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Pioneers in Arts, Humanities, Science, Engineering, Practice 7

J. Russell Boulding
Editor

Elise Boulding:
Writings
on Peace Research,
Peacemaking,
and the Future
Pioneers in Arts, Humanities, Science,
Engineering, Practice

Volume 7

Series editor
Hans Günter Brauch, Mosbach, Germany
More information about this series at http://www.springer.com/series/15230
http://www.afes-press-books.de/html/PAHSEP.htm
http://www.afes-press-books.de/html/PAHSEP_Elise_Boulding.htm
J. Russell Boulding
Editor

Elise Boulding: Writings

on Peace Research,
Peacemaking, and the Future

123
Editor
J. Russell Boulding
Bloomington
IN
USA

Acknowledgement The photograph on the title page and others in this volume were taken
from the personal photo collection of the editor who also granted the permission for
publication in this volume. Special thanks to Sebastian Rottmair, creator of the UN Job List
and the Little Peacemaker website, for the image on the cover of the Swords Into Ploughshares
statue at the UN garden: https://www.rottmair.de/2010/12/17/swords-into-plowshares/.
A book website with additional information on Elise Boulding, including videos and his major
book covers is at: http://www.afes-press-books.de/html/PAHSEP_Elise_Boulding.htm.

ISSN 2509-5579 ISSN 2509-5587 (electronic)

Pioneers in Arts, Humanities, Science, Engineering, Practice
ISBN 978-3-319-30986-6 ISBN 978-3-319-30987-3 (eBook)
DOI 10.1007/978-3-319-30987-3
Library of Congress Control Number: 2016945845

© The Author(s) 2017

This work is subject to copyright. All rights are reserved by the Publisher, whether the whole or part
of the material is concerned, specifically the rights of translation, reprinting, reuse of illustrations,
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The publisher, the authors and the editors are safe to assume that the advice and information in this
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For the 96th birthday of my
mother Elise Boulding
Introduction and Overview

Elise Boulding as Peace Researcher, Peacemaker

and Futurist

This is the second of four volumes devoted to the life and writings of Elise
Boulding. The first volume (PAHSEP 06) includes information about her life and a
selection of writings that span the breadth of her contributions to the fields of peace
research and peacemaking, feminism, the family, Quakerism and the future.
This volume includes thirteen additional texts by Elise Boulding on peace
research, peacemaking and the future, and encompasses fields where she made
significant scholarly contributions.1 Something that has struck me in the process of
selecting and organizing texts for these volumes is that her life and work defy
simple categorization. The topics and themes that she cared and wrote about were
so interwoven that most texts could be placed in more than one category.
I remember once hearing my father, Kenneth Boulding, say with a twinkle in his
eye “There are two kinds of people, those who like to categorize…and those who
don’t.” Both Kenneth and Elise had the ability to categorize without allowing
themselves to be boxed in by the categories as categorizers tend to do. Until
compiling this volume I thought of my father, well-known for his contributions to
general systems theory, as the systems thinker and my mother as more practical and
down-to-earth. Now I see more clearly how widely Elise Boulding’s mind ranged

1
The cover photograph, taken in 1990 at Douglas College, her undergraduate alma mater, is one
of the few I have of her in an academic gown and it seemed fitting for this volume where many
of the selection have a strong academic slant.

vii
viii Introduction and Overview

across disciplines, encompassing the academic in ways that sought to translate the
ideas into the realm of the day-to-day.
Having stated that Elise Boulding’s life and work defy simple categorization,
I do find it useful to define three stages of her adult life as a way to frame her
written work based on the relative importance of the roles of wife/mother, scholar
and teacher, and activist:2
1. Wife/Mother (1941–1966—25 years). This begins with marriage to Kenneth
Boulding in 1941, after which they lived in Princeton NJ (1941), Nashville, TN
(1942–1944), Ames, IA (1945–1948) and Ann Arbor (1949–1966), with the
role of mother to five children being dominant from 1947 to 1966. Scholarly
activities included an M.S. in Sociology from Iowa State University (1949),
translation of Fred Polak’s The Image of the Future from Dutch (1954–1957),
various research/staff positions at the University of Michigan culminating in
Ph.D. in Sociology (1959–1966). She was active in the American Friends
Service Committee (AFSC) and Women’s International League for Peace and
Freedom (WILPF) during this time. By the end of this period her five children
are in middle school (1), high school (3) and college (1).
2. Scholar/Teacher (1967–1985—18 years). This includes years teaching at the
University of Colorado/Boulder (1967–1977) and Dartmouth (1978–1985) and
leadership roles in numerous professional organizations (IPRA, COPRED,
AAAS, ASA, ISA) and international organizations (UNESCO, United Nations
University). She was member of the Congressional Commission on Proposals
for the National Academy of Peace and Conflict Resolution. Continues to be
active in AFSC and WILPF (International Chair from 1968–1971). Family role
shifts from mother to grandmother of 12 by end of the time period.

2
The Chronology of Elise Boulding’s Life (Sect. 1.2, PAHSEP 06) provides additional information
about specific roles during these time periods.
Introduction and Overview ix

Elise Boulding in her office at Dartmouth College (1984). Source This photo is from the personal
photo collection of the editor who granted permission to include it here

3. Activist (1986–2010—24 years).3 Returns to Boulder to 624 Pearl Street

Residence Community of retired scholars (1985–1996). Several years after
death of Kenneth Boulding (1993) moves to Boston area first to attached
apartment to daughter’s house (1996–1999), then to one-room apartment in
North Hill Retirement Community (2000–2007) and finally to the North Hill
Skilled Nursing Facility (2008-2010). Active in many organizations at local
(such as Boulder Parenting Center), national such as (AFSC, WILPF) and
international levels (such as editor International Nonviolent Peace Team/Peace
Services Newsletter 1993–1995 and Peace Councilor with Interfaith World
Peace Council 1995–2010). Continued involvement in professional organiza-
tions (Secretary-General of IPRA 1988-1991; active in New England Peace
Studies Association 1996–2010). By the end of her life she was grandmother to
16 and great-grandmother to 6.

3
Although the third stage lasted 6 years longer than the second, that actual time period for
publications was the same.
x Introduction and Overview

Elise Boulding at Peace Abbey, Sherbourne, MA (2009). Source This photo is from the personal
photo collection of the editor who granted permission to include it here

An analysis of the bibliography of Elise Boulding’s writings (Sect. 2.2,

PAHSEP 06) shows that the first stage of her life, not surprisingly, did not leave
much room for writing (30 publications), while the second and third stages were
about equally prolific: 9.1/year for the scholar/teacher stage (163 total) and 9.7/year
for the activist stage (175).3 That Elise Boulding’s output of publications actually
increased in the activist stage of her life is remarkable when we consider that she no
longer had the formal institutional support that she had when she taught at the
University of Colorado and at Dartmouth.
Introduction and Overview xi

Overview of Writings in this Volume

The 13 texts in this volume are divided into three parts:

Part I: Elise Boulding on Peace Research and Peace Education include five
chapters, most from her scholar/teacher phase. Chapter 1 (The Study of Conflict and
Community in the International System: Summary and Challenges to Research,
1967) and Chap. 2 (Peace Research: Dialectics and Development, 1972) provide an
historical context and overview of the relatively new, but rapidly developing field
of peace research. Chapter 3 (Perspectives of Women Researchers on Disarmament,
National Security and World Order, 1981) introduces Elise Boulding’s distinctive
feminist approach as it relates to peace research, and Chap. 4 (World Security and
the Future from the Junior High School Perspective, 1981) illustrates Elise
Boulding’s knack for bringing the child’s viewpoint into arenas where they are
normally ignored. Finally, Chap. 5 (Peace Education as Peace Development, 1987)
presents an insider’s view of the development of the field of Peace Education and
how it serves as a bridge between the domains of the peace researcher and the
activist.
Part II: Elise Boulding on Peacemaking includes five chapters, most from her
activist phase of life. Chapter 6 (The Child and Nonviolent Social Change, 1978)
presents a scholarly model of the socialization process of children, drawing upon
many disciplines that focuses on how children can be encouraged to develop into
nonviolent, altruistic social activists who seek to create a better world. Chapter 7
(Image and Action in Peace Building, 1988) explores in some detail the experience
gained in Imaging a World Without Weapons workshops, which have inspired and
empowered citizens of all walks of life. Chapter 8 (New Understanding of
Citizenship: Path to a Peaceful Future?, 2003) presents a model of citizenship that
encompasses the local, national and international, and Chap. 9 (The Other America:
The Forgivers and the Peacemakers, 2003) presents the “hidden” history of the
traditions of nonviolence in the United States. Finally, Chap. 10 (Witness to Islam’s
Creativity: A Scholar’s Reflections on the Islamic Contribution to Peace Dialogue
Among Faiths, 2003) provides a glimpse of the kinds of personal connections in the
Islamic community that Elise Boulding made during of lifetime of peace research
and peacemaking.
Part III: Elise Boulding on the Future includes three chapters, two from her
scholar/teacher phase and one from her activist phase. Chapter 11 (Futurology and
the Imaging Capacity of the West, 1970) and Chap. 12 (The Dynamics of Imaging
Futures, 1978) represents Elise Boulding’s most significant contributions to the
field of future studies since her translation of Fred Polak’s The Image of the Future
xii Introduction and Overview

