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A Brief History of
Universities

John C. Moore
A Brief History of Universities
 John C. Moore

A Brief History
of Universities
John C. Moore
Hofstra University
Hempstead, NY, USA

ISBN 978-3-030-01318-9 ISBN 978-3-030-01319-6 (eBook)

https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-01319-6

Library of Congress Control Number: 2018956580

© The Editor(s) (if applicable) and The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer
Nature Switzerland AG 2019
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 Acknowledgements

A note of appreciation to the many people who have made this book
possible:
First of all, to the many scholars who contributed to the four-­volume
history of universities, edited by Walter Rüegg and featured in the
“Further Reading” section of this book.
Second, to Professor Joel Rosenthal of the State University of New
York at Stony Brook, who read the entire manuscript. His learned com-
ments and criticism led to substantial improvements. Of course, he is not
responsible for errors or opinions in my text.
Third, to Professor Stanislao Pugliese of Hofstra University (and
my former student at Hofstra), who smoothed the way for the book’s
publication.
Fourth, to my luncheon companions who, for many years, have wel-
comed me to their weekly lunch and who have contributed, directly
or indirectly, to my efforts. All are professors somehow associated with
Indiana University, and most have served there in the Department of
the History and Philosophy of Science: Noretta Koertge, Edward Grant,
John Walbridge, the late Frederick Churchill, Rega Wood, Ronald Giere,
Jon Michael Dunn, and Frances Trix.
Fifth, to the Department of History at Indiana University for facilitat-
ing my access to the Wells Library of Indiana University.
Finally, to my family, who have long provided direct or indirect sup-
port for my scholarly efforts: my late wife, Patricia Ann Moore, and my
children, John Jr., Joan Vanore, Carolyn Moore, and Mary Vukelich.

v
 Contents

1 Introduction 1

2 The Middle Ages: 500–1500 9

3 The Early Modern Period: 1500–1789 37

4 The Nineteenth Century 61

5 The Twentieth Century 87

Further Reading on the History of Universities 113

Index 117

vii
 CHAPTER 1

Introduction

Abstract John Moore’s “Introduction” presents his reasons for writ-

ing this book. He then reviews how the cultures of ancient Greece and
Rome provided the building blocks for the later “Western University.”
The author also presents the characteristic differences between earlier
forms of higher education and the university. The Introduction con-
cludes with a brief survey of the transition from the late Roman Empire
through the early Middle Ages.

Keywords Greece · Rome · Liberal arts · University

Why write a brief history of universities? Mainly, as a remedy for my

own ignorance. After I had retired from Hofstra University on Long
Island, my wife and I moved to Bloomington, Indiana. Away from the
daily demands on a professor, I had a growing awareness of my igno-
rance. I knew something about medieval universities, as well as a little
about present-day universities, but I knew virtually nothing about what
went on in between. For years, I had taught the history of Western
Civilization, but universities did not have a large role in that history.
After their origin in the Middle Ages, it seemed that most of the good
stuff happened outside the universities: the “Renaissance,” the Scientific
Revolution and the Enlightenment, industrialization, and so forth. One
of the textbooks I used had only one paragraph on universities after the
Middle Ages, and it was about student activism in the 1960s.

© The Author(s) 2019 1

J. C. Moore, A Brief History of Universities,
https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-01319-6_1
2 J. C. MOORE

I was especially embarrassed to recall that my doctorate in history was

earned at Johns Hopkins University, the first to adopt the German model
of the university as a research institution. I had been too preoccupied
with my own studies to appreciate what a substantial change that was in
the history of higher education.
The title I originally had in mind for this book was The Western
University: A Short History, but I found that too many potential readers
assumed its subject was the universities of the Western USA. The present
title should better indicate the scope and perhaps the overly ambitious
nature of this small volume.
Universities continue to evolve, and there are now worldwide discus-
sions of what future universities should be. It would surely be useful, not
only for me, but for the general reader, to have some understanding of
the road traveled so far. The extraordinary importance of universities to
civilized societies requires careful and informed consideration of their
care and upkeep. The modern world, with its love of innovation, may
be too inclined to undervalue institutions that have been centuries in the
making. Just as personal habits developed over decades enable individuals
to navigate the world they live in, so do institutions allow a society to
reach maturity, to function on a “civilized” level.

&&&&&

The great thinkers of the ancient world were not graduates of uni-
versities. We have no reason to believe that Confucius (d. 479 BCE) or
Buddha (fl. 5th c. BCE) attended an educational institution, with profes-
sors and students organized into corporate bodies that gave certificates
of accomplishment. Socrates (d. 399 BCE) and his student Plato (d. 347
BCE) no doubt had teachers for elementary education, but after that,
they relied on their own reading and on the discussions that flourished in
the Athens of their day. Plato’s student Aristotle (d. 322 BCE), perhaps
the greatest human mind in all of history, pursued his intellectual inter-
ests at “Plato’s Academy,” a center in Athens dedicated to informal study
and discussion of many subjects. But no credentialed professors presided
there, there was no basic curriculum, no degrees were given. There were
no certificates guaranteeing that the holders were qualified to teach at all
other similar institutions. The same can be said of centers of learning in
other parts of the world before the advent of the European or Western
University.
 1 INTRODUCTION 3

