act in this new
bilateral context? 306
In addition to the formalization of restored diplomatic ties with the
United States, what other events of significance in Cuba’s international
relations took place in late 2015? 309
Looking ahead to 2018, what dynamics will characterize
Cuba’s reform process moving forward? 310

SUGGESTIONS FOR FURTHER READING 317

INDEX 321
 ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

For this third edition, my thanks again to Michael Bustamante

for his superb editorial and research assistance. My thanks
also to Valerie Wirtschafter for her superb assistance during
the final production and editorial stage. My mentor and friend
Saul Landau died just a few months before Barack Obama and
Raúl Castro made their historic, groundbreaking announce-
ments of prisoner swaps and a process for normalization of
relations on December 17, 2014. Victory indeed has a thousand
architects, but Saul’s instigation, creativity, and energy over
the decades of apparently intractable enmity animated that
day: other than his fine children and grandchildren, I can think
of no more lasting legacy.

February 2016
 FOREWORD

December 17, 2014, or You Live Long Enough

By early December of 2014, I could read the tea leaves: the
Obama White House was poised to announce something
important on Cuba, a prisoner swap, maybe some new regu-
lations to make it easier for more Americans to travel there.
A prisoner exchange alone would make national news. So on
December 16, when I received the White House press office
invite for a “listen-​only” briefing, I cleared my schedule, antici-
pating calls from network bookers for possible television spots
to help the anchors analyze the breaking news.
Early the next morning, much earlier than the White House
briefing, the phone rang. It was Jeffrey Goldberg, or “Golber”
[pronounced goalbear], as Fidel Castro called him during our
2010 visit to Havana for Jeff’s Atlantic interviews. Given Fidel’s
continued retreat from the political stage since that time (see the
Introduction that follows for the story of our week with Fidel
and the inadvertent news he made) it was more than fitting
that the call came from Jeff. Long my barometer of the fourth
column’s appetite for international news worthy of attention
other than Iran or the Middle East, Jeff had apparently been
privy to the pre-​briefing briefing the White House offered to
the journalists it regards as leading shapers of American pub-
lic opinion.
xviii Foreword

“Hey—​so do you know what they are about to announce?”

I told him more or less what I had pieced together.
“Yeah, but they’re doing all of it,” he replied.
“All of it?” my skepticism kicked in.

Jeff started ticking off the list that Obama and Raúl would reveal
to their publics live later that day. Some 18 months of leak-​free
secret talks, itself an accomplishment, had achieved a deal on
normalization, diplomatic relations, removing Cuba from the
terrorist list, business opportunities for the American private
sector; oh, and yes, vastly expanded travel rights for Americans
to Cuba. The key to making these bigger moves possible? A pris-
oner exchange involving Alan Gross (the development contrac-
tor jailed in Havana since 2009 over his involvement in covert
USAID programs), a previously unknown American spy, and the
remaining three of the “Cuban Five” agents also serving lengthy
sentences in American jails, plus the intercession of Pope Francis.
Flabbergasted, my first reaction was to laugh, incredulous
that the moment so many of us had worked toward was finally
here. I’ll admit, I also shed a tear or two, of pure joy to be a
witness to such history, and of having the experience of shap-
ing and advocating a policy idea once scorned, then regarded
as conventional wisdom but unimportant in the grand foreign
policy scheme of things, and now, finally, the policy of the pres-
ident of the United States.
About a month earlier, some two hundred journalists,
policy wonks, academics, activists, and former government
officials gathered for a book party in a luxurious home in
Washington, D.C. Book parties are the lifeblood of nightlife
in Washington: the gathering might not have been especially
remarkable, but for the title of the book: Back Channel to Cuba.
Celebrating the launch of a book laying out the history of secret
negotiations between Washington and Havana, the Cuba “in”
crowd thought it knew something might be coming on Cuba,
but no one in attendance had a read on the scope of President
Obama’s plans to normalize diplomatic and commercial rela-
tions with Cuba.
 Foreword xix

And such is work life in Washington: many of us can spend

years working on some big policy issue, with doses of enough
satisfaction from half-​steps and compromises to outweigh the
frustration of, well, the half-​steps and compromises. But seldom
do we see the president of the United States go as big as President
Obama has on Cuba. Gay marriage and immigration required
the monumental effort of thousands of people working all of the
angles, some for more than a decade. By comparison, the D.C.
Cuba crowd (plus some academics from around the country) is
much tinier—​three or four dozen diehards who have collectively
churned out hundreds of policy reports, articles, op-​eds, memos,
and 10-​point plans, not just for one decade, but for several.
But when President Obama made his historic announce-
ment at the White House the following month, most of these
same colleagues found themselves in Havana for a conference
on U.S.-​Cuban relations. Crammed into an auditorium near
Havana’s Malecón, panelists and audience members on the
morning of December 17th looked up to see that a large video
screen had been wheeled in. Just a few minutes after Obama
made the announcement from the White House, Raúl Castro
began his own, from his office. Between news of the return of
the last three of the “Cuban Five” and the establishment of nor-
mal diplomatic relations, the packed auditorium erupted in
riotous applause, cheers, tears, the national anthem, and a cele-
bration that lasted for days.
Back in Washington, I also spent the next few days trying to
explain what had just happened to a lot of journalists. “Will it
work?” CNN’s Jake Tapper posed that very eye-​of-​the-​beholder
question when “Golber” and I appeared together on his show
that afternoon. What is the “it,” and what is the meaning of
“work?” This third edition of Cuba: What Everyone Needs to Know
endeavors to answer those, and a few less Washington-​centric
questions raised by December 17, 2014, and its aftermath in
Cuba and in U.S.-​Cuban relations.
Since that day, I’ve kept a running “you-​live-​long-​enough-​
you-​see-​everything” list. It starts with Obama and Raúl shak-
ing hands for the world to see at Nelson Mandela’s funeral,
xx Foreword

continues with the American president calling for the embargo

to be lifted during his State of the Union Address, continues
with Obama and Raúl sitting together with their staffs, expres-
sions of satisfaction and ease on their faces, at the Summit
of the Americas, follows with Hillary Clinton tweeting her
approval and calling for the end of the embargo in the heart of
Cuban Miami, includes flag-​raising ceremonies at the embas-
sies in Washington and Havana, includes a parade of American
senior government officials—​ ranging from the Secretary
of Commerce, Secretary of Agriculture, Deputy Security of
Homeland Security, the Climate Change Envoy, and even the
Head of the Treasury Department office that enforces sanctions
against Cuba—​visiting the island. It even includes the case of
the missile crisis that wasn’t: the quiet return to the United
States in early 2016 of a hellfire training missile that wound
up in Havana after Lockheed Martin lost it in Europe in 2014.
Finally, my list culminates with President Obama making the
first presidential visit to Cuba since 1928 just as this edition
went to press. The jacket cover for this third edition could
have included a number of historic photographs that tell this
remarkable, and still very much unfolding story: the photo-
graph we selected speaks for itself.