was published. Chapter 13 (A Journey into the Future: Imagining a Nonviolent

World, 2002) presents Elise Boulding’s experience with an Imaging a World
Without Weapons workshop for inmates of Norfolk Prison and provides a nice coda
to the analysis of these workshops in Chap. 7.

Bloomington, IN, USA J. Russell Boulding

October 2015
Contents

Part I Elise Boulding on Peace Research and Peace Education

1 The Study of Conflict and Community in the International
System: Summary and Challenges to Research (1967) . . . . . . . . . . 3
1.1 Founding of UNESCO . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4
1.2 National Versus International Interests . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5
1.3 Institutions for Peace Research . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 6
1.4 Some Current Research Approaches . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 7
1.5 Perspectives for Future Research . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 11
References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 15
2 Peace Research: Dialectics and Development (1972). . . . . . . . . . . . 17
References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 24
3 Perspectives of Women Researchers on Disarmament,
National Security and World Order (1981) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 27
3.1 The Informants . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 28
3.2 Research Agendas and the Relevance of Existing Research . . . . 32
3.2.1 The New Conceptual Framework Perspective . . . . . . . 32
3.2.2 The New Social Order Perspective . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 34
3.3 Current and Planned Research of Respondents. . . . . . . . . . . . . 37
3.4 Concepts of Security, and Images of a Disarmed World . . . . . . 38
3.5 Perspectives as Women. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 40
3.6 Conclusion . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 40
References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 41
4 World Security and the Future from the Junior
High School Perspective (1981) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 43
4.1 Introduction. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 43
4.2 This Is What the World Is Like . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 44

xiii
xiv Contents

4.3 Fears and Hopes for the World in 1995 . . ............... 44

4.4 Tackling a Social Problem Close to Home ............... 46
4.5 Questions from the Audience. . . . . . . . . . ............... 48
4.6 Addendum: A View of the Future from
a Rural Junior High . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . ............... 51
4.7 Conclusion . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . ............... 54
5 Peace Education as Peace Development (1987) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 55
5.1 The Old Internationalism in Peace Education: 1888–1939 . . . . . 56
5.2 The New Internationalism in Peace Education: 1964–1986 . . . . 58
5.3 Challenges to Peace Education in the Next Decades . . . . . . . . . 61
5.4 Peace Development Skills . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 62
5.5 Peace Learning . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 63
5.6 Concluding Reflections . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 64
References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 65

Part II Elise Boulding on Peacemaking

6 The Child and Nonviolent Social Change (1978) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 69
6.1 The Situation of the Child in Today’s World. . . . . . . . . . . . . . 69
6.2 Ingredients for a Socialization Model . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 71
6.3 The Phylogenetic Substrate of Behavior . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 73
6.4 Developmental and Chronological Sequences . . . . . . . . . . . . . 79
6.5 The Child’s Set of Social Spaces . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 82
6.6 The Socialization Model and the Real-Life Activist . . . . . . . . . 83
6.7 Developmental Opportunities in Home and School
and Exposure to Events Stock . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 84
6.8 Exposure to Adults and Peer Role Models . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 85
6.9 Competence-Generating Social Experience . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 86
References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 88
7 Image and Action in Peace Building (1988) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 93
7.1 The Peacemaker’s Dilemma . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 93
7.2 The Historical Function of Images of the Future . . . . . . . . . . . 95
7.2.1 The Image Concept in Social Science . . . . . . . . . . . . . 95
7.3 Generating Peace Imagery. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 96
7.3.1 Imaging and the Imagination . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 97
7.4 An Experiment in Imaging: Picturing a World
Without Weapons . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 97
7.4.1 Workshop Procedures . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 98
7.5 Three Case Examples . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 101
7.5.1 Group Profiles . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 101
7.5.2 Method of Analysis . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 102
Contents xv

7.6 What Happened in the Workshops? . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 103

7.6.1 Image Themes . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 103
7.6.2 Image Differences Among Workshop Groups . . . . . . . 104
7.6.3 The Significance of Shared Orientations
Among Participants . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 106
7.6.4 Action Readiness in Terms of Image Intensity . . . . . . . 107
7.6.5 Action Readiness in Terms of Image Saliency . . . . . . . 108
7.7 Conclusions and Implications . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 109
References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 111
8 New Understanding of Citizenship: Path
to a Peaceful Future? (2003). . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 113
8.1 A New Model of Citizenship. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 115
8.2 U.S. Resistance to International Treaties . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 116
8.3 Restorative Justice . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 117
8.4 Moral Numbing . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 119
8.5 Truth Commissions . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 120
8.6 A More Inclusive Understanding of Citizenship . . . . . . . . . . . . 121
9 The Other America: The Forgivers
and the Peacemakers (2003) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 123
10 Witness to Islam’s Creativity: A Scholar’s Reflections
on the Islamic Contribution to Peace Dialogue
Among Faiths (2003) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 131

Part III Elise Boulding on the Future

11 Futurology and the Imaging Capacity
of the West (1970) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 137
11.1 The Theory of the Image of the Future . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 138
11.2 Contemporary Futuristics . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 142
11.2.1 Social Planners . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 142
11.2.2 Brainstorming . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 144
11.2.3 Professional Futurists . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 145
11.2.4 The Social Evolutionaries . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 148
11.2.5 Ecological Futurism . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 149
11.2.6 The Revolutionary Futurists: Political,
Social and Literary . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 150
11.3 Frames of Reference of Futurism . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 154
References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 157
xvi Contents

12 The Dynamics of Imaging Futures (1978) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 159

12.1 Futures Imaging as Social Process:
A Non-Equilibrium View . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 161
12.2 Futures Creation Through Imaging . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 165
12.3 Perspectives on Time . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 167
12.4 Time-Span Training and Learning to Live
at the Breach . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 170
13 A Journey into the Future: Imagining a Nonviolent
World (2002) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 173
About Elise Boulding . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 179
About the Editor . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 181
 Part I
Elise Boulding on Peace Research
and Peace Education
Chapter 1
The Study of Conflict and Community
in the International System: Summary
and Challenges to Research (1967)

This article provides some historical context for the field of conflict research, which began
to burgeon in the 1960s, reviews approaches to research at the time and identifies per-
spectives for future research.1 It was published in the year that the Boulding family con-
cluded its 18-year sojourn in Ann Arbor MI and moved to Boulder, CO where both
Kenneth and Elise received teaching and research positions at the University of Colorado.
During the time in Ann Arbor Kenneth Boulding taught at the University of Michigan in
the Department of Economics and was instrumental in the establishment of the Center for
Conflict Resolution, and Elise Boulding created and edited the International Peace Research
Newsletter. At the time she wrote this article she was also working on her PhD dissertation
on a completely different subject—the effects of industrialization on the participation of
women in society.

