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NEW LANGUAGE LEARNING
& TEACHING ENVIRONMENTS
Innovation in Language
Learning and Teaching
The Case of China
Edited by
Hayo Reinders, David Nunan and Bin Zou
New Language Learning and Teaching
Environments
Series editor
Hayo Reinders
Department of Education
Unitec Institute of Technology
Auckland, New Zealand
‘This book contains latest research on key topics in current College English
Teaching innovation in China. Many authors in this book are well-known
experts in the field. I believe ELT teachers will find it both theoretically and
practically beneficial.’
—Youzhong Sun, Beijing Foreign Studies University, China
‘This book is both an extensive and in-depth exploration into most of the key
issues in English language teaching in China. Its dazzling array of authors from
home and abroad offers views from both domestic and international perspec-
tives, a sure attraction for Chinese and international ESL/EFL teachers and
researchers.’
—Haixiao Wang, Nanjing University, China
Innovation in
Language Learning
and Teaching
The Case of China
Editors
Hayo Reinders David Nunan
Department of Education University of Hong Kong
Unitec Institute of Technology Pokfulam, Hong Kong
Auckland, New Zealand
Bin Zou
Xi’an Jiaotong-Liverpool University
Suzhou, China
v
vi Contents
Index 329
List of Figures
ix
List of Tables
xi
xii List of Tables
D. Nunan (*)
Anaheim University, Anaheim, CA, USA
University of Hong Kong, Pokfulam, Hong Kong
H. Reinders
Anaheim University, Anaheim, CA, USA
Unitec, Auckland, New Zealand
B. Zou
Xi’an Jiaotong-Liverpool University, Suzhou, China
There was no official language of China until after the fall of the Qing
Dynasty in 1911. The new government, on advice from a committee
established for this purpose, named the Beijing dialect as the national
language. Rumour has it that Mandarin, or Putonghua, beat Cantonese
as the preferred language by a single vote. However, people in most parts
of China continued to use their home language or dialect, and Mandarin
was acquired as a second language. Originally, it was planned that within
100 years Mandarin would become the first language throughout the
country, but even in the 1990s, it was possible to hear people claim that
there are no native speakers of Mandarin in China.
The teaching and learning of languages and related policies have a long
history in China. From the seventeenth century, European languages were
introduced and taught by foreign missionaries. After the communist rev-
olution of 1949, close ties were established between the new government
and that of the Soviet Union. Although the relationship did not last, the
Soviet Union provided models for various governmental systems includ-
ing the economy and education, and, not surprisingly, Russian became
the major foreign language taught (Gray, 1991). During the Cultural
Revolution, English was proscribed, and anyone caught speaking it, or
even in possession of a book written in English, was punished.
President Richard Nixon’s visit to China in 1972 led to huge changes
in China’s relationship, not only to the United States, but also to the rest
of the world. Nixon, not known for his excessive modesty, proclaimed it
“the week that changed the world”. Although the Cultural Revolution
would not end for another four years, attitudes towards English and its
use began to soften.
In her history of language education in China from 1949 to the
present, Lam (2005) identifies three principal language policies: the
standardization of Chinese, the propagation of English and the devel-
opment of minority languages (p. 8). In the late 1950s and early 1960s
national English syllabi were drafted, first for the school system, and
then for universities and colleges. English fell into disrepute during the
Cultural Revolution, which did not matter in the long run as most
institutes of higher learning were shut down. In the 1970s it regained
favour with the visit of Nixon to China and the ending of the Cultural
Revolution. It received a further boost in 1978, when Deng Xiaoping
1 Innovation in China: An Overview 5
The four learning histories reflect changes in policy and variations in policy
implementation in different locations even within the same time period.
First of all, conditions have definitely improved through the years. Younger
learners, like Ling 37 and Hua aged 25, have experienced more favourable
learning circumstances such as portable tape recorders, more books, cam-
pus radio, foreign movies and more openness to speaking English, for
example, at English corners. (p. 109)
learn English if I could not speak or understand it. So, I went and I
spoke (Lam, 2005, p. 109).