Takoma Park, Maryland

February 2016
 INTRODUCTION

In Washington, D.C., August masquerades as a sleepy summer

month. Beltway insiders habitually head out of town, trying to
escape the mid-​Atlantic swelter. Yet surprise conflicts, refugee
crises, and budget showdowns always seem to up-​end family
plans to unplug. At least that is the running joke.
For as long as I can remember, rumors of Fidel Castro’s
death have tended to surface in August as well. But in the sum-
mer of 2010, as if to preempt the news cycle, the aging Cuban
revolutionary leader seized the stage of a national conference
in Havana to make a six-​minute speech warning of a potential
nuclear crisis involving Iran. It was Fidel’s first public appear-
ance since falling gravely ill in 2006. Save for a steady stream
of published reflexiones or the occasional video clip, Fidel’s leg-
endary ubiquity in Cuban private and public discourse had
notably faded. On this occasion, Fidel once again grabbed the
soapbox, attempting to alert Cubans and global public opinion
to a looming catastrophe in the Middle East. The next week,
Atlantic magazine journalist Jeffrey Goldberg published a
cover story called “The Coming War with Iran.” I remember
thinking that if Fidel saw the piece, he might take it as con-
firmation of his anxieties and validation of his seriousness as
a student (if no longer protagonist) of international relations.
Later that month, I was not too surprised to receive a phone
call from Ambassador Jorge Bolaños, Cuba’s lead diplomat
xxii Introduction

in Washington. Though on vacation, I was planning to go to

Cuba a few weeks later and assumed his call was about my
trip. Instead, Bolaños got right to the point. “Julia,” he asked,
“can you put me in touch with Jeffrey Goldberg?” Washington
is a small town, so while perhaps comically presumptuous, it
was not really a stretch for the ambassador to think that one
writer who happens to be Jewish might be able to track down
another prominent writer who recently had been named one of
the “Forward 50” Jews in the United States by the Jewish Daily
Forward. As it turns out, Jeff and I have been friends for years.
“Fidel can see you this weekend,” Bolaños briskly told an
also-​vacationing Goldberg. Evidently, Castro wanted to com-
pare notes about the brewing standoff over Iran’s nuclear
program. Given Fidel’s notorious media savvy, I suspect he
also viewed Jeff as a vehicle to send several messages—​ to
Washington, Tel Aviv, Tehran, and to the left-​leaning American
and Latin American publics for whom his words still hold sub-
stantial cachet.
Three days later, Jeff and I sat in disbelief in the Miami air-
port waiting to board a sold-​out flight to Havana. Because of
the loosening of U.S. government restrictions on travel to Cuba,
over the past several years Cuban-​American families have fil-
led more than 30 flights a week to the island, weighed down
with everything from toiletries to flat screen TVs to multiple
layers of clothing (thus avoiding steep taxes on excess lug-
gage). More and more Cuban-​Americans, as well as those who
identify as diaspora Cubans, are traveling to their homeland,
whether to visit, vacation, or, under the guise of remittances,
invest in their families’ emerging small businesses. But most
Americans who are not of Cuban descent are still banned from
the 30-​minute puddle jump, unless licensed by the Treasury
Department.
During his tenure in power, the usually loquacious Fidel rel-
ished interviews with visiting reporters and editors. Over the
years, he had met with hundreds, maybe even thousands, of
Americans—​members of Congress, cabinet secretaries, Nobel
 Introduction xxiii

Prize winners, religious leaders, intellectuals, Wall Street CEOs,

even rock stars and fashion models. Yet ever since contracting
a severe intestinal infection four summers earlier, the aging
comandante had not spoken to one major American journal-
ist. Although we understood Fidel wanted to talk about the
Middle East, we had no idea what to expect.
Our first meeting took place in an office Fidel keeps at the
Palacio de Convenciones, an imposing conference center.
Fidel’s wife Dalia, son Tony, and personal doctor joined us
for the nearly three-​hour discussion, together with a trans-
lator and a small security detail. An avid and careful reader,
Fidel showed Jeff the blue journal of notes he had taken on
the Atlantic piece, and the two spoke at length about the
Obama administration’s limited policy choices with respect
to the Iranian nuclear program. Fidel also discussed a num-
ber of unexpected themes: his experience of anti-​Semitism as
a boy, his respect for the suffering Jews experienced histori-
cally (especially during the Holocaust), and his distaste for
Ahmadinejad’s knee-​jerk anti-​Israel hostility.
This was the first time I had seen Fidel Castro in nine years,
let alone since his illness and retirement. Notorious for his
stamina as a talker, Fidel in the past seldom left me with the
impression that he was a good listener. But during our sub-
stantive conversation, and later, over lunch in an adjacent
dining room, he seemed relaxed, peppering Jeff and me with
questions about our kids and their education. He also spoke
repeatedly about living out of office in an entirely different
way than he had for most of his life.
As if to prove the point, Fidel invited us to join him for an
outing at the national aquarium the following day. Originally
we had plans to see Adela Dwornin, the president of the
Comunidad Hebrea (i.e., the Jewish Community) in Cuba.
Fidel asked us to bring her along. Che Guevara’s daughter,
Alina (a marine biologist), was there too, along with Guillermo
Garcia, a leading conservationist whose father was a guerrilla
fighter from Fidel’s days in the Sierra Maestra.
xxiv Introduction