It is a paradox that research on conflict processes and integrative processes in the

international system has been slow in getting underway in that very same century
which has made the great discovery that there is an international system. In the
dawn of the year 1900 it looked as if a peaceful world community would come of
itself. World War I made this prospect a little less self-evident, and in the thirties a
number of social scientists began thinking about what contributions their disciplines
might make to the problems of international order. Quincy Wright’s A Study of War
(1942) embodied the pioneering interdisciplinary efforts for a new study of inter-
national relations made at the University of Chicago in that decade. Anthropologists
struggled to conceptualize modern warfare more adequately and to relate the
phenomenon of war to evolution.

1
This text was first published as: “Summary and Challenges for Future Research” in: The Journal
of Social Issues (special issue on Conflict and Community in the International System) XII
(1):144–158, January 1967. Copyright © 1967 by The Society for the Psychological Study of
Social Issues. Reprint permission by Wiley granted on 27 July, 2015. Full citations for other
authors of articles in this special issue who are cited in the text are: Robert C. Angell, “The Growth
of Transnational Participation” (108–129); Kenneth Boulding, “The Role of the War Industry in
International Conflict” (pp. 47–61); Karl Deutsch, “Changing Images of International Conflict”
(pp. 91–107); Harold K. Jacobson, “Changing Dimensions of the Colonial Problem” (pp. 79–90);
Nathan Keyfitz, “National Populations and the Technological Watershed” (pp. 62–78); Yasumasa
Tanaka, “Cross-Cultural Compatibility of the Affective Meaning Systems” (pp. 27–47); and John
and Ruth Useem, “The Interfaces of a Third Culture” (pp. 130–143).

© The Author(s) 2017 3

J.R. Boulding (ed.), Elise Boulding: Writings on Peace Research, Peacemaking,
and the Future, Pioneers in Arts, Humanities, Science, Engineering, Practice 7,
DOI 10.1007/978-3-319-30987-3_1
4 1 The Study of Conflict and Community in the International System …

There was much intellectual ferment concerning the nature of society taking
place in England in the twenties and thirties, which was slow to make its impact on
American thought. The concept of general systems, which is currently the cutting
edge of social science theory and research in the United States, was battling its way
out through minds like H.G. Wells. In writing the Prelude to his Experiment in
Autobiography (1934), he foresaw a new world germinating and developing “in
studies and studios and laboratories, administrative bureaus and exploring expe-
ditions”. “We originative intellectual workers are reconditioning human life”. In the
same years a Quaker meteorologist who in 1919 had privately distributed a com-
pletely unconventional and daring piece of mathematical research entitled “The
Mathematical Psychology of War”, continued with a series of little-noticed publi-
cations which represent a contribution of the twentieth century to the analysis of the
causes of war. Only in 1960 with the posthumous publication of this work in two
volumes, Arms and Insecurity and Statistics of Deadly Quarrels (Richardson 1960)
has Lewis F. Richardson’s approach to a general theory of large-scale conflict found
its proper place in the field of social science research.
Not everything was happening on the other side of the ocean, however. In 1937
Ross Stagner served as chairman of a Committee on the Psychology of Peace and
War, of the Society for the Psychological Study of Social Issues. The committee
contacted political scientists, sociologists and economists, conducted some studies
and prepared what was to have been the 1941 Yearbook of SPSSI on the subject of
the Psychology of Peace and War. The events of December 7, 1941 and America’s
entry into the war rendered the material unacceptable, so this yearbook was never
published. In 1945 another move was made in this direction, and Gardner Murphy
successfully brought to publication a SPSSI Yearbook on Human Nature and
Enduring Peace (Murphy 1945). Since then, the Journal of Social Issues has given
periodic attention to research in this area.
By and large, however, the forties were not productive years in the area of
research on world order. When James Miller issued a plea in 1941 from the
University of Chicago for a crash program in behavioral science research for peace,
he was questioned by his fellow social scientists about the idea that anything could
be gained by putting intensive effort in a field that had to grow slowly and naturally.

1.1 Founding of UNESCO

New possibilities seemed to open up with the founding of UNESCO, with its
avowed intention of dealing with the roots of war in the minds of men, It was with
great hope that eight social scientists met together in the summer of 1948 for two
weeks in Paris under the auspices of UNESCO to inquire into “the influences which
predispose toward international understanding on the one hand and aggressive
nationalism on the other”. The scientists came from Brazil, France, England,
Hungary, Norway and the United States. They issued a joint statement (Cantril
1950) concerning the nature and causes of international tension and the vital role
1.1 Founding of UNESCO 5

which the social sciences can play in understanding and putting to constructive use
the forces which work upon man and society both from without and from within.
The statement pointed out that while many social scientists are studying these
problems, they are separated by national, ideological and class differences which
make it difficult to achieve genuine objectivity within a global frame of reference.
The scientists urged the cooperation of social scientists on broad regional and
international levels, the creation of an international university and a series of world
institutes of the social sciences under international auspices. They closed with the
statement,
The social scientist can help make clear to the people of all nations that the freedom and
welfare of one are ultimately bound up with the freedom and welfare of all, that the world
need not continue to be a place where men must either kill or be killed. Effort in behalf of
one’s own group can become compatible with effort in behalf of humanity.

This should have been the start of a great international research effort on conflict in
the world community. It wasn’t; the silence which followed was deafening. The post-
script to the Paris conference throws a little light on that silence, for each of the par-
ticipating scientists went home to write out lengthy papers amplifying their individual
points of view. These were duly circulated and published together with the Original
statement, with this significant postscript added by Professor Szalai of Hungary:
At our conference a pleasant personal contact had been established among us social sci-
entists from different parts of the world. Even a joint statement had been signed by all of us
—due to the diplomatic talent of our esteemed chairman. Then everybody went home to
write down what he had to contribute to the theme of this conference. And—as the friendly
international atmosphere of the UNESCO conference room vanished—the political and
socio-economic determination of the “home surroundings” began to act. Many of us wrote
down sentences which had never been said (either by them or by anybody else) in the
conference room, and, what is worse, many wrote things that could never have been said
there [emphasis E. Boulding’s].

Thus verbal dueling replaced what had begun as a genuine intellectual search,
and international cooperation between social scientists to search out and remove
sources of tension and international aggression received a setback.

1.2 National Versus International Interests

The inevitably double orientations of national security and international order

which the 1948 UNESCO conference had to deal with and which all social sci-
entists must come to terms with in one way or another create continuing problems
for the research community, both within each country and between countries.
Project Camelot was not the first, nor will it be the last, research crisis to raise the
question of national interest versus world interest. Troubled scholars have
increasingly been seeking ways to bring research findings which they feel will
contribute to both national and international security to the attention of
decision-makers in the national government. A growing number of scholars not
6 1 The Study of Conflict and Community in the International System …

connected with the well-funded national security research programs have also
sought, with what might be termed spectacular unsuccess, for funds to do research
which they believe will be relevant to national and international security. Lack of
success in government circles and with foundations has until recently been closely
matched by lack of success in persuading university administrations and fellow
scholars to enter new “peace research” areas. There is nothing new or remarkable in
this. The bastions of government and the bastions of the academic community have
always existed to conserve the old as long as possible. The new is incorporated only
when the pressure becomes intolerable. The same forces which finally created the
Council of Economic Advisors after long blunderings through the depression (some
of the best talent in the country is now brought to bear on economic problems) will
in time create a similar Council of International Affairs Advisors, which will
mobilize presently unused resources for international policy-making. Perhaps the
John Maynard Keynes of international relations is waiting in the wings.