The common practice for higher education in ancient Greece was

for outstanding thinkers to attract a circle of followers who then might
attract followers of their own. As the young Roman Republic expanded
from the Western Mediterranean to include the Greek-speaking Eastern
Mediterranean (something that had been completed by the time of Jesus
of Nazareth), the Romans absorbed Greek culture and adapted it to cre-
ate their own Latin culture. It produced its own list of intellectuals and
artists—especially Cicero and Virgil.
In the Roman Empire, the pattern of instruction changed little,
except that it became more common for teachers to expect pay from
their students (unless the teachers were slaves). Also, the knowledge of
Greek began to fade in the later centuries. That was the case after the
empire had become officially Christian in the fourth century CE. The
North African Augustine of Hippo (St. Augustine, d. 430) had acquired
sufficient mastery of the Latin classics, especially Cicero and Virgil, that
for a brief period he made a living as a teacher of rhetoric in Carthage,
Rome, and Milan. He and other teachers might be hired by wealthy par-
ents to teach their offspring, or they might act as private entrepreneurs,
opening their own schools for those willing to pay.
An acquaintance with the Latin classics was a hallmark of the upper
classes of the Roman Empire—and of those who hoped for entry into
their company. But again, there were no corporations of professors or
students following curricula aimed at providing specific degrees, degrees
that in turn qualified their recipients for specific occupations. The con-
tent of Roman instruction then was the classical tradition of the Greeks
and Romans, made up of dozens of extraordinary intellectuals and artists
of many kinds: playwrights, poets, scientists, philosophers, historians, and
so on.
But by the death of St. Augustine in 430, the Latin Western Empire
was growing more distant from the Greek Eastern Empire. German-
speaking invaders had descended into the Balkans south of the Danube
and had proceeded to invade Italy, southern France, and Spain. They
then crossed the Straits of Gibraltar into the Roman provinces in North
Africa. When Augustine died in Hippo, in modern Algeria, the German
Vandals were besieging his city.
By the death of Augustine, the empire was officially Christian, and
Christian thinkers like Augustine had for some time been addressing
the crucial question of how the Christian church was to deal with the
pagan culture of Greece and Rome. Should it be rejected because of its
4 J. C. MOORE

pagan gods and lax morals, or could it somehow be adapted for Christian
believers? Should Christians discard the pagan authors and rely entirely
on the Christian Bible and its Christian commentators? Fortunately,
Christian thinkers in both the Greek East and the Latin West chose to
seek a reconciliation of the pagan and the Christian. Augustine argued
that when Moses led the ancient Jews out of Egypt, they despoiled the
Egyptians of what was needed for their journey to the promised land.
So, he said, should the Christians of his day take what they needed from
pagan culture for their journey into a new Christian culture. The same
opinion was held by Augustine’s friend and mentor, St. Ambrose, bishop
of Milan (d. 397), and by his less enthusiastic contemporary, St. Jerome
(d. 420).
Jerome’s education in the pagan classics caused him an acute crisis of
conscience, but it still enabled him to translate the Bible from Hebrew
and Greek into the Latin of his day. By the time of Jerome, the Bible
had acquired a normative status for all Christians in the West, so liter-
acy became a requirement at least for Christian leaders, no matter how
the general educational standards weakened within the empire. Jerome’s
Latin Bible, the Vulgate, together with the writings of Augustine,
Ambrose, and many other Roman writers, both pagan and Christian,
would provide the basis of education in the centuries to follow.
In order to understand the pagan and Christian writers, people
needed some preliminary education, and other Latin writers provided
that foundation. Donatus (fl. 350), Lactantius (fl. 310), Martianus
Capellus (fl. 420), Boethius (fl. 524), Cassiodorus (d. ca. 585), and oth-
ers provided works that were to be basic for medieval people who sought
learning, especially monks and other clergy. Donatus, who had been a
tutor of St. Jerome, wrote Ars grammatica, a work that was to find its
way into many a European library, first in manuscript form and later
in print. He provided the grammatical tools for reading, writing, and
understanding Latin.
Boethius was born about 480, part of an important family in north-
ern Italy. The German conquerors had deposed the last Roman emperor
in Italy, leaving only the Greek Roman emperor in Constantinople.
Boethius held high positions in the Germanic Kingdom in Italy, but the
Ostrogoth King Theodoric suspected him of plotting with the Greek
emperor and imprisoned him and ultimately executed him.
Boethius had recognized that by his day, knowledge of Greek thought
was fading and he set out to preserve it. He wrote treatises in Latin
 1 INTRODUCTION 5

and made translations on many subjects, but especially important were

his highly readable introduction to Greek philosophy, The Consolations
of Philosophy, written in prison, and his translations of Aristotle’s
works on logic. The Consolations was a dialogue between himself and
“Philosophy,” portrayed as a woman visiting him in prison. The two of
them discussed the meaning of life from the Greek philosophical per-
spective rather than from the Christian point of view. It was to be a
“best-seller” throughout the Middle Ages and beyond, in manuscript
and then in print.
Cassiodorus was a similar spirit, eager to preserve the best of the
Greco-Roman civilization, especially its tradition of the seven liberal arts:
grammar, rhetoric, logic, arithmetic, geometry, astronomy, and music.
In the monastery he founded, he taught the monks to make copies of
manuscripts for further distribution. His approach was to be emulated in
many other monasteries in the centuries to follow.
From an entirely different area, another highly important building
block for universities appeared from Constantinople by order of the
Byzantine emperor Justinian (d. 565). The subject was law. The Roman
state had been developing for about one thousand years when Justinian
decided to synthesize the legal experience of that civilization. In the
course of those centuries, basic legal principles and applications had been
developing and undergoing constant revision. Former judges lent their
wisdom in their writings, emperors added their legislation, and legal
scholars (jurisprudentes) wrote learned commentaries on the evolution of
Roman law. Justinian ordered a committee of experts to bring together
all of this material into an organized, synthesized presentation of Roman
law. The result is called the Corpus Iuris Civilis, the Body of Civil Law,
and it was to prove an invaluable resource for Europe and the world.
The list of Greek and Latin writers who were to play a significant role
in the history of universities is much longer than those mentioned in this
brief introduction. And they all played their role in the development of
the “Western University.”