Seated together in the bluish light of the underground obser-

vation room, we watched mesmerized as three dolphins grace-
fully played and danced under water, accompanied by three
young handlers, no oxygen. Between acts, the divers gestured
for us to approach the glass—​Fidel first. They taught him how
to communicate with the animals, and for about 10 minutes he
stood alone with his nose and hands pressed against the glass
tank, bobbing up and down, following the divers’ cues. We
took our turn too.
During a lull in the ethereal Cirque de Soleil–​type perfor-
mance, Fidel leaned over and asked about my plans for the rest
of the week. I told him I had a number of meetings scheduled
and then popped a question I had been waiting to ask for ten
years. For my first book, Inside the Cuban Revolution, I inter-
viewed dozens of Cuban participants in the 1950s underground
insurgency. But while in office, Fidel had several times rebuffed,
or more likely ignored, my efforts to interview him. With a lit-
tle more time on his hands, Fidel now agreed to speak with me
about that fateful chapter in Cuban history. At his suburban
Havana home the next day for a final good-​bye chat with Jeff on
his way to the airport, we decided I would return two days later.
I developed ten questions, assuming I would be lucky if we
got through two or three. We sat in a room evocative of the
American “Florida rooms” of the mid-​20th century: wicker fur-
niture painted lavender, rocking chairs, a television and VCR,
stained glass, plants. Adjacent to Fidel, a table held the props
of most people in their late 80s: several pairs of glasses, TV
remotes, a glass of water, a stack of papers and books (includ-
ing my own).
But before addressing my historical inquiries, Fidel had
something else to share. “I’m going to give a speech tomorrow
at the University of Havana to mark the beginning of the new
school year, and I have been working on the text.” The speech
would mark his first open-​air appearance since just before fall-
ing ill in 2006. He recited some of the first lines in a dry tone—​
nothing of the legendary orator. For the most part, his remarks
 Introduction xxv

focused on developments in the Middle East, perhaps a subject

far removed from the daily routines of his prospective audi-
ence of Cuban students. Having grown up in the wake of the
materially and ideologically trying “Special Period” following
the Soviet collapse, Cuban youth today are not nearly as politi-
cized as when Fidel’s own generation entered student life. It
clearly bothers the now former head of state that the next gen-
eration appears less interested in ideas and more interested
in stuff. Fidel thus sought to energize their collective political
and international consciousness. Yet he also seemed intent on
proving that after facing mortality and a long, difficult recov-
ery, he could still regale the crowd with a real stem-​winder.
I spent six hours with Fidel that day. After rehearsing his
speech, he answered each of my questions and encouraged me
to keep them coming even when I was sure fatigue or bore-
dom would have set in. At the time of our conversation, he
was preparing to release a new volume of memoirs and thus
proved to be particularly attuned to the period of time cov-
ered in my first book. At one point I made reference to a ship-
ment of weapons from Costa Rica to the Sierra Maestra in 1958.
Annoyed that I had used a different and quite possibly better
source to describe this event, Fidel asked his wife to get the
editor of his memoirs on the phone. I shuddered at the pros-
pect of Fidel’s editor having to answer to the dictates of such
a notoriously punctilious man. Friendly competition between
historians over the provenance of a source is one thing; kibitz-
ing with a living world historical figure about whose sources
are more accurate was quite another.
By late afternoon, Fidel offered to answer any historical
question I could muster. I asked if his definition of “histori-
cal questions” included discussing the transformations taking
place in Cuba since he stepped down from power—​recent his-
tory, but fair game, I hoped. His answer—​a firm and definitive
no—​confirmed what I had observed and what his passion-
ate detractors still find hard to accept: Fidel was not govern-
ing, neither from behind the scenes nor in any other way. The
xxvi Introduction

current leadership certainly consults him about the strategic

direction of the country. But since 2008, it appears Fidel has
agreed to stay out of Raúl’s way and quietly back his decisions.
Both Fidel’s columns about contemporary international affairs
and his memoirs are conspicuous for what they lack: commen-
tary on Raúl’s rather substantial agenda for revamping sin
prisa, pero sin pausa (not in a hurry, but without delay) the polit-
ical, economic, and social modus operandi that had prevailed
for most of the previous half century.
The now digitally savvy Cuban state media has grappled
with how to portray this new division of labor. When Fidel
was in power, every utterance, public appearance, or meeting
with a foreign dignitary claimed front-​page coverage. In con-
trast, during the acute stage of his illness, very little informa-
tion about his condition surfaced. As his recovery became more
secure, Cubans adjusted to the once omnipresent head of state
in retirement mode, donning an Adidas track suit instead of the
olive drab of an active military commander. At least in 2010,
Fidel still sought the occasional public appearance and today
maintains a political base among party old-​timers and revolu-
tionary diehards. Granma’s coverage of our visit gave an idea of
the media’s struggle to convey the new rules of the game. Two
photos above the fold: one with Fidel in a plaid shirt, slacks,
and sneakers playing host at the aquarium; the other, a picture
of President Raúl Castro in a suit and tie, seated in a stiff pro-
tocol meeting during a state visit. The message in these images
seems quite clear: Raúl is running the country, including for-
eign affairs, and Fidel is definitively retired, with enough time
on his hands to spend a couple of days talking Middle East pol-
itics, playing with dolphins, or revisiting his own history.
Back during lunch on the first day of meetings with Fidel—​
the day before the dolphin show—​I had tried to get us away
from the Middle East and change the geographic focus of the
conversation to our own neck of the woods. These days, Latin
America is neither Washington’s complacent imperial back-
yard nor Fidel’s proving ground for revolutionary insurgencies.
 Introduction xxvii