1.3 Institutions for Peace Research

The surprising thing is not how little peace research there is, but how much. There is a
growing international community of scholars whose primary commitment is to
research on world order. Some indication of this is found in the number of new
international research institutes devoted to interdisciplinary international studies.
Sweden is establishing a new international peace research institute which is to be
internationally administered and staffed; the Oslo Peace Research Institute has changed
its status from that of a national to an international institute. The United Nations
Institute for Training and Research2 is becoming operational. The International Social
Science Council is conducting an expanding program of cooperative international
research on such topics as “Images of a Disarmed World”, “International Studies of
Values in Politics” and “The Role of International Cultural Cooperation in the
Promotion of Peaceful Relations” (UNESCO). New international professional asso-
ciations particularly concerned with world order and conflict management, such as the
World Peace Through Law Center (Geneva) and the International Peace Research
Association (Groningen, Netherlands) are appearing on the scene.
Research on problems of world order is certainly not a new phenomenon. There
are institutions in both Europe and American with as much as a half-century behind
them of history of research on international relations with reference to the problems

2
For: “(1) Research, study, analysis, and discussion of major questions relating to international
peace and security and the promotion of economic and social development, and ‘the techniques
and machinery of the United Nations.’ Emphasis will be placed on operational analysis.
(2) Training of personnel, especially from the developing countries, for national or UN service.
(3) The creation of a ‘pool’ of highly qualified men and women who can be detached at short
notice by the Secretary-General for special missions”. (International Peace Research Newsletter.
Vol. I, No. 3, 1963).
1.3 Institutions for Peace Research 7

of peace and war, within the framework of the traditional discipline of political
science. But in the United States (as elsewhere) the extraordinary intellectual and
moral dilemmas felt by thoughtful citizens generally and the academic community
in particular, as cold and hot wars alternately threaten, has increasingly pushed
social scientists to a consideration of international problems from fresh points of
view. Psychologists, social psychologists, sociologists, economists and others have
finally begun to wonder if their disciplines could not contribute new and useful
theoretical models, quantitative measures in areas where none exist and practical
approaches to conflict resolution. As interdisciplinary lines have been crossed and
recrossed in the last two decades, there has been a growing realization of the
possibility of radically new approaches to international conflict outside the tradi-
tional academic boundaries. The resulting revolution in research is now to be seen
in the over 70 centers and research institutes around the United States which are
now actively engaged in research on international conflict. If the heavily
national-security oriented programs are included, over 100 institutions, including
industrial organizations and “think” factories, are now engaged in serious research
on international conflict in the fields of strategy, political science, law, technology,
psychology, sociology, economics and history. Informal faculty seminars in this
area have arisen at many American universities.
This spurt of activity has led to increasingly sophisticated studies involving
quantitative measurements of attitudes and interaction patterns among nations,
influence of social values on public policy, simulation studies of decision-making
under crisis conditions, the social dynamics of ideological confrontation, etc.
A body of knowledge is being developed concerning the accommodation process
between parties to conflict, on international institutions and organizations and their
functioning, on the psychological prerequisites to the development of a viable
international organization, and on technical problems of transfer from an armed to a
disarmed society. Finally, serious efforts are getting under way to develop sys-
tematic world-wide data collection from national units comparable to statistical data
collected within the developed national units, to contribute to the social “mapping”
of the globe.

1.4 Some Current Research Approaches

The two sets of processes which rivet attention on the international scene today are
the conflict processes which drive nations and groups apart and the integrative
processes which draw them together. Earlier battles over whether the “conflict
model” or the “integrative model” was more basic to the workings of society have
been superseded by increasing agreement that these are equally researchable
complementary processes.
The dialectics of conflict and integration are touched on in a variety of ways in
the papers of this symposium. On the one hand the conflict-generating aspects of
international communication and of the integrative international networks of trade
8 1 The Study of Conflict and Community in the International System …

and aid are dealt with by Tanaka, Boulding, Keyfitz and Jacobson. On the other
hand the integrative aspects of overt conflict which emerge from mutually agreed
upon rules of conflict are treated by Boulding, Deutsch and the Useems. Assuming
that both conflict and community must be studied, a wide choice of approaches
remains. Two of the major approaches used today in the international field are the
study of social systems, and the analysis of images of systems. One or another or
both of these approaches are used by each author. The international system is a
system of nations acting and reacting on each other. As is pointed out in several
papers, these actions and reactions are based on the images which the participants
have of each other and the situation as a whole. This introduces an additional set of
variables into the analysis. Whether the researcher is focusing on systems analysis
as such, or on images of systems, he generally has to take both into account. This
dual focus is evident in many of the papers, but perhaps most of all in the papers
dealing with the bipolarized world in terms of the war industry, the population
problem and the colonial problem.
The social psychologist is concerned with the triple interpenetration of the
meanings, motivations and acts of the individual with the complex structures of
culturally patterned goals and behaviors and with the economic, political and social
institutions which embody these goals and behaviors. He may well despair at the
complexity of his problem when it is carried to the international level. The papers
presented here provide a helpful frame of reference in their explorations of the
above-mentioned concepts of images and systems. These approaches provide a
guide through the maze of empirical complexities. The concept of systems gives a
manageable way to think about Tanaka’s cultural meanings, Boulding’s world war
industry, Keyfitz’ and Jacobson’s polarized groups of nation states, Deutsch’s
participating national elites and Angell’s and the Useems’ transnational elites.
The concept of images, the second key approach, recurs thematically after
Tanaka’s initial analysis of culturally unique evaluative organizations of reality into
semantic space, producing “typically Japanese” images and “typically American”
images of objectively similar behavior. As Boulding points out in discussing the
reactivity coefficients of nation states in the world war industry system, it is not the
reality (of armed might, in this case) but the image, which dominates the behavior
of nations. Outmoded images of a special kind of economic interdependence, rel-
evant during a brief interlude in the colonial history of the later nineteenth century,
live on today to obscure the realities of technological change and the meaning of
such change for rapidly exploding societies, whose main resources are untrained
hands. This cultural lag in images of the interdependent world community underlies
much of what Keyftz and Jacobson are dealing with. Deutsch, in reviewing
mythological images of the world community which, by promising both too much
and too little, have provided the rationale for international conflicts in the past,
presents the need to bring existing images into closer conformity with the very
modest realities of existing international networks of communication and potential
cooperation.
The concept of the image and its relation to a postulated underlying social reality
is a fruitful research tool in many areas of social science, and perhaps it is
1.4 Some Current Research Approaches 9

particularly vital for the study of the international system in the face of increasing
awareness of the dangers inherent in the gap between image and reality in this area.
At the moment, however, the field is full of questions and no answers. Given the
fact that individuals from different cultures all have structurally similar semantic
spaces (Tanaka), what determines the culturally unique organizations of meanings
and how can the semantic barriers erected by these unique meaning structures be
breached? There are two possible approaches to these questions. It is a tautology to
say that unique cultural experiences produce unique cultural meanings, and that
Japanese associations with the word “democracy” are determined by their particular
life experiences as American associations with the same word are determined by
similarly particularized life experiences. But a systematic examination of the critical
social happenings during the adolescent years of contemporary, decision-making
elites for a specific set of countries which comprise, a significant interacting system,
could transform this tautology into additional insights into the content of the images
which the elites of each country have of the salient others in the system. Instead of
being aware in a generalized way of the changing meanings of emperor-worship
and modernization for Japanese of different ages in the twenties, the thirties and the
forties and the effect of these changing meanings on attitudes toward the West; or
instead of vague references to the “Munich trauma” and “depression psychology”
as explaining certain aspects of American behavior in the international system—
why not systematically relate events of national magnitude taking place during the
formative years of key decision-makers to their current foreign policy
decision-making? Studies of this kind have been done at the individual case history
level, but I am proposing a simultaneous examination of images of the international
system in terms of the “shaping experiences” in adolescence of key
decision-makers in member states.
An additional research problem brought to mind by Tanaka’s paper concerns the
concept “democracy”. Ponder for a moment the significance of the fact that the
democratic-undemocratic scale used in his study turned out to be cross-culturally
unique, and that in sharp contrast to other nationals, fully one-third of the
Americans treated “democratic” as an independent criterion of judgments, separate
from all other criteria. This finding points up what I believe to be a critical weakness
in the rapidly burgeoning field of political sociology, particularly as developed by
American social scientists. Many of the current models of economic and political
development focus on one particular concrete structure, the democracies of the
industrialized twentieth century West, and use this not only as if it were an analytic
model, but as if it were an ideal end-point on a development continuum. This
methodological confusion between folk model and analytic model (Ayoub 1961)
hampers the understanding of basic political processes. It keeps the U.S. from
understanding its own political system, and certainly contributes substantially, to
communication difficulties with the post-war ally, Japan, with the new African
states and with nations in the socialist-communist spectrum. Each of these groups
has its own folk model of democracy and the basic analytic model is still to come.
The problem of conflicting images of democracy cannot be dealt with until the
10 1 The Study of Conflict and Community in the International System …