The contemporary landscape as seen through the eyes of Western
teachers is tellingly and amusingly presented in Stanley’s (2013) ethno-
graphic account of English language teaching in China. Stanley looks
at the lived experience of a group of ‘backpacker’ teachers from the
United States, the UK and Canada over a three-year period: their pre-
service training, classroom practices, personal identity, motivations and
local, socially constructed roles. In Stanley’s words, these people repre-
sent the ‘soft underbelly’ of the profession. Under- and more often than
not, unqualified, they exist to fill a yawning gap for communicatively
competent local teachers. Stanley argues that they will continue to exist
“ … as long as there is a demand for English, a shortage of commu-
nicatively competent local teachers, willing to remain in classrooms
teaching for less money than they can make in other jobs, and the dan-
gerous fallacy that proficiency in a language is sufficient qualification
to teach.” (p. 2).
The implications for language education in the development plan are clear.
Putonghua (Mandarin) was officially announced as the national language
by Chinese government in 2000 (National People’s Congress Standing
Committee, 2000). English language education can no longer be divorced
from other subjects on the school curriculum. Nor can the time spent on
second or foreign language learning be seen as an investment in the acqui-
sition of a tool for some far-distant, real-world communicative encounters
in the target language. As one of the authors of this chapter argued almost
20 years ago, the real value of acquiring another language is that it “… will
foster the development of cognitive, affective, interpersonal, and intercul-
tural skills, knowledge and attitudes” (Nunan, 1999, p. 155).
Thirty years ago, contact with foreigners was a rarity in China, which
was very much closed to the outside world. This has changed dramati-
cally. Many thousands of foreigners, particularly westerners, now live and
work in China. A good percentage of these are English language teachers,
many, if not most, with minimal, if any, formal qualification to teach the
language. All that is required to obtain a work visa is to have the status of
a native speaker and some form of certification. For many Chinese stu-
dents in both public and private education at school and university, their
English class may be their first encounter with a foreigner. As Stanley
(2013) points out, the English class provides a venue for intercultural
encounters, although these may not be all positive.
1 Innovation in China: An Overview 9
Education in China has been influenced, not only by the influx of foreign
teachers, but also by the growth of the private sector. This growth has hap-
pened at all levels, from early childhood to adult. Initially, private schools
were small, and privately owned, but corporations were soon buying into
what they received to be a lucrative and massive market. In 2008, the US
entertainment giant Disney Corporation launched Disney English aimed at
young learners between the ages of 2 and 12. In the adult field, Pearson, the
British media and publishing corporation, bought the Wall Street Institute
and began an aggressive campaign of expansion. By the beginning of the
decade, there were an estimated 30,000 organizations or companies offering
private English language classes and drawing in several billion dollars annually.
In addition, to meet the requirements of internationalization, real English-
medium institutions have been established in Mainland China in recent
years, such as Nottingham Ningbo University, Xi’an Jiaotong-Liverpool
University, Shanghai Nork York University. Some top universities also tend
to deliver some courses in English, for example, Tsinghua University.
scholars’ papers are rare. Another characteristic is the large amount of fund-
ing from the government to encourage integration of technology into the
EFL classroom. Despite this, it is commonly acknowledged that many EFL
teachers still cannot adopt technology efficiently in the classroom due largely
to a lack of training (Zhang, Gu, Pan, & Shi, 2016). Perhaps one of the
reasons is that CALL has not been implemented as a compulsory course in
MA or PhD TESOL degree courses in Chinese universities. As a result it is
probably safe to say that technology has not played a key role as an agent of
change in China, although it certainly does have the potential to do so.
help students to reinforce their writing skills. They then provide recom-
mendations on EFL writing within disciplinary practice. Zhao and Yu
explore the possibility of teaching EAP at local universities. One objec-
tion to the use of EAP in China is that it is only suitable for students
at ‘elite’ universities. Zhao and Yu argue that EAP can and should be
implemented for students at local universities too. They identify teacher
training as one of the key prerequisites.
Zou and Reinders discuss how to use learner corpora to enhance
Chinese EFL learners’ English skills. They argue that while the cur-
rent learner corpora are significant to represent Chinese EFL learners’
characteristics in writing and speaking skills, they only emphasize on
weaknesses in writing and speaking components. However, the innova-
tion in the EAP trend may improve Chinese EFL learners’ English skills
and some weaknesses may disappear in the near future. Moreover, these
corpora consisted of a variety of levels. Therefore, they suggest build-
ing up an EAP corpus specific to the advanced level from Chinese EFL
learners.