Still, many of Fidel’s political children—​whether because they

spent substantial time in revolutionary Cuba, were at one point
inspired by its example, or participated in revolutionary move-
ments that Cuba cultivated and helped arm—​now lead every-
thing from labor and social movements to foreign ministries
and governments throughout the region. Even though market
economies and multiparty democracies prevail over anything
resembling the Cuban Revolution’s model of one-​party state
socialism, Latin America’s ideological diversity, gradual left-
ward turn, and ever-​growing diplomatic independence from
the United States represent a long-​term foreign policy victory
for Fidel of literally continental proportions.
But when I failed to draw from him a Latin American geopo-
litical tour d’horizon, Jeff tried another, more direct approach.
“So, are you still exporting the Cuban model?” Fidel did not
miss a beat, but his response, once Jeff reported it the following
week, made headlines around the world: “The Cuban model?
It doesn’t even work for us anymore.”
Ten words out of ten hours of talks that week brought Fidel
the kind of spotlight I suspect he was after by inviting Goldberg
to interview him, but on the wrong subject—​not the Middle
East, but Cuba itself. Around the world and in the United
States, the media blizzard conveyed shock, and a bit of disbe-
lief, that the architect of the Cuban Revolution was ready to
admit “the Cuban model” had run its course. But in a sense the
foreign media were the last in on the news. By 2010, the failure
of the Cuban economy and government to generate productive
jobs and an open society—​coupled with the thousand other
outmoded, expensive, and corruption-​ inducing elements of
this “model”—​had become the primary topic all Cubans talked
about, starting with the sitting president Raúl Castro himself.
“¿Cómo va la cosa?” (How is the thing going?), Cubans jokingly
ask each other these days, referring to ongoing internal debates
about reform. International reporting, however, at times still
focuses on whether a recovered Fidel is really in charge and
whether his known allergy to capitalism will ever yield to the
xxviii Introduction

pragmatic changes his brother has long regarded as essential in

order for the Revolution to leave any meaningful legacy.
Publishing this line compelled the retired commander-​in-​
chief of the Revolution to comment on politics at home for the
first time in four years. A few days after Goldberg’s blog post,
Fidel made an indoor appearance at the University of Havana
to release the latest volume of his memoirs. Taking a short
detour from his historical remarks, he admitted the quote was
accurate but insisted Jeff’s published interpretation was incor-
rect. Both Jeff and I took the quote to be a recognition that Fidel
had absorbed and endorsed Raúl’s case for a substantial (if
gradual and still rhetorically “socialist”) overhaul of the terms
of Cuba’s social contract. In fact, Fidel now claimed rather
cryptically, he had meant “exactly the opposite.” “My idea, as
the whole world knows, is that the capitalist system no longer
works for the United States or the world… . How could such a
system work for a socialist country like Cuba?”
Of course, in reporting the remark Jeff had implied nothing of
the kind. But the purpose of Castro’s demarche was to reassure
his revolutionary base that Cuba could withstand changes his
brother would soon introduce without importing the orthodox
capitalism Fidel had decried for decades and against which he
had defined the Cuban Revolution itself. In other words, Fidel
sought to assure his political followers that change would not
mean abandoning Cuba’s ability to make decisions for itself or
reneging on the state’s commitment to social welfare and educa-
tion via some kind of shock therapy. Thus, in a roundabout way,
and without commenting directly on his own achievements or
failures in domestic economic matters (likely the subject of more
intractable debate than his accomplishments in foreign affairs),
Fidel had given his implicit endorsement to Raúl’s leadership
and the changes now occurring under his watch.
Indeed, within a matter of weeks, Raúl went on to launch
a series of measures first hinted at when he formally assumed
the presidency in 2008—​namely, massive layoffs from state jobs
and more space for small-​scale (for now) private enterprise.
Another random document with
no related content on Scribd:
these places, Sultan Aly-Alij marched from Barnoo against him,
through the road leading to Simbaki, and passed north of Dowra, or
Dowry, and Kashnah, and west of Ghoobér, till he entered the
country of Kabí, and reached the fort of Soorami. The Sultan of Kabí
met him on the morning of the feast. They fought together for an
hour; at the end of which the former fled westwards, and the Sultan
of Barnoo remained there to reduce the fort. But it being very strong,
he was obliged to retire, taking the right hand road, till he arrived at
Ghandoo, from which place he returned to his own country.
“Sultan Kanta, however, soon prepared an expedition, and
followed him through the same road, till he reached Onghoor, where
they met, and fought together, and Kanta gained the battle. After
making much booty, he returned to a place called Doghool, in the
province of Kashnah, where he attempted to subdue a tribe of the
Soodan who were disobedient to him. He had a very severe battle
with them, during which he received an arrow, which wounded him
mortally. On arriving at Jir he died, whence his body was carried by
his troops to his palace at Soorami, and there interred. He had three
favourite capitals, where he had residences; the most ancient of
which was Ghonghoo, then Soorami, and, the last, Leek. His dynasty
continued reigning for about one hundred years after his death,
notwithstanding the desolation of most of their territories. There were
no greater than them in these countries, and their tradition has no
equal. Their power was only destroyed when Sultan Mohammed Ebn
Shárooma of Ghoobér, Agabba Ebn Mohammed El-mobárék, Sultan
of Aáheer, and the Prince of Zanfarah, allied together, and marched
against them, taking possession of their dominions, and destroying
the three above-named capitals.
“The province of Ya-ory contains mountains and valleys, and is
situated on the coast of the river called the Nile. It is inhabited by
some tribes of the Soodan, who are mostly weakminded[76].
“Noofee is a province that has, on the right and left sides, rivers,
forests, sands, and mountains; and its inhabitants are tribes of the
Soodan of Kashnah; but their true origin is a mixture from Kashnah,
Zag-Zag, Kanoo, and other places. Their language is different from
that of the people of Howssa. They possess much knowledge in the
fine and rare arts; and from their country many elegant and
marvellous things are still exported.
“Yarba is an extensive province, containing rivers, forests, sands,
and mountains, as also a great many wonderful and extraordinary
things. In it the talking green bird, called babaga (parrot), is found.
“By the side of this province there is an anchorage or harbour for
the ships of the Christians, who used to go there and purchase
slaves. These slaves were exported from our country, and sold to the
people of Yarba, who resold them to the Christians.
“The inhabitants of this province (Yarba), it is supposed,
originated from the remnants of the children of Canaan, who were of
the tribe of Nimrod. The cause of their establishment in the west of
Africa was, as it is stated, in consequence of their being driven by
Yaa-rooba, son of Kahtan[77], out of Arabia, to the western coast
between Egypt and Abyssinia. From that spot they advanced into the
interior of Africa, till they reached Yarba, where they fixed their
residence. On their way they left, in every place they stopped at, a
tribe of their own people. Thus it is supposed that all the tribes of
Soodan, who inhabit the mountains, are originated from them; as
also are the inhabitants of Ya-ory.
“Upon the whole, the people of Yarba are nearly of the same
description as those of Noofee.
“The province of Barghoo contains forests and sands[78], and is
inhabited by tribes of the Soodan, whose origin, it is supposed, was
from the slaves of the Falateen. They are insubordinate and
stubborn, as also very powerful in magic.
“And Ghoorma is an extensive country, larger than Barghoo, and
contains rivers, woods, sands, and mountains. Its inhabitants are
almost like those of Barghoo, and chiefly robbers and depraved.