&&&&&

The weakening of the Roman Empire had begun before the German
invasions and it continued thereafter. The population of the West was
declining, commerce was drying up, cities were shrinking, and govern-
mental ties in the West were weakening. City governments and wealthy
6 J. C. MOORE

landlords throughout the West tried to provide services that the imperial
government could no longer provide.
The followers of Mohammed (d. 632) further disrupted society by
occupying great stretches of the Roman Empire, overrunning the entire
eastern, southern, and western shores of the Mediterranean Sea—which
the Romans had previously considered to be mare nostrum, “our sea.”
Within a hundred years of Mohammed’s death, the threefold division
of the old empire had taken shape, one that would last in one form
or another to the present day: a Latin Christian northeast, a Greek
Christian northwest (governed by Constantinople), and the Arab and
Muslim sprawling remnant to the south of the other two. At the same
time, the two Christian areas, the Latin West and the Greek East, grew
further apart.
The Roman Empire was officially Christian by 400 CE. Besides a new
faith, Christianity introduced new institutions. There was the organized
church itself, mimicking the Roman imperial structure as bishops took
on political as well as religious responsibilities in the major cities. The
bishops presided over formal liturgies set forth in books in Greek and
Latin; they preached the Gospel (soon to be accessible in the West only
in the Latin Vulgate Bible), and they relied on subordinates—priests and
other officials—to help them carry out their work. Literacy was essen-
tial, and literacy required at least elementary education as provided by
towns or by the bishops themselves. Outside the cities, wealthy landlords
also looked to their own resources to protect their lands and the peasants
who worked the land.
In this setting, an entirely new kind of institution, monasticism,
assumed an unexpected role in the Latin West. In their origins, mon-
asteries were intended to be places of retreat from the general society,
places where the monks could spend their days in prayer and work. But
because the Bible and the monastic rule (most commonly that of St.
Benedict [d. ca. 547]) governed life in the monastery, at least some of
the monks needed to be literate. Monasteries, originally thought of as
a way to withdraw from the world, became cultural centers throughout
Europe. The monks could provide expertise in farming and handicraft,
and literate monks could teach Latin to outsiders—priests and sometimes
laypeople. The monasteries also sought and exchanged materials for
themselves to read. They preserved and made copies of both Christian
and pagan Latin authors, even when they could not always understand
them. They lent them out for others to make copies.
 1 INTRODUCTION 7

Between 500 and 1000, the culture of Europe was at a low point.
Some Germanic strongmen like Charlemagne (d. 814) sought to
revive the Roman Empire with all its vitality, hoping to restore the Pax
Romana and to establish schools that would raise the cultural level of the
Christians of Europe. But with its shrunken population, its more primi-
tive political ideas, and the continued influx of hostile invaders—Norse-
men, Magyars, Muslims—Europe could not support and develop those
efforts. Only when Western Europe experienced a new vitality ca. 1000
was the value of the monastic libraries fully realized.
 CHAPTER 2

The Middle Ages: 500–1500

Abstract Moore presents the necessary foundation for the new

universities: a Latin Christian church that continues to need liter-
ate ministers; the practice of educating those ministers in the tradi-
tional liberal arts; and the love of learning that motivated outstanding
scholars. Using capsule biographies of representative individuals, he
follows the evolution from earlier monastic and cathedral schools to
full-fledged universities in the thirteenth century. That is followed by
the development of those universities as new groups and new materi-
als appear in the university, especially Dominican and Franciscan Friars
and recently discovered Greek, Latin, Arabic, and Jewish texts. Finally,
the author writes that despite the hard times of the Late Middle Ages,
new developments continued to enrich the universities, especially in
science and the beginning of “literary humanism.”

Keywords University · Paris · Bologna · Texts · Students · Faculty

The need for education, both religious and secular, was never lost in the
last days of the Roman Empire or in the early days of the new Germanic
kingdoms (Ostrogoths, Visigoths, Vandals, Franks, Angles, Saxons, and
others). First and foremost, Latin literacy was required. Young clergy
needed to be taught to read the Bible, but also to understand it, and to
bring its message to the non-clergy. Similarly, Christian rituals and the
liturgical calendars depended on some knowledge of astronomy and on

© The Author(s) 2019 9

J. C. Moore, A Brief History of Universities,
https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-01319-6_2
10 J. C. MOORE