Intercultural communication has been identified as a key area in EFL
teaching in China for a long time. However, it has also encountered
addressing a call for innovation in this field recently. Two chapters discuss
innovation in intercultural communication. Zheng and Gao conducted
action research and aimed to improve the pedagogical model for inte-
grating intercultural communication into EFL teaching. They found that
critical reflection in the intercultural communication EFL classroom can
significantly develop students’ critical thinking and therefore enhance
their language and culture competence. Finally, they provide innovative
recommendations for the intercultural communication course.
Li also highlights the importance of developing learners’ intercultural
communication competence in the language classroom and provides an
overview based on previous studies on Chinese language teachers’ beliefs
and practices in intercultural teaching. She focuses on four main themes
to elaborate the necessity of emphasizing research into intercultural
teaching and implementation of intercultural teaching in the langauge
classroom. She finally offers suggestions on reinforcing teachers’ under-
standing of intercultural teaching as well as solutions to problems in inte-
grating intercultural communication in langauge teaching.
1 Innovation in China: An Overview 13
5 Conclusion
As is clear from the chapters in this book, EFL teaching in China has
been increasingly influenced by the desire and the need to innovate in
recent years. This is not limited to individual schools or scholars; new
national guidelines for CET were launched at the time of writing of this
book, which seek to provide advice for teaching EFL at universities across
China. These guidelines cover general English teaching, ESP, including
EAP and Intercultural communication, for students at three recognised
levels (primary, intermediate and advanced). In particular the inclusion
of EAP is new and reflects a growing interest in this area, one that is evi-
dent from the contributions in Chaps. 6, 7, 8, 9, 10 and 11 in this book
(coverage of general English teaching can be found in Chaps. 2, 3, 4, 5
and 14 and Intercultural communication in Chaps. 12 and 13).
The chapters in this book highlight a number of challenges as well as
possible ways forward for EFL teaching in China. One of the key char-
acteristics is the considerable diversity in needs, approaches and inno-
vations across the country, not surprising given the size of its student
body. This means that a balance will need to be struck by top-down
policies, such as the 2017 CET guidelines, and local implementations
and innovations.
Another challenge remains in improving Chinese learners’ speaking
skills, especially in the face of its reduced importance in the Chinese
National English Test. Perhaps as a direct result, speaking and listening
are not given (as) much attention in EFL classes. A challenge then for EFL
teachers is to find ways to teach subjects that are given more attention in
the exams, such as grammar and vocabulary, through oral skills. These
specialised skills are likely to increase the need for teacher development,
as is the increase in EAP teaching. We estimate that fewer than 1000 EFL
teachers in China have been specifically trained in the delivery of EAP by
14 D. Nunan et al.
the end of 2016. Considering that there are over 1000 universities in the
country, clearly there is a significant and growing need. Of course in the
limited amount of space we have in this book, we have been unable to cover
all aspects of innovation in a country of the size of China. Nonetheless, we
hope that the 14 chapters in this book will provide inspiration.
References
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Gong, Y., & Holliday, A. (2013). Cultures of change: Appropriate cultural con-
text in Chinese school textbooks. In K. Hyland & L. Wong (Eds.), Innovation
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Gray, S. (1991). Liberation. In B. Hook & D. Twitchett (Eds.), The cambridge
encyclopedia of China (2nd ed., pp. 253–254). Cambridge: Cambridge
University Press.
Hyland, K., & Wong, L. (Eds.). (2013). Innovation and change in language edu-
cation. NewYork: Routledge.
Kennedy, C. (1987). Innovating for a change—Teacher development and inno-
vation. English Language Teaching Journal, 41(3), 163–170.
Kennedy, C. (1988). Evaluation of the management of change in ELT projects.
Applied Linguistics, 9, 329–342.
Kennedy, C. (2013). Models of change and innovation. In K. Hyland & L. Wong
(Eds.), Innovation and change in language education. NewYork: Routledge.
Lam, A. (2005). Language education in China: Policy and experience from 1949.
Hong Kong: Hong Kong University Press.
Markee, N. (2013). Contexts of change. In K. Hyland & L. Wong (Eds.),
Innovation and change in language education. NewYork: Routledge.
National People’s Congress Standing Committee. (2000). Law of the People’s
Republic of China on the standard spoken and written Chinese language. Beijing:
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Nunan, D. (1999). Second language teaching and learning. Boston, MA: Heinle/
Cengage Learning.