SECTION V.

“Near the last-mentioned province, there is an extensive country

called Moo-shér, which contains rivers, trees, and a gold mine. It is
inhabited by tribes of the Soodan.
“Adjoining to it, on the north side, the province of Sanghee lies. It
is extensive, very fertile, and well peopled. Its inhabitants are
remnants of the Sonhaja, the wandering Arabs, and the Falateen.
They profess the Mohammedan faith, and their princes ruled them
always with equity and justice. A great number of learned and pious
persons have distinguished themselves from among them.
“Next to Sanghee, on the west side, and north of Barghoo, the
country of Malee is situated. It is a very extensive province, and
inhabited by the Soodan, who, it is said, originated from the
remnants of the Copts of Egypt. Among its inhabitants, some of the
Tow-rooth, the Falateen, the Arabs, the Jews, and the Christians, are
found. It is likewise supposed that their origin was from Sarankaly, or
the Persians. It contains a gold mine, and has an anchorage or
harbour for ships sent by two Christian sovereigns, since former
periods. This country has always been in a flourishing state from
times immemorial. It embraces the province of Banbara, which is
very extensive, and contains rivers, forests, and a gold mine. The
Soodan who inhabit it are very powerful, and to this time still infidels.
“Near to Banbara there is the province of the Tow-rooth, and that
of Footá; which are extensive, and inhabited by their own people,
and by those of Sarankaly, or Persians. The Tow-rooth nation, it is
said, originated from the Jews, others say from the Christians, and
others make them to be descendants of the Soodan of Banbara.
“Beyond the last mentioned countries there is only the province of
Dámlá, or Damloo, which lies on the coast of the ocean. In it
Mooslimanism is not known; and its inhabitants presume to hear the
sound of the sun on reaching the meridian at noon. This country
contains many wonderful, rare, and extraordinary things, which we
are prevented from detailing by the pressure of time.
“Thus we now conclude what we intended to insert in this extract,
for the purpose of giving an outline of the geography of the kingdom
of Tak-roor.”

END OF PART FIRST.

 N. B. The next, or Second Part, contains only the details of the actions and
battles that took place when Bello’s father conquered these countries.

Observation.—It is proper here to explain, that the only deviation I made from
the original is in dividing the Pamphlet into two parts, and separating the
geographical from the military account.—A. S.

FOOTNOTES:

[73]On referring to the History of Yemen, by Mass-oodi, to

ascertain the period at which these two sovereigns reigned, I find
that the author of this pamphlet has made a mistake in asserting
that Africus reigned anterior to Hemeera; whereas Hemeera ruled
Yemen many hundred years previously to Africus, and that
“Africus was the sovereign who removed the Barbars from Syria,
Palestine, and Egypt, to their present countries.”
From the above-mentioned history (if it can be relied upon) it
appears, that the reign of Hemeera was after the demise of the
Prophet Heber, and that Africus reigned soon after the death of
Alexander the Great. A. S.
[74]The Eastern, and all Mohammedan people, considering
Alexander the Great as the only monarch who conquered the
globe from east to west, give him the title of “the two horned,” in
allusion to his said conquests. They likewise believe that Gog and
Magog were two great nations, but that, in consequence of their
wicked and mischievous disposition, Alexander gathered, and
immured them within two immensely high mountains, in the
darkest and northernmost parts of Europe, by a most surprising
and insuperable wall, made of iron and copper, of great thickness
and height; and that, to the present time, they are confined there:
that, notwithstanding they are a dwarfish race—viz. from two to
three feet in height only—they will one day come out and desolate
the world!—A. S.
[75]Perhaps in the Oases.—A. S.
[76]This expression means nothing less than that the people of
Ya-ory are chiefly light-headed; for the author, in this part of the
MS., is very clear and intelligible.—A. S.
[77]This was a great sovereign of Arabia, to whom the people
of that country gave the title of “Father of Arabia;” and, according
to Mass-oodi, he was the first who ruled over Yemen, and wrote
the Arabic language. His reign was, as the said historian says,
during the lifetime of the Prophet Heber.—A. S.
[78]This province seems to contain no rivers; because the word
“rivers” was inserted in the MS., but afterwards struck out by the
writer.—A. S.
 No. XIII.

NOTE BY THE TRANSLATOR.—In my translation of the first part of this pamphlet,

I stated that the second part embraced only the details of the battles and
actions that took place when Sultan Bello’s father conquered his present
dominions; which details are those of the battles of Kashnah, Dowra, Kanoo,
Kabi, and of three actions in the province of Kadawee. These being of no
general interest, I considered it superfluous to translate the whole; but, in order
to give an idea of the military tactics of the Africans, and the manner of their
warfare, I have selected the account of the first battle of Kadawee, which is the
longest, and somewhat interesting.

A Narrative of the first Battle of Kadawee.