written texts for guidance. The writings of earlier Christian intellectuals

like St. Augustine and St. Gregory the Great (d. 604) provided explana-
tions and interpretations, so their books had to be preserved and studied.
The monks who lived under rules, especially the Rule of St. Benedict,
needed to be able to preserve and understand those rules. Ideally, all the
basic elements of learning would be preserved in the cathedral schools of
bishops and in monasteries, but that goal was not always achieved.
The basic form for education in these ecclesiastic centers was derived
from antiquity, the seven liberal arts: the trivium, consisting of grammar,
rhetoric, and logic, and the quadrivium, consisting of arithmetic, geom-
etry, music, and astronomy. Grammar was the essential beginning—the
ability to read Latin. The others might receive more or less emphasis,
depending on teachers and their pupils.
From about 500 to 1000, commonly called the Early Middle Ages,
there were islands of learning. The schools in Irish monasteries were
leaders in this enterprise in the seventh and eighth centuries. The
powerful Frankish tribal leader known as Charlemagne conquered
most of Western Europe and in 800 was crowned “Emperor of the
Romans” by the pope (another story entirely). Although barely lit-
erate himself, he had great respect for learning and considered him-
self responsible for the health of the Christian church in Europe. He
attracted learned clergy to his court from all over Europe—Alcuin
from England, Paul the Deacon from Italy, Theodulf from Spain. He
set scribes to work making copies of prized works from ancient Rome.
To raise the educational level of the clergy, he promoted cathedral
schools throughout Latin Christendom. But the lasting results of this
so-called Carolingian Renaissance were limited. The ninth and tenth
centuries were a time of turmoil, featuring invasions from many direc-
tions, Norsemen from the north, Magyars (Hungarians) from the east,
and Muslims from the south.
Still, monastic and cathedral schools were capable of stimulating men
with ambitious curiosity and outstanding talent. One such man was
the monk Gerbert of Aurillac (d. 1003), whose superiors encouraged
his learning. His studies took him from his French monastery to Spain,
where he studied Arabic, mathematics, and science, then to the courts
of the German/Roman Emperors Otto I, II, and III, to the cathedral
school in Rheims, and finally ending his career as Pope Sylvester II. In
particular, while teaching at Rheims, he stressed the study of mathemat-
ics (using Indo-Arabic rather than Roman numerals) and science.
 2 THE MIDDLE AGES: 500–1500 11

Then, in the late eleventh and early twelfth centuries, Europe expe-
rienced new stimuli to learning. Population and economic productivity
were growing, with increasing commerce and expanding towns. A vigor-
ous religious revival brought movements that would welcome educated
personnel. Church leaders who gathered in Rome decreed that to meet
the need for educated clergy, all bishops were to provide a teacher and
free education in their cathedral schools.
Although rivalries continued to be settled by the sword, there
was growing hope that differences could be settled, or at least argu-
ments buttressed, by reasoned arguments and reliance on written law.
Moreover, people high and low found that the new fashion of relying
on written law and written documents made it easier to reinforce unwrit-
ten customs they liked—or to discard unwritten customs they did not
like. Nearly every well-to-do property owner, be it monastery or town
or prince, found it extremely useful to have written, legal documents to
support their claims to ownership. The people who knew how to pro-
duce and understand those documents were the educated.
For better or for worse, the growing hopes for a more secure and
more stable world found leadership in two different—and rival—places.
The German king and Roman Emperor Henry IV (d. 1106) saw his mis-
sion to be the maintenance of peace, justice, and the Christian faith. To
carry it out, he expected to control the appointments of high ecclesiasti-
cal officers, including the bishop of Rome (the pope). After all, he bore
the title of Roman Emperor (later, Holy Roman Emperor). He was sup-
ported and encouraged in these expectations by his educated advisers,
mainly clergy.
But in Rome, the other group of clergy was gathering with the pope,
also committed to peace, justice, and the Christian faith, but their pro-
gram insisted that bishops and popes should not be chosen by secular
rulers, even Roman emperors. Emperors, kings, and other secular rulers,
they believed, were responsible for the material well-being of their sub-
jects, for their bodies, but the clergy were responsible for their souls—a
higher calling, a greater responsibility. The papal party argued that when
Jesus was told by his disciples that they had two swords, and Jesus said,
“It is enough” (Luke 22:38), the two swords were the spiritual and secu-
lar swords, and the spiritual sword had primacy.
The resulting conflict, called the Investiture Controversy, need not
be examined here, but it meant that both sides looked to law, to scrip-
ture, to tradition, to make their cases. Both sides needed to persuade
12 J. C. MOORE

the Christian world at large that justice was on their side. Scholars were
much in demand, men who had studied the Bible, who had located old
texts of Roman law, who could put together persuasive legal and doctri-
nal arguments to support the respective sides.
So the economic, social, religious, and political ferment of the late
eleventh and early twelfth centuries created a demand not only for edu-
cated men, but also for teachers who could train those who aspired to be
educated men. And inevitably, many of these newly educated men would
not be limited to practical necessities. Curiosity, the love of learning,
the example of the great minds of pagan and Christian antiquity, moved
many to pursue their intellectual interests regardless of immediate prac-
tical questions, and they often inspired their students with a love of the
intellectual life. This pursuit of learning, for itself and for its applications,
appeared all over Europe in the late eleventh century, but it did not yet
take the institutional form of the university.
It seems to have been love of learning that led a young man in north-
ern Italy to pursue the liberal arts early in the eleventh century. His
name was Lanfranc (d. 1089). About 1039, after studying in Italian
schools, he was appointed the master (teacher) of the cathedral school
of Avranches in Normandy in northern France. From there, he entered
the nearby Benedictine monastery of Bec, and soon his reputation as
a teacher of logic and theology was attracting students from all over
northern Europe. When the duke of Normandy conquered England in
1066, he brought Lanfranc there as well to become the archbishop of
Canterbury. His enthusiasm for logic and theology brought more stu-
dents to Canterbury.
The fame of Lanfranc and the monastery of Bec attracted another
young man from northern Italy, one who was in turn to enhance greatly
the fame of Bec: St. Anselm (d. 1109). He is commonly called Anselm
of Canterbury because he was to end his career, like Lanfranc, as arch-
bishop of Canterbury. Anselm continued Lanfranc’s tradition as a teacher
of logic, but he wandered even further into theology and philosophy.
Looking for ways to elucidate and support the beliefs of Christianity, he
offered philosophical discussions of the existence of God and of human
nature.
Just as Lanfranc and Anselm attracted students to their schools,
Irnerius (d. ca. 1125) drew students to Bologna, where he taught Roman
law. Since late antiquity, Roman law had continued to be relevant to life
in Italy, though in simplified and varied forms, but Irnerius seems to have
 2 THE MIDDLE AGES: 500–1500 13