relationship between folk and analytic models of political systems is properly

understood.
There is no intent to imply here that if there is a “reality-based” analytic
understanding of other political systems, there would be no ground for conflict.
Images have their own reality, and must be understood in their own terms, but must
not be confused with the social matrix which generates them. Images can be
thought of as “preferred conceptualizations of reality”. (The preferences may be
conscious or unconscious, or pre- or post-Mannheimian!) (Mannheim 1946). They
not only exist as representations of the “now” in the minds of men, but they also
exist as dynamic fore-shadowings of the future. Men hold images not only of the
present, and the past, but of the future, and there is a constant interplay of these
three time dimensions of the image in the human mind. Aspirations for the future
can redefine the past and transform the present. There is an increasing sophistication
in the awareness of how each society rewrites its own past—communist nations
have no monopoly on this—but there is just beginning to be an understanding of
how each society writes its own future (Polak 1961). Increased awareness of the
variety of “preferred conceptualizations” of the international system does not
remove the problems which conflicting images generate, but rather it prepares the
way for a broader frame of reference within which these images of a preferred
present and hoped-for future can interact.
Boulding’s notion of the reactivity coefficient in the international system is based
on the fact that decision-makers treat images, or preferred conceptualizations, as if
they correspond precisely to the underlying structure of fact which gives rise to the
images. The problem of reducing reactivity is two-fold. How an image of the armed
enemy is disentangled from the reality of the armed enemy (see accurately and
without exaggeration the factual dimensions of the threat), and what steps can be
taken to help the enemy see the threat in its factual, not exaggerated, dimensions.
Osgood’s (1962) formula for doing this by a series of carefully planned unilateral
initiatives (Graduated Reciprocation in Tension-reduction, or GRIT) has aroused a
good deal of interest and has possibly had some impact on foreign policy, but the
problem is always, how many Acts does it take to change an Image? That a
sufficiently consistent series of acts will change the images hostile nations hold of
each other is concretely testified to by the gradual but uneasy disarmament of the
Great Lakes after the Rush-Baghot Agreement, which resulted in a completely
disarmed border between two former enemies, the U.S. and Canada.
Another interesting aspect of images of the international system touched on by
Boulding is the matter of time perspectives. Miscalculations about the rate of
growth of other nations was an important factor in both the first and second World
Wars. While calculations about rates of future growth, and “overtake dates” for
various developing nations as given on p. 58 is, as Boulding says, already an
“obsolete arithmetical exercise”, it leaves no doubt that there will be major shifts in
the international system which no one can predict today. Deutsch has a tabulation
elsewhere (1963) which documents the fact that every 25-year period for the past
century has brought about a major political realignment and major new technolo-
gies which have changed the face of the world and that these could not possibly
1.4 Some Current Research Approaches 11

have been predicted 25 years earlier. While projections to the year 2000 are
becoming fashionable3 many national governments operate with a time perspective
of six months at the most, and five-year plans are a very recent innovation for nation
states. This may have something to do with the fact that most nation states are very
recent. Very likely it is China’s three-thousand-year old sense of national identity
which makes it possible for the leaders of the People’s Republic to speak of needing
a century or two to build the kind of communist society the Party aspires to.4 Social
scientists have done very little with the time dimension of the images which people
hold and its relevance for behavior. Most people know that images of the future
which relate to aspiration level determine performance (Atkinson 1957; McClelland
1953), but for what time periods can aspiration levels determine performance? The
puritan work ethic made it possible for people to sustain high productivity for long
periods with the promise of “pie in the sky when you die”. Can the communist work
ethic make it possible for people to sustain high productivity levels for a series of
generations so that in a future century there may be pie on earth?
There are many problems connected with images of the future in the interna-
tional system, because there is not only the problem of lack of knowledge on which
to base realistic projections (or aspirations) concerning developments within and
between nations for even a century ahead, but there is also the problem of what kind
of images of the future can be “lived with” psychologically, in terms both of
prospects for economic development which will stave off mass famine in
less-developed countries, and prospects of the rise of great new cultures not based
on the traditions of the industrialized twentieth-century West.

1.5 Perspectives for Future Research

The time dimension becomes a critical problem in the image of the future when we
confront seriously the polarization of rich and poor, powerful and powerless, as
presented by Keyfitz and Jacobson. If Keyfitz is correct in assuming that the eco-
nomic interdependence of the colonial era was a transitory stage of early indus-
trialization, and economists generally confirm this, then left are the uncomfortable
alternatives of: (a) taking up the burden of the world welfare state5 which some
welfare-oriented leaders of thought in the West are ready for, but which is not yet
wholly acceptable even at the national level in the United States (how much federal

3
Note such projects as the British-based Mankind 2000 (3 Hendon Avenue, London N. 3,
England); the Austrian Institut fur Zukuftsfragen (Goethegasse I, Vienna I, Austria, Robert Jungk,
Director); and in the U.S., studies such as the Rand Report on a Long-Range Forecasting Study.
4
“This is an arduous, complex, long-term struggle which will take dozens of years, perhaps
centuries”. From a Liberation Army Daily editorial, “Hold High the Great Red Banner of Mao
Tse-Tung’s Thinking; Actively Participate in the Great Socialist Cultural Revolution”, translated
in Peking Review, April 29, 1966, 6.
5
As discussed in Gunnar Myrdal’s Beyond the Welfare State, New Haven: Yale University Press,
1960.
12 1 The Study of Conflict and Community in the International System …

support for southern schools?); (b) resigning ourselves to an uneasy isolation from
the famines and misery of countries which don’t reach take-off; salvaging con-
sciences with sporadic technical aid missions which dress the surface wounds of
ailing societies; or (c) scrapping all the warmed-over Victorian images of the world
on which the two previous alternatives are based and taking a hard fresh look at the
situation of developing countries in the late twentieth century.
Taking this fresh look is hampered by the curiously foreshortened historical
perspectives which have nurtured the rise of social science in the West. It is perhaps
not really surprising that a social science born of the industrial revolution failed to
develop a sense of history. It is part of the intellectual heritage of the West to see
continuous change and expanded social awareness as attributes only of developed
societies. Grew/Thrupp (1966), in a recent review of World Handbook of Social
and Political Indicators by (Russet et al.) point out that today’s particular wave of
modernization stems from an eight-centuries-old urbanization process reaching
back to medieval Europe, and that “Today’s modernization is but one of a vast
series of ‘movements’ in human experience which have had disturbing and reor-
ganizing effects”. Among the many good points made in this review of the con-
temporary concept of stages of development is “how unevenly various aspects of
modernization are likely to occur and what remarkable inconsistencies society can
tolerate”. In addition there is the final sharp reminder from history that “processes
of development even in a developing world can be stopped or even reversed”;
therefore the task of framing the social process in developmental stages ought to be
approached rather humbly.
It is possible that unwittingly the growth of some of these societies has been
hampered by a facile assumption that they must recapitulate the development
process of the U.S. The social technology available now makes the early
twentieth-century approaches to public health, education and welfare perfected in
the West outmoded and inappropriate for developing countries. The separate
bureaucracies of school systems, welfare services and health clinics can ill be
afforded by societies which barely have the personnel to administer one of these
bureaucracies effectively. Current pioneering with integrated community services
for all ages and needs, in both communist and noncommunist West, takes place in
total isolation from the needs of developing countries. Because a certain coinci-
dence of technologies which occurred in the modernization of the U.S. has been
confused with immutable stages of development, western advisors to development
administrators in developing countries have ignored the relationship pointed out by
Stinchcombe (1965) between the organizational inventions that can be made at a
particular time in history and the social technology available at the time.
Scientists and educators in developing countries are beginning to evolve their
own image of the future which involves putting together technologies in ways that
do not occur to even the most pioneering of westerners, handicapped by their
dependence on their own past experience. The Citta Scientifica Internazionale
(1965) represents an attempt on the part of innovation-minded leaders in developing
countries to pool their limited technological and research resources to seek
breakthroughs in education for their illiterate masses, scrapping outmoded
1.5 Perspectives for Future Research 13