“When we assembled and consulted together, respecting the

conquest of Kadawee, and our opinions agreed upon its execution,
we encamped out, with our troops, commanded by general Aly Jedo.
After leaving Manee, or Moona, we marched till we arrived at the
west suburbs of the capital, where we found the infidels prepared
and intrenched within some thickets. We fought them; and God
Almighty gave us the victory. We then proceeded till we reached
Boori, about half a day’s journey from Kadawee, where our friends,
the tribes of the Falateen, who had fought the infidels at the right
side suburbs, sent and announced to us that they (the infidels) had
embraced Mooslemanism; and that a great number, of both settlers
and wanderers, who had been beaten by our other troops, had also
followed their example. The fight continued on that day till our
soldiers reached Jerwa; which place is very near the capital. At
sunset, I and my guards retired from the western suburbs, but our
people besieged the southern; and the next morning when our
brother, the pious Namooda, arrived with his troops, they advanced
upon the eastern suburbs. We then held a council and agreed to
attack the city, notwithstanding the immense number of the enemy’s
troops (whose amount God only knows) that was collected in it. This
being known, every one of our party, who were besieged in it, and
made their escape, came to us. After encamping at Manee, and
most of our friends and people had joined us, we marched,
commanded by the great vizier Abdullah, till we arrived at Boori,
where we stayed till the rest of our followers reached us. We now
marched towards Ghazik, and early in the morning came near the
capital, which was very strongly fortified, and well protected by being
situated between trees and thickets. Our general hastened and
advanced till he reached the vanguard of the enemy, where he found
that they had prepared, on each side of the town, a company to
defend it. They sallied forth, and bore upon our left; we resisted and
fought them for an hour, while their people, from the fortifications of
the city, were shooting upon our troops volleys of arrows: so that we
were attacked on one side by their troops, who came out to us, and
on the other by their archers from the town. During this engagement
my uncle was wounded in the foot. God Almighty, however, helped
us against them, and we routed their troops; and, when we obtained
this advantage of their backs, the battle became very hot and
sanguinary. I pursued them with a portion of our troops (while the
rest, on the right wing of the army, remained fighting against the
city), till I drove them towards the place where I was encamped. I
then sent to the right wing to join me; and, while we were thus
engaged, the enemy came out with a fresh body of horsemen and
followed us. On seeing this movement, I hid myself, with a number of
my cavalry, till they passed and got near our troops, whereupon I
started and bore upon them from behind; by which surprise God
dispersed and made them fly. We then returned to our troops, and
encamped till the next morning, when the enemy sent out against us
an immense number of horsemen, at whose head we thought was
their prince himself. Our cavalry started and met them; and after a
severe battle, routed them. We pursued them till we reached
Zoghrob, on the right side of the capital, where we rested three
nights, and then marched to re-attack it. On Sunday morning we
fought the enemy most terribly, till it appeared as if the city was on
the point of being opened to us. In this battle a great number of our
people fell martyrs, and we killed as many of the enemy. At sunset
we retired to the camp.
“Here the Tawarek conducted themselves with treachery and
deceit: they came to us and declared their submission; but,
afterwards, they went to the infidel Soodan, and united with them
against us. They, likewise, on seeing our success in the first action,
swore and agreed among themselves, to seize upon and capture our
family. But our friend and brother, the most virtuous among them,
Ahmed ben Heeda, having written to us a detail of their design, and
cautioned us, we immediately despatched a part of our troops,
headed by the vizier, to protect our family. I remained with the rest of
the army, contending with the enemy, till the vizier returned and
brought the family safe to us.
“During his absence, however, I sent a body of soldiers to seize
upon Ackoowee; which they pillaged, and returned safely, bringing
with them an immense booty.
“In the mean time the noble shaikh, my father, moved with a
multitude of troops, and arrived at Boori; where, on hearing of his
march, I repaired to meet him.
“The Tawarek again deceived us, by writing letters, in which they
pledged themselves to meet and unite with us. But when they
assembled and joined us, and we encamped at Thunthoo, and our
people were scattered in search of provisions, while only the nobles
and leaders remained in the camp, we were surprised by the
appearance of the enemy near us. The nobles then started to
encounter them with what they could collect of our troops, while I
and my company were intrenched behind our baggage and animals.
At this moment, our friend, the pious brother of the shaikh Saado,
came to our assistance, with the royal standard in his hand, and
desired that we should advance against the enemy immediately. I
told him, he had better wait till they approached us nearer. He
refused, and advanced by himself and people. I, being very ill, was
obliged to remain behind. They reached the enemy, prepared, and
darted upon them. After a severe action of an hour, the enemy fled,
but not without a great number of our people having fallen martyrs.
By this time, our uncle, the vizier, came to our succour, followed by
the noble shaikh, our father, and his party.
“They pursued the enemy, and God gave them the victory, and
enabled them to plunge their weapons into their bodies, and
disperse them in shreds (small parties). In this engagement we lost
about 2,000 martyrs, most of whom were of our best soldiers, and of
the most pious and virtuous of our men: as the chief justice
Mohammed Thanboo, the noble Saado, Mahmood Ghordam,
Mohammed Jamm, the learned and intelligent poet and reciter Zaid,
Aboo-bakr Bingoo, the true diviner Es-sudani, and several others.
After burying as many as we could of them, we retired and
encamped till the next morning, when we buried the rest. This battle
took place about two miles from Kadawee.”
The manuscript ends thus:
“Ended, by the grace and assistance of God, the writing of this
extract, by the hand of its writer, on Wednesday about noon, the 29th
of Rajab, 1239 of Hejra, for Rayes Abdallah, the English Christian, in
the city of Sackatoo, of the country of Houssa, residence of the
prince of the believers, Mohammed Bello; whom may God cause to
be ever victorious! Amen.”
 No. XIV.

The Song of Mohammed-Alameen ben Mohammed El-Kanemy,

Sheikh of the Koran, Lawgiver to Bornou, and Governor of Kanem,
on his return from the Begharmi Country in 1821. Translated by
Major Denham.

