Professional Documents
Culture Documents
Neocolonial Period
Flora, Beverly
De Guzman, Dan Philip G.
Lontoc, Mac- Niel F.
Olbinado, Raymart R.
Aira G. Cantorne
I. Introduksyon
a. Gawain
Q W N E O L I B E R A L J C C S C Z M
R A M D T D E O E A S N K D J D I N S
S S N U B M A E R A T D O U K G E V W
D A B C N I I S E L Y E M I N W M H I
H F S A N I P I L I P W F E U E I R O
J H C T R N V Q I O O Q T W O T L U E
L A Y I R I N E O C O L O N I A L T U
A A H O T T B H C H O N W Y E M E W B
I L J N W C N I N D E P E N D E N C E
N G N O E O N A Y M J I Y M M L I S N
O Y Y O L P M A H Q N O T N I O A J G
L R T B B L H E I V M Q I E I P L F H
O E T E U W N N E E W S F R D F A G D
C U R R I C U L U M M Z R T R I S E C
1. NEOCOLONIAL
2. EDUCATION
3. INDEPENDENCE
4. PILIPINAS
5. COLONIAL
6. CURRICULUM
7. MILLENIAL
8. NEOLIBERAL
b. Pagpapakilala sa Paksa
Education is one of the most powerful tools for the molding of minds. The
authoritative status of the teacher and the students’ position as a captive audience
converge to make this so. Education is thus a potent tool for any nation that wishes to
subjugate another. Any nation that desires complete conquest of another would be
expected to not just use the force of arms, but also to take over its subject’s intellectual
life – of which education is a major part. Conquest by force of arms alone is always
uncertain.
The American colonizers of the Philippines knew this well. They subjugated the
Philippines, “schoolbooks and Krags.” The end-products were generations of Filipinos
convinced that American forces had come to the Philippines out of purely altruistic
motives, oblivious of US imperialism’s atrocities in its “pacification campaign” against
Philippine resistance forces and unaware of its plunder of the country’s riches. More than
half a century after the Philippines was supposed to have been granted “independence”
by the US, Filipino minds continue to be captives of US pedagogical hegemony.
In 2006, the Philippines celebrated what was supposed to be the 60th year of
Philippine independence from US colonial rule.
The Bell Trade Act of 1946 ensured that the US would have an economic
advantage in its trade with the Philippines. The unequal trade relations quickly became
so entrenched that even the passage in 1954 of the Laurel-Langley Agreement – which
abolished US control over the foreign exchange rate, made parity privileges reciprocal,
and provided for tariffication of Philippine goods entering the US market – did not undo
the damage done. Meanwhile, the Mutual Defense Treaty between the US and the
Philippines contained provisions that allowed the US to maintain military bases on
Philippine soil.
Ang ginawang bell trade act ng US taong 1946 ay ginawa upang masigurong
mas mabigyan ng prebilehiyo angvmga Americano sa mga mangyayareng pakikipag
palitan ng mga produkto sa Pilipinas. Sa pamamagitan din ng batas na ito, ang Laurel-
Langley Agreement na nag tatanggal ng kontrol sa US sa foreign exchange rate ay
nabaliktad.
There are major development in Philippine-US trade relations took place in 1962 under
then President Diosdado Macapagal. Wrote historian-economist Ricco Alejandro M.
Santos:
Instructed by the IMF (International Monetary Fund), the elder Macapagal in 1961
instituted decontrol – the free inflow of imports through tariff reductions, and the free
repatriation of dollar profits by foreign investors. This first policy measure of Macapagal
set the Philippine economy into a tailspin, wiping out more than 10,000 businesses, and
creating even greater poverty. Decontrol tightened the (neocolonization) of the economy,
and whatever small gains were achieved in Filipino industrialization during the period of
import and exchange controls.
Ayon kay Santos, nag karoon ng tatlong pag babago sa mga nasyonalista taong
1969-72. Una, taong 1969 nag pasa ang Congreso ng Magna Carta na kumakalaban sa
pag didikta ng IMF. Pangalawa, taong 1971 - 1972, ang mga taong nasyonalista ay
nakakuha ng suporta mula sa Constitutional Convention para sa agendang kumakalaban
sa inperyalismo. Taong 1972, nag labas ang SC ng dalawang desisyon na di pabor para
sa mga korporasyon ng mga Americano. Una ang Quasha case na siyang nag
papawalang bisa sa pag bebenta ng mga pribadong lupa sa mga mamamayan ng
America at pangalawa ang pag bababa ng presyo ng langis.
Marcos’ very first act after the issuance of Presidential Decree No. 1081 was a
reversal of the Quasha case. A report by the US Congress would later admit that the
martial law period was a time for the granting of greater privileges to foreign investment.