1 Innovation in China: An Overview 15
Bin Zou received his PhD in TESOL and computer technology from the
University of Bristol (UK) and his MA from the University of York (UK). He
is a senior tutor at the Language Centre, Xi’an Jiaotong-Liverpool University,
China, and Editor-in-Chief of the International Journal of Computer-Assisted
Language Learning and Teaching. Zou’s research interests include ELT, EAP,
CALL and Corpus. He has published papers in international journals such
as Computer-Assisted Language Learning, System, the International Journal of
Computer-Assisted Language Learning and Teaching and chapter books. He is
the editor of several books such as Corpus Linguistics in Chinese Context pub-
lished by Palgrave Macmillan in 2015 and Computer-Assisted Foreign Language
Teaching and Learning: Technological Advances published by IGI Global in 2013.
He has also reviewed papers for journals including Computer-Assisted Language
Learning, System and Language Learning and Technology. He is an executive com-
mittee member of the China English for Academic Purposes Association and
an executive committee member of the China Computer-Assisted Language
Learning Association
2
Assessment for Learning in English
Language Classrooms in China:
Contexts, Problems, and Solutions
Jun Liu and Yueting Xu
1 Introduction
This chapter reviews the research on assessment for learning (AfL) in
English language education in China. While AfL is not a new term to
readers home and abroad (Klenowski, 2009), we believe that it needs
some close scrutiny because it has been in use in China for more than two
decades yet issues concerning how it is interpreted by educational policies
and implemented in practice have remained underexplored. A compre-
hensive review is thus needed, based on which we can problematize AfL
implementation in China and identify lines for further research.
J. Liu (*)
Stony Brook University, New York, USA
Y. Xu
Guangdong University of Foreign Studies, Guangzhou, China
The University of Hong Kong, Hong Kong, China
1518.
FOOTNOTES
[14] Solis and Herrera say 250; Gomara and Galvano, 200; Peter Martyr, 300, etc.
[15] Torquemada, i. 358, asserts that Montejo furnished his own vessel, and that
Alonso Hernandez Puertocarrero, Alonso Dávila, Diego de Ordaz, and others,
went at their own cost.
[16] As upon this point, that is to say, the orders and their fulfilment, turned the
destiny, not only of Grijalva, but of the conquest, there has been much controversy
over it. ‘Si Iuan de Grijalua supiera conocer aquella buena vẽtura, y poblara alli
como los de su compañia le rogauan, fuera otro Cortes, mas no era para el tanto
bien, ni lleuaua comission de poblar.’ Gomara, Hist. Ind., 57-8. Partisans of Cortés
regard Grijalva with disdain, while no one seems greatly to care for Velazquez.
Bernal Diaz was of opinion that the matter of founding a colony was left to
Grijalva’s discretion; but Las Casas, who had much better opportunities for
knowing, being intimate with the governor, and at special pains to ascertain the
truth of the matter, states clearly that Grijalva’s instructions were positive, that he
should not settle but only trade. ‘Bartolome de las Casas, autor de mucha fe, y
que con particular cuydado lo quiso saber, y era gran amigo, y muy intimo de
Diego Velazquez, dize que fue la instruccion que espressamente no poblasse,
sino q̄ solamente rescatasse.’ Herrera, dec. ii. lib. iii. cap. i. So hold Torquemada,
Solis, and all careful writers on the subject.
[17] Or as he calls himself, ‘capellano maggior’ of the armada. Long before the
soldier, Bernal Diaz, published his ‘True History,’ Juan Diaz had given to the world
an account of the voyage, Itinerario de la isola de Iuchatan, following the Itinerario
de Ludovico de Varthema Bolognese nella Egitto, etc., in a volume printed at
Venice in 1520. Juan Diaz disputes the honor with Bartolomé de Olmedo of having
first said mass in the city of Mexico.