been the first medieval scholar to have access to the entire Corpus Iuris
Civilis—the grand summary of Roman law that had been prepared under
the Roman Emperor Justinian (d. 565). Even before Irnerius, Bologna
was already a center of legal studies, but he was soon attracting students
from all over Europe, eager to use the “new” ideas of Roman law to
advance their careers. Irnerius demonstrated the relevance of Roman law
by using it during the Investiture Controversy to support the cause of the
German Roman Emperor Henry V (d. 1125) against the pope.
Another contemporary of Lanfranc had a very different personal
history, but he played his role in the intellectual revival of his time:
Constantine the African (d. ca. 1090). He was a Muslim, born in North
Africa, where he flourished as a merchant. His travels led him to Salerno
in southern Italy, where some sort of medical school already existed. He
was surprised at how primitive it was. He soon made it his business to
capture the medical wisdom of the ancient Greco-Roman world, as well
as that of Muslim-Arabic physicians, and to make it available to the Latin
Christian West. He collected Arabic manuscripts and translated them
into Latin. He continued this process especially after his conversion to
Christianity and his entrance into the Benedictine monastery at Monte
Cassino. His translations soon made their way to medical schools else-
where in Europe.
As the twelfth century progressed, the increasing numbers of intel-
lectuals were equally important as precursors of the universities. Urban
schools were attracting young scholars whose ambition was disturbing to
some of the more conservative monks. To traditional monks, the func-
tion of learning was to deepen one’s understanding of the Christian faith
and to enhance the love of God. But for many of the new intellectu-
als, learning was the way to fame and fortune. A good example is Peter
Abelard (d. 1142). He became famous for his love affair with Eloise and
his subsequent castration, but he was already famous for his learning and
his aggressive style of debating. He had made his name partly by logical
attacks on his former teacher William of Champeaux, partly by being an
extremely effective teacher. He taught at many schools, and his devoted
students followed him wherever he went until he retired (under attack)
to the monastery of Cluny.
Of Peter’s many written works, Sic et non (Yes and No) may be his
most important. Responding to some conservative churchmen who crit-
icized his emphasis on reason when discussing the faith, he wrote Sic
et non. There he quoted, without comment, texts from early Christian
14 J. C. MOORE

authorities (the “Fathers”) that seemed to take one position and then
other authoritative texts that seemed to say the opposite. His message
was clear: Conflicting texts from the Bible and from other Christian
authorities could not be reconciled and understood without applying
reason. He was demonstrating what was already becoming the funda-
mental principle of “scholastic” philosophy and theology: Given author-
itative texts like the Bible and Justinian’s Corpus Iuris Civilis, as well as
the writings of authorities like Aristotle and St. Augustine, the serious
student needed reason as the essential instrument in understanding and
reconciling, as far as possible, conflicting texts.
Abelard taught for a while at the cathedral school of Paris, a city
already prestigious as a center of learning. In the same city, there were
other schools, including the two abbeys of canons regular: St. Genevieve
and St. Victor. The latter was home to leading intellectuals, such as
Hugh of St. Victor (d. 1141), a German scholar who taught there and
wrote major works on theology and education, and Richard of St. Victor
(d. 1173), a prolific writer and mystic.
Another figure from among the many scholars of the twelfth cen-
tury must be mentioned: Peter (the) Lombard (d. 1160). He studied at
cathedral schools in Italy and France, became a teacher at the cathedral
school of Paris, and, near the end of his life, became the bishop of that
city. He was the author of several treatises, but most influential was a
textbook of theology. The Four Books of Sentences was a comprehensive
and structured treatment of all reality as seen through his theological
understanding. Each of the four books treated a major topic: God and
the Trinity, the Creation, Christ and the Virtues, the Sacraments and the
Last Judgment. Peter examined the opinions of ancient authorities and
also those of his own contemporaries (including Abelard and Richard of
St. Victor), using reason to analyze, criticize, and sometimes reject those
opinions.
Sentences soon became the basic text for the faculty of theology in the
universities, and its structure provided the framework for most theolog-
ical discourse. It was studied and cited for centuries by university men,
including the Protestants Martin Luther (d. 1546) and John Calvin
(d. 1564). The Sentences played a role in theology analogous to that
played in law by Justinian’s Corpus Iuris Civilis. Once again, the key
trait of what is called scholasticism appears: the use of reason to under-
stand and reconcile authoritative texts, Christian and non-Christian. It
took various forms in the following centuries, but it remained the basic
 2 THE MIDDLE AGES: 500–1500 15