educational systems which don’t even work well in the industrialized countries for
which they were originally designed. The role of western technical advisors in the
Citta may be very different from the role of technical advisors in national aid
missions treading well-worn grooves in ex-colonial countries.
While things look black enough at this point in world history, the technological
watershed which Keyfitz fears will permanently divide the haves and the have-nots
may conceivably work very differently. The greatest failure may be the failure of
imagination.
There are other aspects of polarization, as Jacobson has pointed out. There is the
bipolarity created by the relative eagerness of many colonial powers to divest
themselves of empires, coupled with the discovery by ex-colonial nations that
formal transfers of sovereignty are a hollow mockery in the absence of physical
resources and skills of social organizations. Can the machinery of international
institutions develop fast enough to deal with the disparate wants and needs of a
community of nations which is formally equalitarian and factually semi-feudalistic?
The position Deutsch takes on this in his paper is not an optimistic one. With
increasing trends toward centralization of control within nations; and increasing
preoccupation with the possibility of some kind of international controls to contain
conflicts between states, he sees increasing burdens being placed on inadequate
control systems. At the same time, he points to the rapidly expanding population of
politically relevant elites around the world whose attitudes and actions have to be
taken into account. It is to be hoped that “national and international instruments of
effective political communication” will be able to absorb this extra load of partic-
ipation. In this crisis of interdependence, Deutsch sees a coalition arising of reli-
gionists, humanists, agnostics and social scientists in an all-out effort to develop the
necessary capabilities for mankind’s survival.
There is mounting evidence for just such a coalition. Angell’s paper documents
one aspect of this, the tremendous growth in transnational participation over the last
decade. However, a major turning point in transnational participation came back in
1900, the date of the fourth Paris Exposition, which was also the occasion of 122
international congresses which spawned innumerable international organizations in
succeeding years. These new associations are developing so rapidly that scholars are
barely able to document their growth, and the study of the dynamics of this new
development remains in the future. The whole process of mobilizing national elites
for international participation and the effects of this activity on levels of civic
competence and participation within national societies needs to be examined, par-
ticularly if there is to be understanding of the dynamics of political socialization in
developing countries. Many case studies of different types of binational communities
such as the one reported by the Useems, of effects on students and businessmen of
study and work abroad (Kelman 1962), and of the effects of these transnational
experiences on political behavior of nationals, need to be undertaken. Alger (1961)
has reported on the effects on national delegates to the UN of daily participation in a
consensus-creating international agency, and Galtung (1965) has written about the
denationalization of the international civil servant. Much more needs to be known
about what is happening when images of national identity undergo change.
14 1 The Study of Conflict and Community in the International System …

There is no doubt that there is a growing nucleus of scientists, scholars and

leaders of thought who are concerned with creating an adequate communication and
coordination structure at the international level to carry the heavy participation load
that the mass media have unleashed in national societies. Not, only is the tech-
nology of communication and coordination being studied, but the kinds of images
which societies have of each other and of a future world community. Hadley
Cantril, who chaired the earlier-mentioned UNESCO gathering of social scientists
twenty years ago, has built on what he learned from that experience and recently
published a book of major importance, The Pattern of Human Concerns (1965), in
which he undertakes to discover from the point of view of the individuals in
different societies what the dimensions and qualities of their reality worlds, and of
their aspirations for themselves and their societies, are. A major research program
for the future will be the periodic replication of this study in the 13 countries of
Cantril’s sample, and the extension of the research to more countries.
One of the most interesting developments of the last two years is the number of
groups which have arisen, in Europe and the U.S., concerned with a study of the
future. Out of all the images of the future which vie for attention in a given society
at a given time, which ones will take hold, have resonance with society, and
become dynamic forces in the shaping of social structures in the international
community? If current research bears fruit, much more will be known about this in
a decade than is known now.
The simulation studies which have been taking over the international relations
field in the past five years have not been touched upon in this review (Cantril
1950).6 If major breakthroughs are achieved in the understanding of the parameters
of decision-making at the international level through these drastically simplified
laboratory replications of the decision-making situations which national leaders
face, research on the international system may reach a new level entirely. At pre-
sent, however, the understanding of that system is so crude that social scientists are
in the rather dull stage economics was in 50 years ago of needing to collect vast
quantities of data in order to begin to see the nature of the system. Data of many
kinds are needed—political, economic, social—and at many levels from local to
national to regional to international. Anyone who has worked with the data from the
UN Statistical Yearbooks realizes how many new methods have to be found in
order to collect accurate and comparable data from all parts of the world on even the
simplest demographic and economic variables. Meaningful data on the more
complex variables of functional literacy, political stability, degrees of participation
and social integration within a society, national self- and other-images, the national
“temperature” as measured on hostility-friendship scales vis-a-vis other nations,
must wait on the development of internationally accepted indices of these variables,
as well as on the further development of the mechanics of data collection.

6
For example, Anatol Rapoport and associates at the University of Michigan, Harold Guetzkow
and associates at Northwestern University, Robert North and associates at Stanford, and many
others.
Another random document with
no related content on Scribd:
 MEYER KONRÁD FERDINÁND.

Meyer Konrád későn és nehezen lett íróvá. Egyik classikusa az

újabb német irodalomnak s harmincz esztendős korában még nem
volt kifogástalan a németsége. Ritka eredeti tehetség, férfikora
derekáig mégis pusztán abból állott irodalmi munkássága, hogy
német történelmi tanulmányokat fordított francziára. Arra gondolt,
hogy a franczia nyelv magántanára legyen valamelyik egyetemen;
későbben jogi pályára, azután festőnek készült; hivatalt akart vállalni
s csak magának szándékozott verselgetni. Párisban, Münchenben,
Olaszországban kereste élete czélját, pedig lelkének minden szála
szülőföldjéhez, Svájczhoz kötötte, melynek történetéből merítette
főbb munkáinak tárgyát. Mikor végre írni kezdett is, vers- és dráma-
themákat forgatott fejében, pedig az elbeszéléshez legtöbb a
tehetsége. Egész élete csupa merő ilyen ellentét. A legerősebb
elmék s a leghiggadtabb emberek egyike s élete folytában kétszer
kerül az őrültek házába. A történet legpompásabb korszakát, a
renaissancet festi legnagyobb kedvvel munkáiban, Rubens a kedves
festője, – maga meg a legszürkébb polgári életet éli, hivatalnoki
egyszerűségben. Mindent elkövet, hogy nyugodt napokat lásson s
ezt a nyugalmat végig keresi Svájcznak valamennyi hegyén-völgyén.
Zárkózott, emberkerülő természet, de jó fiú, gyöngéd testvér s holta
után családja marad. Egy napig sem tud ellenni huga nélkül; véle
járja be költői műveinek szinterét, neki mondja tollba regényeit, a
protestantismus harczairól, a renaissance szenvedélyes hőseiről, –
Svájcz valamelyik csöndes völgyében, egy árnyas fa alatt, míg
kutyája lábaihoz lapul, macskája az asztalon dorombol s az író
közben-közben pihenőül morzsát szór a madaraknak.
Svájcz tiszta levegője s az író lelkének ez a nyugalma megérzik
minden munkáján. Verseiben a faji vonások uralkodnak: józanság és
egyszerűség, az érzelmi lágyság mellett is némi darabossággal
párosultan. Uralkodó hangulatuk a resignatió; főbájuk: hogy minden
szóban festői gestus rejlik. Csak nyolcz sort ír a magvetőkről s látni a
nap omló sugarait, érezni éltető melegét; előttünk a megnyílt
barázda, a mint kitárt kebellel várja a magot; lendül a szóró kéz
széles íve, mely Sudermann szemében a teremtés kézmozdulatának
mása; s a hőségtől reszkető levegőben ott rezeg a természetes
példázat, az egyszerű alapeszme.

Magvetők jelszava.

Ütemre lépj! Most szór a kar!

A föld soká lesz fiatal!
Ott egy mag félre hull, kivesz.
Pihenni jó, jó sorsa lesz.
Egy a barázdán fennakad.
Jó annak is. Süt rá a nap.
Ki egy se hull az ég alul,
S vigyáz az UR, bárhova hull.

Szereti is hangulatát, érzelmét egy-egy képben kifejezni,

melyben szinte egygyé olvad a természettel; például:

Alkonypír az erdőn.