[18] Here again Prescott falls into error in attempting to follow a manuscript copy
of Juan Diaz, without due heed to the standard chroniclers. Mr Prescott writes,
Mex., i. 224, ‘The fleet left the port of St Jago de Cuba, May 1, 1518,’ and refers to
the Itinerario of Juan Diaz in proof of his statement. But Juan Diaz makes no such
statement. ‘Sabbato il primo giorno del mese de Marzo,’ he says, Itinerario, in
Icazbalceta, Col. Doc., i. 281, ‘de questo sopradito anno parti il dicto capitaneo de
larmata de lisola Fernandina.’ Saturday, the 1st day of May, the armada left the
island of Fernandina, or Cuba. The writer does not intimate that they left the port
of Santiago on that day, which, as a matter of fact, they did not, but the extreme
western point of the island, Cape San Antonio. This Prescott might further have
learned from Herrera, dec. ii. lib. iii. cap. i., ‘Despachado pues Iuan de Grijalua de
todo punto, salio del puerto de Sãtiago de Cuba, a ocho de Abril deste año de
1518;’ from Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 6, who states that all met and attended
mass at Matanzas, the 5th of April, just prior to sailing; ‘Y despues de auer oîdo
Missa con gran deuocion, en cinco dias del mes de Abril de mil y quinientos y diez
y ocho años dimos vela;’ from Solis, Conq. Mex., 25, ‘tardaron finalmente en
hacerse á la mar hasta los ocho de Abril;’ from Robertson, Hist. Am., i. 241, ‘He
sailed from St Jago de Cuba on the 8th of April,’ etc. Ternaux-Compans
perpetrates two gross blunders in the first four lines of his translation of this
Itinerario of Juan Diaz. First he writes March for May, ‘equivocando,’ as
Icazbalceta says, ‘la palabra mazo del original con marzo.’ and, secondly, he
brings the fleet to Cozumel Island on the 4th, when his author writes the 3d, which
is enough, without the palpable absurdity of making Monday the 4th day of a
month wherein the previous Saturday was the 1st. Oviedo states, i. 503, that
‘salieron del puerto de la cibdad de Sanctiago á los veynte é çinco dias del mes
de enero;’ that they were at Matanzas the 12th of February, at Habana the 7th of
April; that they left Matanzas finally the 20th of April, and San Antonio the 1st of
May, in all which, except the last statement, he is somewhat confused.
[19] Like a good soldier, Bernal Diaz makes the time fit the occasion. ‘A este
pueblo,’ he says, Hist. Verdad., 7, ‘pusimos por nombre Santa Cruz; porq̄ quatro,
ò cinco diaz antes de Santa Cruz le vimos.’ The native name of the island was
Acusamil—Landa, Rel. de Yuc., 20, writes it Cuzmil; Cogolludo, Hist. Yucathan,
10, Cuzamil—Swallow’s Island, which was finally corrupted into the Cozumel of
the Spaniards. Mercator, indeed, writes Acusamil, in 1569, although Colon,
Ribero, and Hood had previously given coçumel, cozumel, and Cosumel,
respectively. Vaz Dourado comes out, in 1571, with quoqumell, since which time
the name has been generally written as at present.
[20] Some of the authorities apply the name Santa Cruz to a port; others to a town
found there; but it was unquestionably the island to which they gave this name. ‘A
questa isola de Coçumel che ahora se adimanda Santa Croce.’ Diaz, Itinerario, in
Icazbalceta, Col. Doc., i. 287. ‘Se le puso nombre á esta ĩsla Sancta Cruz, á la
qual los indios llaman Coçumel.’ Oviedo, i. 504.
[21] This, according to Diaz; Oviedo says they landed on Wednesday, the 5th, and
again on the 6th; and Bernal Diaz affirms that the landing took place on the south
side of the island.
[22] It was the crosses, which the Spaniards here regarded of miraculous origin,
more than any physical feature which after all gave the name to these shores.
Cortés established it for all the region under Aztec sway, and under the viceroys it
was applied to all the Spanish possessions north of Guatemala, including the
undefined territories of California and New Mexico. Humboldt, Essai Pol., i. 6-7,
and others, have even shown an inclination to embrace thereunder Central
America, but for this there is not sufficient authority. See Medina, Chron. de San
Diego de Mex., 227; Lopez Vaz, in Purchas, His Pilgrimes, iv. 1432, and Gottfriedt,
Newe Welt, 74; also Torquemada, from Herrera, and several standard authors.
New Spain was for a long time divided into the three kingdoms of New Spain, New
Galicia, and New Leon, each composed of several provinces. Under the
administration of Galvez, this division gave way to intendencias, among them
Mexico and a few provinces, and New Spain came to be limited in the north by the
Provincias Internas, though including for a time at least the Californias. With the
independence the name New Spain was replaced by Mexico, less because this
term applied to the leading province and to the capital, than because the name
was hallowed by association with the traditions of the people, whose blood as well
as sympathies contained far more of the aboriginal element than of the imported.