“I return to my people, the people of my heart, and the children of

my solicitude! At break of day, fasting, coming towards Kouka, with
my morning prayer on my lips, in sight of the gate, the gate that saw
me depart! The morning wind blew fresh and cool, yet mild as the
evening breeze. The battle of spears had been long doubtful; but
had ended in glory! had covered my people with honour and victory,
God Almighty assisting us! These were our deeds; they lived in the
memory of all. Oh! glorious expedition! But the greatest joy must be
told; the joy, oh, how exquisite! the recovery of my lost love! a part of
myself. Her high and noble forehead, like the new moon, and nose
like the rainbow! Her arched eyebrows reaching to her temples,
overhanging eyes than which the moon is less bright, as it shines
through darkness! large piercing eyes, whose looks never could be
mistaken! A single glance at these her all-conquering beauties
instantly called her to my mind with all the graces of her disposition;
lips sweeter than honey, and colder than the purest water! Oh!
dearest of my wives! Heaven’s own gift! what were my sensations
when I removed the veil from thy face! Thou knewest me not in thy
alarm; animation had left thee! Thou knewest not what was to follow;
and thy large eyes had closed in despair! It seemed that lightning
had struck me with its fire! As the light of morning dispels the
blackness of night, so did she, reviving, impart to me a gladness
overpowering as the blood-red sun, when it breaks forth in its
splendour, warming the sons of earth with its re-animating fires. I
thought of the day when she was blooming in my presence, when
the news of her loss came to me like a blast from the desert. My
head was laid low with sorrow! The Spring returned with its
freshness; but its showers could not revive my drooping head! Who
shall now tell of my joy? From her shoulders to her waist, how fair is
her proportion! When she moves, she is like branches waved by a
gentle breeze! Silks from India are less soft than her skin; and her
form, though noble, is timid as the fawn! Let this my joy be
proclaimed to all my people! Let them take my blessing, and give me
congratulation! Their chief is alive, returns, and is victorious! All my
people, even little children, shall sing these our deeds; all must share
in the joy of their chief, as well those whose age prevents their
sharing my glories, as those who have yet to learn the path of
heroes! God has made us to overcome those who stood against us!
They are fallen, and their towns are in ruins! In the open day, by the
light of the sun, the children of the prophet trod them under foot! and
now we approach our homes! Towards the rising sun, we followed
them; they fled! They were destroyed! they bled! and they were
bound! On the fifth day of the week, blessed be the day! the
standards of the prophet floated in the wind! The lightnings of my
spears played around them! The neighings of my horses seemed
like thunder to the unbelievers! They fell! The earth claimed them
once more, and drank their blood! From the morning until black night
we pursued them; and their blood was as food and refreshment to
my strong-armed chiefs! Their women, their cattle, and their horses,
were amongst our spoils; and he, who was, at the rising of the sun,
surrounded by thousands of glittering spears, he, the king, was, on
the going down thereof, deprived of all! He was left alone and
deserted! David, my captain, my chosen captain, was covered with
the blood of his enemies! His garments were of blood colour! He set
his foot on the necks of the Kaffirs, as he drew out his never-failing
spear, deep as it was in their gory forms! while with his sword he still
satisfied his unappeased wrath. Forests of spears pierced our
enemies! Cowards on that day were brave! The hitherto boasting but
inactive soldier this day proved himself a hero! Who shall sing the
deeds of my brave people, and do them justice? With death before
their eyes, they embraced danger as a maiden whom they wished to
enjoy, smiling, and proud of their strength; for glory to them was
sweeter than new honey or virgin lips. The battle of spears was like a
wedding feast, so joyous were my people! Surely their rage is like
that of a furious lion in his wrath! which who shall restrain? They are
a destroying fire in the eye of their enemies! Stronger than rocks are
my followers! Spear them! spear them! till the sun sees their bones;
and let their bodies be food for the birds and hyænas, while they
resist the sword of the prophet! But oh! my people, spare the fallen!
and those who implore mercy in the name of the One and
Omnipotent! These were my words. Wading through blood, we
arrived at the palace of the sultan. What were all my defeats, when
compared to this victory!
“Lend your ears, oh my chiefs! ye who were present; for they are
your deeds I sing! and ye also who were away; for I sing of your
brethren and your children. It was on the first of the month, when we
once more came on those, who were enemies to us, and to our faith!
“Tirab, chief in fight, raged alike with the strength of an elephant!
and also his wisdom for two days! Four kingdoms towards the
declining sun had been destroyed, and one to the south, five in
number! Six months I had been from home, and on the seventh I
made my return, after humbling my enemies, and binding them as
slaves! As food is before the hyæna, so are their enemies before my
people. They are devoured! But the prophet’s children are saved by
God, who watches over true believers! As a thorn pierces whatever
disturbs its retirement, so do my spear-hurling hosts dash their
pointed javelins into the flesh of those who break our peace and our
repose! When I cheer them on, miserable are they that oppose them!
But he that submits, and acknowledges the One and Omnipotent,
and his Prophet, blessed be God and his angels, shall receive
mercy! I govern by the will of the most High, and by God’s decree,
and administer the law of God, whose servant I am; and whoever
dies under such law, paradise is his.”

No. XV.

Translation of an extempore Arab Song.

 “Oh! she was beauty’s self, and shone in matchless symmetry!
When shall I hear news of her? how support her absence, and her
loss? My hopes are but as the fantastic dreams of night; yet with this
hopelessness my love does but increase, even as a star shines the
brightest in the blackest night. O! Mabrooka! thy head sinks too with
sorrow at losing him, whose thoughts are still of thee; but as the
desert bird[79] drops and smooths its wing, but to display the
richness of its plumage, so will thy silent grief but cause thee to
appear with increased charms! Vain and cruel delusion! At the
moment of the possession of earthly happiness to doom us to
melancholy despair, was as if the traveller should draw water to the
brink of the well, and then see the wished-for draught snatched from
his thirsty lips!
“What she looks upon becomes graceful, enchanted by her
loveliness! Oh! she is beauty’s self, my polar star[80] of life.”
 FOOTNOTES:

[79]Ostrich.
[80]The word in the original is jiddie, which guides the kafila in
traversing the deserts, their track generally lying either north or
south.

No. XVI.

Translation of the Song of the Fezzanneers, on Boo Khaloom’s

Death.

“Oh! trust not to the gun and the sword! The spear of the
unbeliever prevails!
“Boo Khaloom, the good and the brave, has fallen! Who shall be
safe? Even as the moon amongst the little stars, so was Boo
Khaloom amongst men! Where shall Fezzan now look for her
protector? Men hang their heads in sorrow, while women wring their
hands, rending the air with their cries! As a shepherd is to his flock,
so was Boo Khaloom to Fezzan!
“Give him songs! Give him music! What words can equal his
praise? His heart was as large as the desert! His coffers were like
the rich overflowings from the udder of the she-camel, comforting
and nourishing those around him!
“Even as the flowers without rain perish in the field, so will
Fezzaneers droop; for Boo Khaloom returns no more!
“His body lies in the land of the heathen! The poisoned arrow of
the unbeliever prevails!
“Oh! trust not to the gun, and the sword! the spear of the heathen
conquers. Boo Khaloom, the good and the brave, has fallen! Who
shall now be safe?”
 No. XVII.