Az erdőbe menekültem,
Holtra üldözött vad én,
A nap végparázsa izzott
A fák síma törzsökén.

S hogy lihegve elfeküdtem,

Vér fut el kövön, mohán –
Vajon sebem vére csordúl?
Vagy alkonypír az csupán?

Mindig józan, realis, mégis gyöngéd. Daltárgyait s a dal röpke

természetét maga jellemzi Dalok lelkei czímű kis versében:
Egy éjjel, míg virág fakadt a fán.
Kedves kisértet-raj riaszta rám.
A kertbe bolygék nesztelen
S körtáncz keringett a gyepen,
Villó fehér fény repdesett,
Mint tánczoló tündér-sereg.
Szóba eredtem bátran vélek:
Kik vagytok, légi tünemények?

Felhő vagyok, árnyam ring a tavon. –

Emberi lábnyomok én a havon, –
Vagyok a fülbe susogva: Titok, –
Ég fele szárnyaló ima vagyok, –
Kis gyerek én, kora sírba leszállott, –
Cserje között én illatos ág-bog, –
S a kit választasz, melyőnknek kedvez
A percz ihletje, – abból most dal lesz.

Sűrűn tükröződnek verseiben úti benyomásai, Velencze surranó,

sötét gondolái, melyeket mintha nem csak szóval, hanem színnel is
festene.

A Canal grandén.

A Canal grandéra mélyen

Ráfeküsznek már az árnyak,
Sötét gondolák suhannak,
Egy-egy suttogó titok.

Két palota szűk közén át

Odatűz a nap sugára,
Izzó, széles sávot vetve,
Lángszinűt, a gondolákra.

És a bíbor csillogásban,
Hangos hangok, kaczagás kél,
Csábitó mozdúlatok, meg
Szemek bűnös villogása.

Egy rövidke pillanatra

Szilajan pezsg, forr az élet,
S túlfelől az árnyban elhal
Értehetetlen mormolásban.

Hangulatkeltőn írja le a csöndes svájczi völgyet s a kis falut, hová

barangolása közben elvetődik.

Jártomban egyszer egy völgyhöz vetődtem,

Az ég közel volt, távol a világ,
Köröskörül az iratos mezőben
Friss sarjut vágva pengtek a kaszák.

Egyik ház előtt egy vén embert látott ereje fogytán a padon
üldögélni, a tiszta, közel eget nézve; a pad már bizton üres, de a kép
még sokszor eszébe jut, verset ír róla s azzal végzi:

Szivem erősen ver még, ám elérek

Én is oda, hogy erőm cserbe’ hagy, –
Akkor majd lassan a hegyekbe térek
S megkeresem, hol állott az a pad.

(Az öreg padja.)

Ily rajzokban szövi legmagvasabb költeményét is, benső élet- és

jellemrajzát, s abban gondolatait a boldogság s az élet illanásáról.

Egy zarándok.

(Epilog verseihez.)

Egy templom áll a sabin ég alatt;

Ifjonta útam arra vezetett; –
Egy kőpadon ott ért az alkonyat,
A vállamon bő, hosszu köpenyeg;
A hegyről csípős szél süvíte le, –
Egy anya ment el arra s gyermeke,
A gyermek így szólt súgva, titkosan:
«Zarándok ül ott, kinek útja van!»
A gyermekszó eszembe’ megmaradt,
Uj földet, uj tengert ha értem én
S mellém nyugtatva vándorbotomat,
A távol titka kékellett felém:
Uj életkedv derűlt akkor nekem,
Csordultig töltve szívem’ és eszem’,
Ujjongva csendült meg harsány szavam:
«Zarándok vagyok, kinek útja van!»

A Garda vagy Como tavon esett,

Hajóm uszott a tiszta mélyeken,
Szemben az örök hó-födött hegyek,
Kedves zarándok-társam volt velem –
Hugom kihúz sötét hajam közűl
Egy szálat, a mely már ezüstösül,
Elnézem s így sohajtok lassudan:
«Zarándok vagy te, kinek útja van!»

A meghitt lángnál feleség, gyerek

Ülvén körül bizalmas tűzhelyem’,
Nincs távol, a mely vonzzon engemet;
Be’ jó itt! Csak örökre így legyen…
De hirtelen eszembe jut legott
A szó, melyet a sabin lány sugott,
Eszembe tartom azt mindig magam:
«Zarándok ül itt, kinek útja van!»