intellectual approach of the medieval university. It has survived in many

forms, especially the study of law.
For students of canon (church) law, a twelfth-century Italian scholar
named Gratian performed an essential service. Around 1140, he com-
piled a collection of ecclesiastical laws drawn from earlier collections,
from council documents, and the like, thereafter called his Decretum.
In the following century, as popes became more active in issuing edicts
of one sort or another, called decretals, scholars compiled collections of
decretals, and those collections, together with Gratian’s Decretum, came
to be known as the Corpus Iuris Canonici, analogous to the Corpus Iuris
Civilis for Roman law. That legal collection was going to rule European
Christians until the Protestant Reformation; thereafter, it was the funda-
mental law of the Catholic Church until the twentieth century.
It was true in the twelfth century as it is today that not all learning
took place in major schools, and that was especially true for women.
Abelard’s lover Heloise (d. 1164) was educated under the direction
of her uncle, a canon at the cathedral school of Paris. She had already
acquired a reputation for learning before Abelard became her tutor.
After Abelard’s castration, engineered by her uncle, Heloise became a
nun and then an abbess who surely promoted the education of the nuns
under her care. Similarly, the Benedictine nun (and canonized saint)
Hildegard of Bingen (d. 1179) learned to read in a convent near Mainz
and was thereafter largely self-educated. She went on to be the founder
and abbess of the women’s monastery of Rupertsberg. Her writings on
her visions, on the Bible, on theology; her musical compositions; and
her correspondence with the major figures of her time, all these won
near-universal recognition throughout the learned world of Europe.
Also, outside the formal structures of twelfth- and ­thirteenth-century
schools, there was an abundance of creative literature, some in vernac-
ular languages, some in Latin. There were heroic epics like the Song
of Roland, romances like those written by Marie de France, Chrétien
de Troyes, and Gottfried von Strassburg, and bawdy stories called
“fabliaux,” all in vernacular languages. In aristocratic courts, poets writ-
ing in French, Italian, Spanish, and German dialects celebrated the ups
and downs of romantic love. Many of these works show evidence that
their authors had been educated in the liberal arts tradition.
That evidence was unmistakable when poets wrote in Latin. In the
mid-twelfth century, the long Latin poem Ysengrimus offered a satirical
critique of rapacious church authorities. The weak but clever fox Renard,
16 J. C. MOORE

representing the ordinary Christian, repeatedly outwits the overbearing

wolf Ysengrimus, representing avaricious abbot-bishops. The author
had clearly been well schooled in Latin before the universities had taken
form. A little later, the Latin songs called Carmina burana gave voice to
the irreverent aspects of student life, proclaiming the vagaries of fortune,
the pain of erotic longing, the joys of spring, and the pleasures and pains
of drinking too much.
The visual arts had no formal place in the liberal arts tradition, but
they also flourished in the twelfth century, thanks to the support of
clergy, aristocracy, and wealthy townsmen. The most obvious mani-
festation was the towering gothic churches that began to appear in the
twelfth century.

&&&&&

The real beginning—not of schools, not of education, not of learning—

but of the “Western University” lies in the twelfth century, but precise
dates are lacking. The seedlings sprouted first in Bologna in northern
Italy and then in Paris. In the twelfth century, new social groups were
organizing themselves to protect their own interests. Merchants and
craftsmen formed guilds. Towns were rebelling against aristocratic lords
and insisting on certain rights for their “communes.” Something simi-
lar gave birth to universities. The institutions that were to make up the
university did not first arise from high-minded love of learning, but from
the need of teachers and students to protect themselves.
In Bologna, the teachers were commonly citizens and enjoyed the
protection of citizenship. The students were in a different situation.
They came from all over Europe to study law, they were older and more
advanced than the typical students in the liberal arts, and they needed
protection from heavy-handed city authorities and from greedy land-
lords. Like merchants and craftsmen, the students formed an organi-
zation to protect their common interests. The ultimate weapon of that
organization and its members was the threat to take their business else-
where, and both the teachers and the city authorities saw that as some-
thing that would be very bad for the city and its wealth.
The association of students in Bologna might have called their organ-
ization the “student guild,” or “student commune,” but they called it
their universitas, meaning roughly “all the students” or “the collectiv-
ity of the students.” It developed sometime in the twelfth century, with
 2 THE MIDDLE AGES: 500–1500 17

subdivisions of two groups, students from the Italian side of the Alps
(cismontane) and those from the other side (ultramontane).
In both Bologna and Paris, higher authorities were certainly interested
in maintaining law and order, but they could also see the great value
of their burgeoning schools, for both wealth and prestige. Popes and
church councils defended the right of students to be educated and to live
in a secure environment. In 1155, the Emperor Frederick Barbarossa,
who very much appreciated the value of Roman lawyers for his rule,
placed the students of Bologna directly under his protection and granted
to lay (non-clergy) students and faculty the same immunity from the civil
law that the clerical students enjoyed. This privilege (“benefit of clergy”
or privilegium fori) was soon taken for granted throughout Europe, a
great advantage for universities in centuries to come. This clerical status
might well be seen as the beginning of academic freedom of university
students and faculty.
In Paris, beginning students were younger than in Bologna. They
came as young teenagers to study the liberal arts curriculum with the
possibility of continuing to study other subjects. Those students who
stayed long enough sometimes became masters or teachers, and it was to
the masters that leadership fell. They were not citizens of Paris; they were
outsiders in need of protection. So the university became the organiza-
tion of teachers, not directly of students.
Although the students and masters were legally treated like clergy,
and some had received minor (clerical) orders, they were like young
males in other times and places, sometimes given to strong drink and
rowdy behavior. That tendency often created conflicts with the towns-
people (“town-gown conflicts”), and the task of containing those con-
flicts fell usually on minor officials of the bishop of Paris and of the king.
The roles of the bishop and king themselves, however, turned out to be
somewhat surprising—they commonly took the side of the students and
masters against their own local officials.
In 1200, King Philip (II) Augustus of France responded angrily to
reports that students in Paris had been attacked by a local official. He not
only punished the official severely, he required all the citizens of Paris to
swear to come to the aid of any student they saw being attacked.
The high regard in which popes held the incipient university in Paris
was shown in 1205, when Pope Innocent III, who had himself been
a student there, wrote all the masters and students of Paris (uinver-
sis magistris et scolaribus Parisiensibus), urging that many should go to
18 J. C. MOORE