On Colon’s map the name is given in capital letters, Nova Spaña. Under Nveva
España Ribero writes dixose asì por que ay aquy muchas cosas que ay en
españa ay ya mucho trigo q̄ an lleuado de aca entanta cantidad q̄ lo pueden
encargar para otras partes ay aquy mucho oro de nacimiento. Robert Thorne, in
Hakluyt’s Voy., carries Hispania Noua east and west through Central America,
while Ramusio, Viaggi, iii. 455, places La Nova Spagna in large letters across the
continent.
[24] Puerto Escondido. On the maps of Colon and Hood it is placed as one of the
eastern entrances of the Laguna de Términos, the former writing p. deseado, and
the latter P. desiado; Gomara places the Laguna de Términos between Puerto
Deseado and Rio Grijalva. On Ribero’s map, north of Escondido, isla ger, Vaz
Dourado marking in the same locality p:. seqo amgratriste, Dampier gives Boca
Eschondido, and Jefferys, Boca Escondida.
[25] Velazquez had instructed his captain to sail round the island of Yucatan.
Cortés, in 1519, ordered Escobar to survey this sheet, which was found to be a
bay and shallow. Still the pilots and chart-makers wrote it down an island. It is
worthy of remark that in the earliest drawings, like Colon’s, in 1527, the maker
appears undecided, but Ribero, two years later, boldly severs the peninsula from
the continent with a strait. See Goldschmidt’s Cartog. Pac. Coast, MS., i. 412-14.
The earliest cartographers all write terminos, Ribero marking a small stream
flowing into the lagoon, R:. de x p̅ ianos. Here also is the town and point of
Jicalango. Ogilby calls the lagoon Lago de Xicalango, east of which is the name
Nra Sra de la Vitoria; Dampier places south of Laguna Termina the town Chukabul;
Jefferys writes in large letters, a little south of Laguna de Xicalango or Terminos,
the words Quehaches Indios Bravos. Kohl thinks Puerto Escondido may be the
Puerto Deseado of Grijalva mentioned by Gomara.
[26] Of ‘la isola riccha chiamata Ualor,’ as the chaplain calls it, Diaz, Itinerario, in
Icazbalceta, Col. Doc., i. 295, ‘descoprir una altra terra che se dice Mulua.’
Alaminos believed New Spain to be another island distinct from Yucatan. The
natives called it Coluá, says Las Casas, Hist. Ind., iv. 428.
[27] On the chart of Cortés, 1520, it is called R:. de Guzalua, and placed west
instead of east of Rio Santa Ana. Ribero writes, R:. de grisalua; Vaz Dourado, Ro.
de grigalua; Hood, R. de Grisalua; Mercator’s Atlas, 1574, has a town, Tausco;
Ogilby, Dampier, and Jefferys employ the name Tabasco. Kohl ascribes the name
of the river San Pedro y San Pablo to Grijalva. Colon has R:. de s. pablo; Ribero,
R. de s:. Pabo; Munich Atlas, No. iv., rio de s. p.; Baptista Agnese, rio de S. paulo;
Hood, R. de S. Pablo; Ogilby, S. Paulo: Dampier, St. Peter, St. Paul, etc. As there
are plenty of streams in that vicinity Herrera gives one to Grijalva and still leaves
the chieftain, Tabasco, his own.
[28] It is Las Casas who testifies to 6,000; Bernal Diaz enumerates 50 canoes;
Herrera speaks of three Xiquipiles of 8,000 men each, standing ready in that
vicinity to oppose the Spaniards, waiting only for the word to be given.
[29] Not ‘Culba, Culba, Mexico, Mexico,’ as Bernal Diaz has it. The natives
pronounced the word Culhua only; but this author, finding that Culhua referred to
Mexico, puts the word Mexico into the mouth of Tabasco and his followers. Long
before the Aztecs, a Toltec tribe called the Acolhuas, or Culhuas, had settled in the
valley of Mexico. The name is more ancient than that of Toltec, and the Mexican
civilization might perhaps as appropriately be called Culhua as Nahua. The name
is interpreted ‘crooked’ from coloa, bend; also ‘grandfather’ from colli. Colhuacan
might therefore signify Land of our Ancestors. Under Toltec dominion a tripartite
confederacy had existed in the valley of Anáhuac, and when the Aztecs became
the ruling nation, this alliance was reëstablished. It was composed of the Acolhua,
Aztec, and Tepanec kingdoms, the Aztec king assuming the title Culhua Tecuhtli,
chief of the Culhuas. It is evident that the Culhuas had become known throughout
this region by their conquests, and by their culture, superior as it was to that of
neighboring tribes. The upstart Aztecs were only too proud to identify themselves
with so renowned a people. The name Culhua was retained among the
surrounding tribes, and applied before Grijalva to the Mexican country, where gold
was indeed abundant.