Prózai munkáit is hasonló festői mód és erő s érzelmi mélység

jellemzik, mely utóbbi egészen drámaivá feszül.
Mint a bérczek festője, Segantini, ő is tisztán rajzol meg mindent,
hogy világosan látni, a mi távol van is, tájait épen úgy, mint
történelmi alakjait. Munkaközben csöppet sem ideges, szívesen
marad egy-egy leírásnál, a meddig szükségét látja. Semmit el nem
nagyol, mindenre gondja van, a mi csak elénkbe hozhatja alakjait és
helyzeteit. Ha két embert ír le, a mint a napon sétálnak, nem csupán
őket magukat rajzolja meg, hanem sarkukhoz nőtt, összegabalyodó,
törpe árnyékukat is. Az egész német irodalomban nincs senki, a ki
festőibb lenne nála. Nem csoda, hiszen maga is festőnek készült,
huga és felesége is festegetett.
 Azonban csínján bánik festői erejével s egyetlen sornyi henye
képe sincs, a mely pusztán szín- és szószaporítás volna. Mindenütt
hatalmas művészi erő uralkodik. Annyi eseményt halmoz össze
munkáinak egy-egy jelenetében, annyi fejlődést tud egy-egy
mondatba fojtani, hogy helyhez sem juthat nála semmi fölösleges.
Színei alatt mindig mag van és élet s alakjai nem hogy beléjök
vesznének azokba, sőt azokból kelnek ki. Az a tömérdek tartalom,
melyet roppant erővel sűrít jeleneteibe, a szenvedélyeknek az a
lekötött ereje, mely majd szétveti a szót és a mondatot s szinte
szétfeszíti az egész munkának rendszerint fukaron kimért határait,
ennyi színnel átitatva, ennyi festőiségtől éltetve, olyan drámai erővel
hatnak, mintha csupa tragédiákat néznénk végig. Nem ok nélkül
készült Meyer drámaírónak s nem csoda, hogy Jenatsch-ot és
Borgia Angélá-t drámának szánta s mindegyikből meg is írt néhány
jelenetet, jambusokban. Csupa olyan themák körül forgolódott, a
melyeket mások szinpadra vittek, mint Borgia Lucretiát Victor Hugo,
A szent hősét, Becket Tamást meg Tennyson.
Ezt a megkötött erőt még jobban kiérezteti álczázott drámáinak
erőteljes szerkezete s látszólag higgadt epikai hangja. Mert
valójában minden mondat alatt parázs van. Meyer rendkívül lassan
dolgozott. Jenatsch-ot nyolcz álló esztendeig hordta magában;
Borgia Angelá-nak csak a lediktálása harmadfél esztendejébe került.
S ennek az időnek legnagyobb része abba telt, hogy át- meg
átszűrte tervét, miközben folytonosan tisztult s terjedelem dolgában
egyre apadt. Egész fejezeteket meggazdálkodott s öröm volt neki,
ha valamelyik mondatából egy-két szót megtakaríthatott.
Számtalanszor újra másolták munkáit, maga is, huga is; egy
nagyobb költeményét, az Engelberg-et, hét átjavított másolatban
tartogatta íróasztala fiókjában s Jenatsch-ot is, miután a Literatur-
ban megjelent, ki nem adta kezéből, míg újra át nem gyomlálta. Ez
az összesajtolás aczélkeménynyé edzi compositióját s olyanokká
teszi mondatait, mintha mélyükben elvarázsolt szellemek
gubbaszkodnának, a kik minden kis szakaszban egész sereg
szolgálatot tesznek az írónak: előbbre lendítik a cselekményt, szövik
a jellemek szövetét, keretbe foglalnak egy-egy képet s kiszívnak
minden levegő-buborékot a tömör anyag közül.
 Mindez még csupa külsőség és írói modor ahhoz képest, a
milyen mélyen és igazán ismeri embereit s a hogyan föl tudja
eleveníteni azok korát. Hasznát látta annak, hogy apja történettudós
volt, maga is forgatta fiatalkorában a krónikákat s egyet-mást
fordított is történeti munkákból. A történelemből vette tárgyait és
alakjait. Jobban is ismerhette a történelmi korszakokat a maga
koránál, mikor egész társaságát csak könyvei tették s a történelmi
alakokat, a kikhez nem átallt közeledni, a maga kortársainál, mikor
ezeket kerülve kerülte. Az ő számára jóformán csak a történelem
volt a valóság s önnön tapasztalatai és emberismerete, a mihez
önmagán keresztül jutott. De csodálatosan erős volt, a mi a mult
föltámasztását illeti. Elföldelt öltők embereit épen azon a módon
puhatolta ki a maga korának népéből, mint a hogy Arany János
hántotta ki a bihari gubákból az Átila- és Nagy Lajos-korabeli
magyart. A történelmi nevek közé egy-egy képzelt alakot elegyített, a
kik betöltik a réseket amazok között s indokolják gondolkozásukat és
cselekedeteiket. Ilyen költött személy Planta Lucretia, a ki
belefonódik a Jenatsch György sorsába, sarkallja hatalomvágyát s
eszközlője halálának. Ez a művészi képzelet szőtte Strozzi Hercules
szerelmét Borgia Lucretiához, a mely vérbefojtott lángjával sokkal
telibbé teszi az egésznek renaissance-színét s a mellett a főbiró az
az alak, a kin át a herczegnek, herczegnének, Don Giuliónak úgy a
lelkébe látunk, mint más résen át semerről.
A történelmi hátteret s az egyes alakokat, valódiakat és
költötteket egyaránt, azzal eleveníti meg Meyer, hogy annyira
közelükbe férkőzik, a hol nemcsak ő érezheti át azok tapasztalatait,
hanem a maga emlékeiből is juttat nekik. Egyik régi személyes
ismerőse, Frey Adolf, följegyezte, hogy mielőtt hozzáfogott Jenatsch-
hoz, sorra járta a Muretto-nyerget, Malóját, Sogliót, Berbennt,
Thusist, megfordult Domleschgben, Fuentesben és Riedbergen,
kedves Bündenének minden talpalattnyi földén, a merre Jenatsch
kóborolt. Minden élményét, a min átment, megosztotta alakjaival. Ha
Waser nehezen tudja kinyitni a berbenni paplak ablakának fatábláját
a galyak miatt, annak az az oka, hogy az író valamelyik éji
szállásának ablakát meg behúzni nem tudta egy fügefa belenőtt
ágabogától. A hol Waser egy ital bort kap, ott őt kínálták meg egy
pohár borral. Ha maga nem barangolta így be a vidéket, a hol
valamelyik munkája lejátszódik, mint a hogy nem járt Pratellóban:
legalább a térképen megkeresi s valamelyik tanár ösmerősétől elkéri
egy középkori olasz várnak a képét s azt írja le Don Giulió lakának.
Az ilyen aprólékos vonások öntenek olyan csodálatos életet
munkáiba. Úgy ismerjük tájait, mintha magunk is jártunk volna ott.
Azzal, hogy hő eit beleártja a maga életének s ezen a réven a mi
mindennapi életünknek kicsinységeibe, nagy dolgaik is
igazabbaknak tünnek fel s munkái megkapják azt a finom patinát, a
mit csak nagy írók munkáin találni: úgy hatnak, mint az átélt
események.
Azzal, hogy így egész lelkét beléjök préseli, akkora erőt ád
alakjaiba, hogy akkor is élnek, a mikor nincsenek éppen előttünk.
Pedig minduntalan kemény próbára teszi jellemző erejét s olyan
alakokat idéz fel, mint Dante, Ariosto, Becket Tamás, Rohan
herczeg, Pescara, Vittoria Colonna. Jellemrajzoló művészetének az
a leghatalmasabb bizonyítéka, hogy ezek nála nem kevésbbé
súlyosak, érdekesek, lángeszűek és nagyok, mint a milyeneknek
várjuk őket. Csupa fővonásokból rajzolja ki jellemöket, minden
világos, átlátszó bennök; jellemök nem átláthatatlan, rejtélyesen
bonyolult szövedék. A lángésznek és hősiségnek, a szenvedélynek
és fájdalomnak, az erőnek és gyöngédségnek minden árnyalata
megvan műveiben. Szenvedélyüknél fogva nagy részök tragikus
óriás. Inkább termettek tettre, mint szóra. Csak egy hiányzik szinte
egészen: a jókedv, a humor felcsillanása. Egyetlen elbeszélésében
tetszik föl magvas és nemes derűje. Különben minden lapja csupa
szomorúság. Legtöbb alakja tőrt visel övén; ruhájokra vér frecscsent.
Szokásaiban szilajabb, erkölcseiben kegyetlenebb, tettre gyorsabb
kort rajzolt a magáénál s indulatosabb és izmosabb növésű
embereket, a kikben csupa erőteljes indulat él. Kisszerű bűnt,
közönséges alacsonyságot, szeszélyt és lármás háborgást sohasem
vett a tollára ez a csöndes ember, a ki, éppen mert maga szenvedély
nélkül való volt és megfontoló, imádta az erőt, a vágyakban dúsabb
hajtású lelkeket, az aczélos fürge testet, a nagyságot, melynek
megvan az alkalma nagynak lenni.
 És mindig győzte erővel, a mibe fogott. Ereje néha a végső
pontig kifeszült, a hol olvasói visszahökkentek mellőle. Ilyen a Planta
Lukretia csapása is a véres bárddal, a min Keller Gottfréd nem
győzött eleget szörnyűködni.
Még ez sem a leglelke Meyernek. Munkái olyanok, mint
megannyi tó, a melyeknek nyugodt, ólmos tükre alatt láthatatlan
meleg források bugyognak. A mit munkáin át, az írói mesterkedésen,
a festői leírásokon, drámai jeleneteken, élénken jellemzett alakokon
keresztül az író lelkében látni: az a mélységes komolyság, a melylyel
az életet nézte, az a közöny maga iránt s az az elfordulás a körülte
nyüzsgő emberektől, az a gyönyörködés egy színesebb, viharosabb,
nagyobb szabású világban, az emberi sorsnak ez a tragikus látása,
hogy az élet csupa dilemmák közé szorít bennünket s a boldogságot
olyan tulajdonságaink feláldozása árán vásárolhatjuk meg, a melyek
nélkül nem lehetünk boldogok; a tragikumnak az a fölfogása, hogy a
büntetés súlya mindig meghaladja bűneinket: ez az igazi Meyer, a ki
egy munkájában sem fejezte ki magát teljesen s a ki nem kerülhette
el a königsfeldi gyógyintézetet.
Ott, az őrültek házában, azon sajnálkozott, hogy nagy tervei
puszta terveknek maradnak. Ha mindent megír is, a mi fejében
megfordult, akkor sem vált volna belőle soha széles körökben
olvasott író. Művészek és műértők mindig nagyra tartották munkáit;
író kortársai, Scheffel, Laube, Keller az első sorba sorozták koruk
írói közt. De munkáinak kelendősége csak akkora volt, hogy – az
üzleti könyvek tanúsága szerint – kiadójának és neki, közösen, alig
fordult egy-egy kötetén öt vagy tíz tallér hasznuk.
Mikor 1895 őszén, hetven éves korában, miután annyi
maradandó művet alkotott, meghalt, temetése csak Zürich
városának és ifjúságának gyásza volt s a kilchbergi majoré, a hol
élete vége felé kis birtokán gazdálkodott. Azóta egyre nő munkáinak
becse, művei újabb meg újabb kiadásokat érnek. Hányan értik meg
s tudják megbecsülni érdeme szerint, az más kérdés, mert a finom
lelkűeknek és hozzáértőknek írt, a kik mindig és mindenütt kevesen
vannak.
 Lábjegyzetek.
1) E mesét Brandes a skandináv-népek közös munkájára
magyarázza.
2) A czím Bunyan-féle Zarándok-utazására utal; ott van Vanity
város, az ottani vásár: Vanity-fair.
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