Marcos was ousted in a people-power uprising in February 1986 after more than 10 years
of popular struggle.
There was, however, no basic change in US-Philippine relations after the ouster
of Marcos despite promises of “change.” His successors Corazon Aquino, Fidel V.
Ramos, Joseph Estrada, and Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo continued the old policies of
neocolonial alignment with the US. Under the Aquino administration, the government
began to allow 100 percent foreign ownership of enterprises in various sectors of the
economy. In 1994, two years into the Ramos regime, the Senate ratified the Uruguay
Round of the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT); its leading proponent was
then Sen. Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo, who became president in 2001 through another
people-power uprising.
The Philippines joined the World Trade Organization (WTO) in 1995. Since then,
the entire economic policy of the Philippines has had to conform to the neoliberal
standards dictated by the WTO, which favors the free entry of investments from
developed countries into the developing world. The WTO is controlled by the US. The
Philippine government plans to abolish tariffs altogether by 2010, in conformity with WTO
prescriptions.
Taong 1995, sumali ang Pilipinas sa World Trade Organization (WTO) na ang
kumokontrol din ay ang US. Dahil dito, kinakailangan ng Pilipinas na sumunod sa
patakaran ng WTO, na kung saan, dapat tanggalin ang Tariff sa Pilipinas.
With the Philippines retaining bondage to the US after the “independence grant” of
1946, the country continued to witness US intervention in its educational system – a
continuation of its intrusion into the country’s academic life in the 1900s, when the
American occupation forces used “education” as one of the means for pacifying a people
resisting an onslaught against their hard-earned freedom from Spanish colonialism.
Matapos makalaya nag Pilipinas sa pananakop ng Espanya ay nagkaroon ng
isang kasunduan ang Amerika sa Pilipinas noong ika-apat ng Hulyo 1994 pagkatapos ng
world war II sinasaad na patuloy nang lumaya ang Pilipinas sa kamay ng mga Espanyol.
Sa kasunduan na ito ay ginamit ng Amerika upang patagong kontrolin ang sistema ng
edukasyon sa Pilipinas, dahil ang Amerika ang tumulong upang tuluyang makalaya ang
Pilipinas sa Espanya.
This commission was charged with the task of undertaking “a thorough study and
assessment of Philippine education in order to analyze the system’s performance and
relevance to national goals.” Specifically, an assessment was to be made of the
educational system’s capacity to meet human resources development goals, including
manpower requirements of social and economic growth. The commission was instructed
to examine the extent to which current educational aims and content are supportive of
development requirements. Just as we expected to build or upgrade our roads, bridges
and harbors, develop modern communications systems and sufficient power resources
that the transnationals need for their efficient operation, so too must we prepare in
advance the kind of manpower reserves they require.
Noong ika-24 ng Disyembre 1969 ay nagkaroon ng isang survey na pinatupad
noong rehimeng Marcos. Ito ay isinagawa upang malaman ang pag-unlad ng edukasyon
sa Pilipinas at kung natutugunan ba ng maayos ang panganagailangan ng mga mag-
aaral. Ito rin ay isinagawa hindi lamang sa sistema ng edukasyon kundi sa pangunahing
pangangailangan ng mga mamamayan para sa mayos na pag-aaral gaya ng mga
daanan, tulay, pantalan, komunikasyon at koneksyon at relasyon sa ibang mga bansa .
The economic factor was therefore a major consideration, but political motives
played their part, too, in (ensuring) the active interest of the government in this
undertaking. Nationalist demands by worker, peasant and student sectors in the late
sixties… dramatized the urgency of securing the intellectual front through early
indoctrination.
A few years later, in exchange for a loan from the WB, the Marcos regime
implemented a new curriculum, which stresses vocational and technical training at the
expense of the social sciences and the humanities. The intention of this, in Constantino’s
words, was “to provide the manpower required by foreign investors and their local
partners.” The reduction of importance given to the social sciences and the humanities
also served to erode the national and social consciousness that surged during the
massive nationalist actions of the late 1960s and early 1970s. This facilitated, in the long
run, the exploitation of the workers.
Nakaroon nga ng kasunduan ang Pilipinas sa World Bank at nakahiram ng pera.
Ngunit gumawa muli ng ibang kurikulum sa pamamalakad ni Marcos, ito ay ang paigtingin
ang technical-vocational na kurso sa edukasyon sa Pilipinas. Ang naging tingin g mga
Pilipino noong dekada sisenta hanggang sitenta ay pinaigting lamang ang kurikulum na
ito upang magbigay daan sa mga trabahador na maaaring ipadala sa iabang bansa at
kung lumala pa ay magigigng abuso ito sa bansa dahil halos lahat ng mga “skilled” na
mga trabahador ay naippapadala na at kaunti lamang ang natitira sa ating bansa..