Constantinople to help reform the educational practices there, recently

brought under Latin control by Western crusaders. Innocent saw the
university as the instrument to Latinize Greek Christianity.
Because of the obvious value of a university, more commonly called
Studium generale at the time, the thirteenth century and after saw a rush
to create new universities or to elevate the status of existing schools to
that of a Studium generale. The structure at Paris became the model for
other northern universities: an undergraduate faculty of the (liberal) arts
and the graduate faculties of theology, law, and medicine, all governed by
the masters. Bologna had a similar structure, but with the students domi-
nating the organization.
The creation of universities was sometimes the work of popes
(Toulouse, Avignon) or great princes (Naples, Salamanca) or cities
themselves. Some had only the liberal arts faculty, and others might have
only law or medicine. Most had some combination of two or more of
the four faculties found at Paris, though the school of theology at Paris
enjoyed a near monopoly for much of northern Europe. In Montpellier
in southern France, the several medical schools coalesced to become a
university with only a medical faculty. Most universities acknowledged
some sort of subordination to the local bishop (and his chancellor) and
the pope.
Another type of beginning came when disgruntled students or fac-
ulty moved en masse from one town to another. In 1229, an attack on
students at Paris led masters and students to abandon the city for other
university towns, though they did return after two years and after papal
intervention on their behalf. But dissatisfied students from Bologna
were welcomed by the city of Padua. They provided the nucleus for
the permanent new University of Padua in the early thirteenth century.
Similarly, in 1209, after a violent clash between students and towns-
people in Oxford, some of the students fled to Cambridge to form the
beginning of that university.
Early in the thirteenth century, the basic structure of the university
could be seen in a document issued in 1215 by the papal legate Cardinal
Robert Courson, who had himself been educated at Paris. There was an
“undergraduate” program based on the liberal arts, together with a grad-
uate school or faculty of theology, later to be joined by the faculty of law
and the faculty of medicine. The document, here quoted in part, provides
an early clear portrait of a fledgling university. It should be remembered
that books, hand-copied and expensive, were rarely available to students
 2 THE MIDDLE AGES: 500–1500 19

at the time. “Lecture” means “reading.” The master would read passages
to students and then provide explanations. Cardinal Robert wrote:

…to all the masters and scholars [students] of Paris eternal greeting in the
Lord. Let all know that since we have a special mandate from the pope to
take effective measures to reform the state of the Parisians scholars for the
better, wishing with the counsel of good men to provide for the tranquility
of the scholars in the future, we have decreed and ordained in this wise:
No one shall lecture in the arts at Paris before he is twenty-one years of
age, and he shall have heard lectures for at least six years before he begins
to lecture, and he shall promise to lecture for at least two years, unless
a reasonable cause prevent, which he ought to prove publicly or before
examiners. He shall not be stained by any infamy and when he is ready to
lecture, he shall be examined according to the form which is contained
in the writing of the lord bishop of Paris, where is contained the peace
confirmed between the chancellor and scholars by judges delegated by the
pope, namely, by the bishop and dean of Troyes and by P. the bishop and
J. the chancellor of Paris approved and confirmed. And they shall lecture
on the books of Aristotle on dialect old and new in the schools ordinarily
and not ad cursum. They shall also lecture on both Priscians [on gram-
mar, by Priscian ca. 500] ordinarily, or at least on one. They shall not
lecture on feast days except on philosophers and rhetoric and the quad-
rivium [arithmetic, geometry, music, and astronomy] and Barbarismus
[on grammar and composition, by Donatus, a fourth century teacher of
grammar and rhetoric] and ethics, if it please them, and the fourth book
of the Topics [Aristotle on logic]. They shall not lecture on the books
of Aristotle on metaphysics and natural philosophy … [a limitation soon
ignored at Paris]. ….
Donations of clothing or other things as has been customary, or more,
we urge should be made, especially to the poor. None of the masters lec-
turing in arts shall have a cope except one round, black and reaching to the
ankles, at least while it is new. …. No one shall wear the round cope shoes
that are ornamented or with elongated pointed toes. If any scholar in arts
or theology dies, half of the masters of arts shall attend the funeral at one
time, the other half the next time, and no one shall leave until the sepul-
ture is finished, unless he has reasonable cause. …. On the day when the
master is buried, no one shall lecture or dispute. ….
Each master shall have jurisdiction over his scholar. No one shall occupy
a classroom or house without asking the consent of the tenant, provided
one has a chance to ask it. No one shall receive the licentiate from the
chancellor or another for money given or promise made or other condi-
tion agreed upon. Also, the masters and scholars can make both between
20 J. C. MOORE

themselves and with other persons obligations and constitutions supported

by faith or penalty or oath in these cases: namely, the murder or mutila-
tion of a scholar or atrocious injury done a scholar, if justice should not
be forthcoming, arranging the prices of lodgings, costume, burial, lectures
and disputations, so, however, that the university be not thereby dissolved
or destroyed.
As to the status of the theologians, we decree that no one shall lecture
at Paris before his thirty-fifth year and unless he has studied for eight years
at least, and has heard the books faithfully and in class-rooms, and has
attended lectures in theology for five years before he gives lectures him-
self publicly. And none of them shall lecture before the third hour on days
when masters lecture. No one shall be admitted at Paris to formal lectures
or to preachings unless he shall be of approved life and science. No one
shall be a scholar at Paris who has no definite master.

The final passage of the document gives authority to enforce these reg-
ulations to “the university of masters and scholars [universitate magis-
trorum et scholarium] or other persons constituted by the university”
(Thorndike, 27–30).
The basic components of the “Western University” are here: (a) a cor-
porate identity with legal rights of its own, (b) consisting of teachers and
students using an established curriculum, (c) a curriculum consisting of
introductory studies in the liberal arts and advanced specialized studies—
in this case a faculty of theology, and (d) an established system for certi-
fying or licensing those who have completed the curricula and acquired
the right to teach. This document can be considered the birth certifi-
cate of the Western University. An expanded version was issued by Pope
Gregory IX in 1231 in his decretal Parens scientiarum. Interestingly, the
pope confirmed the university’s right to strike, that is, “to stop lectures
immediately,” if their rights were violated and not promptly restored.