[30] ‘Das grosse Fest des heiligen Antonius von Padua fällt auf den 13 Juni, und
dies giebt uns also eine Gelegenheit eines der Daten der Reise des Grijalva,
deren uns die Berichterstatter, wie immer, nur wenige geben, genau festzusetzen.’
Kohl, Beiden ältesten Karten, 105. Cortés, in his chart of the Gulf of Mexico, 1520,
calls it Santo Anton; Fernando Colon, 1527, R. de la Balsa, with the name G. de s.
anton to the gulf; Ribero, 1529, r: de Sãton; Globe of Orontius, 1531, C. S. ãto;
Vaz Dourado, 1571, rio de S. ana; Hood, 1592, R. de S. Antonio, etc. For Santa
Ana Dampier in 1699 lays down St. Anns, and Jefferys in 1776, B. St. Ann.
[32] Colon gives it, Sierras de San mrtí; Vaz Dourado, seras de S. martin; Hood,
Sierras de St. min; Ogilby, Sierras de S. Martin; Dampier, St. Martin’s High Land,
and St. Martin’s Point. This soldier, San Martin, was a native of Habana.
[33] Herrera makes the Indian name Papaloava; Bernal Diaz, Papalohuna, Cortés,
1520, and Orontius, 1531, give R. d alvarado; Colon, 1527, R: del comendador
aluarado; Ribero, 1529, R:. de Aluarado; Vaz Dourado, 1571, Ro. de Alluorado,
etc. ‘Die Karte von 1527 hat den Rio del comendador Alvarado etwas weiter
westlich, jenseits des Rio de banderas, welches keineswegs mit den Berichten
des Bernal Diaz übereinstimmt.’ Kohl, Beiden ältesten Karten, 106.
[34] Some of the early maps place this stream incorrectly east of the Papaloapan;
where Ribero writes P. delgada, first east from R: de uanderas, Vaz Dourado
writes p:. de hiqada.
[35] The Chaplain Diaz affirms that ten days were passed on the mainland, where
Indians dressed in mantles brought them food, and where they melted their gold
into bars; and that on the San Juan Island they appointed one of the natives
cacique, christening him Ovando. ‘El capitaneo li disse che non volevano se non
oro et loro resposseno che lo portariano laltro giorno portorono oro fondido in
verghe et lo capitaneo li disse che portasseno molto d quello.’ Itinerario, in
Icazbalceta, Col. Doc., i. 299.
[36] To distinguish it, Herrera says, from San Juan de Puerto Rico. On the chart of
Cortés, 1520, the B:. de Sant Juan is laid down, but no other names are given
except that of Sacrificios Island, which is placed some distance out and called Ys
della creficio. On Orontius’ globe, 1531, three islands are called Insula Sacrifici.
Colon lays down R: de s. Juhan; R. salado; R: de s. x pouae (christobal); villa rica,
and yeo: de sacreficios. Ribero designates R:. de s. Jua; R:. de cãpual; uilla rica,
and y:.a de saćficios. Vaz Dourado writes R.o de Säo (santo) Joáo (Juan);
llaueracrus (la vera cruz), and uilla riqua (villa rica). Hood gives R. de medelin; S.
Jon delua; Laueracruz; Sen Jual; Villa Rica; and marks the point south of Vera
Cruz P. de antonisardo. Mercator gives Villa Rica; Ogilby, S. Juan de Luz, and
north of it Villarica. On another of his maps we find S. Juan de Lua; Pta de Anto
Sardo, I. y Fuerca de la vera Cruz nueva, La Vera Cruz, R. Medelin, and Yas de
Sacrificios. See further Cartography North Am., MS., i. 531. Las Casas confounds
the islands Sacrificios and Ulua, calling them one. The Spaniards supposed the
continent thereabout, far into the interior, was known to the natives as Culhua;
hence we find Velazquez, in his instructions to Cortés, Mendoza, Col. Doc., xii.
227, speaking of ‘una tierra grande, que parte della se llama Ulúa, que puso por
nombre Santa María de las Nieves.’ See also Oviedo, i. 539.
CHAPTER III.
RETURN OF GRIJALVA. A NEW EXPEDITION ORGANIZED.
1518.