Bornou Vocabulary.

Good for nothing, Fussel

Good, Angala
Bad, Dibbe
Bread, Gorassa
Rice, Fergami
Come here, Arai natin
Go away, Lanai daka
Come to-morrow, Bali arai belte,
Come to-morrow night, Bali booni arai
Meat, Dha
Water, Inki
Bring water, Inki coutai
I wish to drink, Shay aski
Stay in the house, Arai fatto nemine
Sit down, Nemine
Bed, Boushe
Sheep, Anglaro
Bullock, Feea
Fowls, Koukee
Wind, Karouah
Sun, Kangal
Cold, Kakou
Hot to-day, Kow zow
Woman, Kano
Girl, Faro[81]
Fine girl, Faro angala
Rich girl, Faro sukala
Ugly girl, Faro dibbe
Father, Aba
My mother, Yany
Your mother, Yaanem
My brother, Crameny
My sister, Yaiany
Wife, Neka
Siriah, Keferoua
Hand, Musko
Leg, Segulni
White teeth, Teminy bull
Tongue, Telumny
A slave with large eyes, Keir angala shem kora
and handsome,
Great, Kora
Small, Gana
Old man, Keeary
Horse, Fur or Pur
Dog, Kree
Sweet milk, Kiam klee
Sour milk, Kyam
I wish to wash, Musco toliske
I will go to your house, Fanim laneskin
House, Fatto
God keep you in health, L’affia dagumba
How is your health? Are Wanumba l’affia? La
you well? Are you lay? Ba lay?
well?
Breeches, Yangay
A pretty young slave, Keir gana angala
I give you a little physic: Kergun gana gadishe
if that does not cure atte keteen baco, arai
you, come to-morrow, bali
I am sick, Ou donde
I am a little better, Kermunga neske gana
Rains coming, Delaky goushe
Good day to you, Dibdony che l’affia
Good night to you, Booni che l’affia
Bad boy, Tetowa dibbe
Good boy, Tetowa angala
White man, Bull fulk
One, Telo
Two, Inde
Three, Yasko
Four, Dago
Five, Ooogoo
Six, Araska
Seven, Toolur
Eight, Waskoo
Nine, Lekar
Ten, Meagoo
Eleven, Meagoo lageree
Twelve, Indoore
Thirteen, Meagoo yaskun
Fourteen, Meagoo daree
Fifteen, Meagoo ouree
Sixteen, Meagoo araskee
Seventeen, Meagoo toluree
Eighteen, Meagoo waskun
Nineteen, Meagoo likareen
Twenty, Finde
Thirty, Fee askar
Forty, Fee daga
Fifty, Fee oogoo
Sixty, Fee raskee
Seventy, Fee tolur
Eighty, Fee tuskoo
Ninety, Fee lekar
One hundred, Mea
Poor man, Koua telleka
Sick man, Koua laka
Gussub, Ergum
Handsome woman, Kamoo angala
Very hot to-day, Kou dzow
Very cold, Kako ngubboo
Very dirty, Teginy kadafooa
Very clean, Teginy angala
Dead, Nuee
I, Ooma
You, Nema
Mine, Kakay
Yours, Kakanem
Sandals, Sono
Cap, Geaqua
You know every thing, Summa nunumba
I know nothing, Afeema noniskeni
I know, Noniski
Bring supper, Coutai bree
I wish to eat, Maniskin buskin
I look for food, Manimin boomin
I do not wish, Naguski baco
Have you got a little? Agoga nashe
I have nothing, Afeema baco
Honey, Kom̄ agun
Wood, Kuska
At night eat supper, Booni bree boyee
Morning meal, Cheny feleski
I must go home, Oola niske fatto
Will you, or will you not? Rakami, rouanimy
I will not, Waniskee
Yes, Geree
No, Wankee
Breast, Gungy
Quick, Doua
Come, make haste, Arai doua
Black, Sellem
Red, Kemmy
White, Bull
Grass, Kajum
Straw, Soogoo
Mat, Suggady
I have many bullocks, Nanin fean’ gubboo
A great warrior, Bendugoo gubboo
I must buy a shirt, Koulko manki efeski
Tell me directly, Manany doua
I have no money, Nani gourse baco
I have no friend, Sobany baco
You are my friend, Nema sobany
You are not my friend, Ne sobany gani
I wish to sleep, Manki boniske
I do not sleep in the day, Kou boniske baco
Where is good water, Indaran inki, angala
very good? lintia
This water is not good, Inki ada angalăgănĭ
Not good, Angalăgăny̆
I will give you nothing, Afeema giski baco
Call him, Booboonimin
Don’t beat him, Wata edkonimy
Strong, Kibboo
Weak, Kibboo gany
Strong slave, Keir kibboo
I wish to return to my Bellany laniski
country,
Lion, Kourgilly
Ichneumon, Chorma
How many children have Tetoua ndago nanimin
you?
Where is your country? Ndara bellanem
You are very handsome, Angala lintia
Come with me, Yeronemin langay
Go I cannot, Lanem baco
I am tired, M’bareski
Whip, Kourfo
Turban, Aliafo
Sword, Kazager
Looking-glass, Koutrum
Face, Fiska
My face, Fiskany
Your face, Fiskanem
His face, Fiskansa
Their faces, Fiskanday
My foot, Sheeny
Your foot, Sheenum
His foot, Sheensay
Their feet, Sheenday
All their feet, Sheenday andi summa
Beard, N’chitty
Foot, Shee
Feet, Shee ndiso
Fingers, Gulandoni
Toes, Fergamij
Who is that? N’dee aty
What is that? Aty a fee
What is your name? Nin dhu
Presently, Wakay
Wait a little, Dāgā dāgō
White trowsers, Yangay bull
White shirt, Kukoo bull
Blue shirt, Kulgoo kagi
Pillow, Beeree
Where are you going? Ndara doony min
Where are you come Ndara kadim
from?
From the sheikh’s house Fatto shoukobe kadisco
I come,
To-day, Kow
Yesterday, Biska
The day before Biskada
yesterday,
Ass, Koro
Mule, Koro la fuddera
Handkerchief, Futtha. Not used