The implementation of the new curriculum, the New Elementary School Curriculum
(NESC) of 1983, was facilitated with the use of textbooks funded by the WB. The
increasing indebtedness of the Philippine government led to greater and greater
involvement of the Bretton Woods Twins in policy formation. This included the crafting of
educational policy.
Ang pagpaptupad ng bagong kurikulum na New Elementary School Curriculum
nong 1983 ay ginamitan ng pondo mula sa hiniram na pondo sa World Bank upang
pambili ng mga libro ng mga mag-aaral At dahil na rin sa paglaki ng utang ng Pilipinas sa
World abk ay patuloy na nagiging kalahok ang International Monetary Fund at World Bank
upang mapaunlad ang sistema ng edukasyon sa Pilipinas.
After the fall of Marcos, the WB continued to impose curricular programs designed
to train students according to the manpower requirements of transnational corporations.
These were implemented through Aquino’s Education Commission, Ramos’ Education
2000, Estrada’s Philippine Commission on Educational Reform (PCER), and the
Department of Education (DepEd) under Arroyo.
Aquino’s Education Commission designed the New Secondary Education Curriculum
(NSEC) of 1989, which was basically a high school version of the NESC. The curriculum
was implemented by the Department of Education, Culture and Sports (DECS).
Pagkatapos ng pamumuno ni Marcos sa bansa ay patuloy pa rin ang
pagpapautang ng World Bank sa bansa dahil gusto rin ng world bank na ma-train ang
mga mag-aaral sa mga Skills. Ngunit ito ay naisakatuparan lamang noong 2000 sa
pamumuno ng dating Pangulo Fidel Ramos na itinuloy lamang ng mga sumunod ng
Pangulo gaya nina Estrada, Arroyo at Aquino. Ngunit binago rin ang kurikulum mula sa
NCES Elementary School at naging NSEC High School Version.
PESS
In 1998, the WB and the Asian Development Bank released a study, Philippine
Education for the 21st Century: The 1998 Philippine Education Sector Study (PESS). The
PESS recommended, among others, the streamlining of Philippine education. The study
states that:
The PESS also recommended the maintenance of only 12-15 SUCs by 2008.
These SUCs would enjoy full autonomy and would utilize government services for
“development objectives” and not to maintain the existing level of services. This is
intended to further cut public spending for education, thereby making more funds
available for debt service.
PCER
The PESS was one of the studies cited by the PCER in its recommendations for
changes in the educational system. Among the PCER’s recommendations were
“reorienting the premises for financing higher education,” which it explained as follows:
The use of the large allocations of the government budget for public higher education is
perceived to be inefficient and inequitable. Budgets are allocated to state colleges and
universities on the basis of incremental expenditures, without much regard for the basic
rationale by which these institutions were established. Clearly the rationalization must be
based on a system of financing these institutions which reflect fulfillment of student
demand, equity of access, and program considerations, as well as greater accountability
and efficiency…
Sinasabi nito na ang paggamit ng malaking badyet ng pera ng gobyerno sa
pagpapalago at pagpapaunlad ng mga pambansang unibersidad at kolehiyo ng Pilipinas
ay hindi makatarungan sapagkat ito ay walang sapat na batayan at makatwirang
paliwanag mula sa mga samahang nagtatag nito. Nararapat lamang na ang maging
batayan nito ay depende sa pangangailangan ng mga estudyante, pagsasaalng-alang sa
programa, at husay at pananagutan.
Specifically, the PCER recommendations for SUCs included the following: the
increase of tuition fees to “realistic levels,” supported by student assistance schemes in
which students from higher-income families are to pay the larger cost of tuition; the
implementation of business plans related to the use of idle lands and properties, in
partnership with corporations where feasible; the exploration of “alternative” sources of
income, whether agricultural, industrial, or entrepreneurial; the systematization of fund-
raising activities and the solicitation of donor support from the corporate sector, alumni,
institutions, and individuals; and the sourcing of funds from local government units,
“provided local government support is not secured as the expense of taking away from
basic education.”
The tie-ups between SUCs and corporate interests caused by the implementation
of the PCER recommendations gave big business – particularly the transnational
corporations – a more and more prominent role in public higher education. The business
interests to which the SUCs turned for fund-generation exerted more and more influence
over policy-making and even curricular design in particular SUCs. This led to the trend of
increasing specialization in the curricula of SUCs, with technical courses being
emphasized while the social sciences and the humanities were driven to the sidelines.
Millennium Curriculum