&&&&&

The standard method of instruction throughout European universi-

ties consisted of listening to lectures on the prescribed texts and listening
to and participating in disputations. The lectures covered the principle
texts to be understood, and the disputations taught students to analyze,
challenge, and defend the ideas that had been absorbed in the lectures.
Writing in mid-thirteenth century, a law professor at Bologna declared
the manner in which he would present his lectures on Roman law:
 2 THE MIDDLE AGES: 500–1500 21

First, I shall give you the summaries of each title before I come to the text.
Second, I shall put forth well and distinctly and in the best terms I can
the purport of each law. Third, I shall read the text in order to correct
it. Fourth, I shall briefly restate the meaning. Fifth, I shall solve conflicts,
adding general matters … and subtle and useful distinctions and questions
with solutions, so far as divine Providence shall assist me. And if any law is
deserving of a review by reason of its fame or difficulty, I shall reserve it for
an afternoon review. (Thorndike, 67)

At first, students copied down texts as read by the lecturers. But the
rapid expansion of universities created commercial opportunities that
were quickly seized by merchants. There were bookstores, where man-
uscripts were copied and the copies sold, but even more useful for the
poor students in thirteenth-century Paris were peciae, parts of books
which could be rented by students, copied, and then returned to the
shop. Still, the best bet for the poorest students was to copy down the
text as the lecturer read it.
Students who had obtained copies of the texts and studied them
would be best prepared for the disputations. But even without written
texts, medieval scholars and masters were not without resources. In the
study of rhetoric, students in the liberal arts curriculum would com-
monly receive training of the memory. Scholars had access to ancient
treatises on that subject, treatises by Cicero and others, and in the
twelfth and later centuries, masters wrote their own treatises on memory
for the benefit of students. In ancient Greece and Rome, the educated
citizen was expected to be able to address his fellow citizens in coherent
and persuasive public speaking, and that skill depended on a well-trained
memory. In the Middle Ages, a trained memory also worked to the great
profit of scholars—beginners as well as professors. Engaged in disputa-
tions or in writing their own treatises, scholars who could readily intro-
duce apt quotations from the Bible, from Peter Lombard’s Sentences,
from Justinian’s Corpus Iuris Civilis, or from the works of Aristotle or
of the Greek physician Galen (d. ca. 200) enjoyed a great advantage over
less resourceful scholars.
The fundamental method for memorization was to place the items to
be memorized in some sort of imagined grid—perhaps numerical, per-
haps architectural, perhaps chronological. The ten commandments might
be imagined with each in one of ten different market stalls, with some
action in each stall that called to mind the commandment—the more
22 J. C. MOORE

outlandish the image, the more likely to be remembered. Once commit-

ted to memory, the placement and traits of the stall should make it possi-
ble to recite the commandments in any order.
Aids to memory were routinely introduced into written materials.
Dividing each gospel into numbered chapters, as occurred in the thir-
teenth century, was an aid to memory. So also were outlines and illu-
minated manuscripts. Marginal notes and decorations made it easier for
the reader to remember the content of the page by associating the con-
tent with the marginalia. It was the kind of advantage that modern read-
ers enjoyed by associating the author and content of a book with its size
and the artful cover display—an advantage disappearing today as highly
mutable texts commonly appear in electronic rather than printed form.

&&&&&

A powerful new stimulus to learning came in the late twelfth and early
thirteenth centuries in the form of a flood of new texts for scribes and
scholars to deal with. Latin translations of the medical works of Arabic
physicians, of the scientific and philosophical works of Arabic and Greek
thinkers, and most especially of Aristotle, flowed into the Latin world.
These translations were the work of Latin and Greek Christians as
well as Jews and Muslims, working in Spain, Sicily, and North Africa.
Whereas the Western world already had some knowledge of Aristotle’s
works on logic, thanks to the early translations of Boethius, the West
now had additional works on logic as well as his Physics, Metaphysics,
The Soul, Nicomachean Ethics, Generation and Corruption, Meteors, The
Heavens, Politics, and Poetics. At the same time, works by Greek physi-
cians (Hippocrates, Galen) and Muslim and Jewish thinkers (Avicenna,
Averroës, Maimonides) were being absorbed by the West. The scholastic
method already employed in the universities, using reason to interpret and
reconcile conflicting texts—philosophical, theological, legal, medical—
proved to be an admirable instrument for integrating all these new materi-
als into the Western intellectual tradition.
One result of this flood of new material was largely to reorganize
some of the liberal arts into three new categories: natural philosophy
(science), moral philosophy (ethics), and metaphysical philosophy. These
subjects, together with logic, were pursued in the arts faculty, but were
very influential in the graduate faculties, especially theology and medi-
cine, since those teachers and students had first been educated by the arts
 2 THE MIDDLE AGES: 500–1500 23

faculty. Medieval treatises in the sciences were routinely written by pro-

fessors of theology, who continued the scientific interests they had devel-
oped when studying natural philosophy. The continuing influence of
these three philosophical categories can still be seen today in the degree
Doctor of Philosophy—a degree routinely given to people in almost any
subject.
Oddly, for an age renowned for its architecture, that subject never
earned a place in the curriculum. The same can be said for the “mechan-
ical arts”: surgery, husbandry, and other kinds of “practical” knowledge.
On the other hand, astrology was not an official part of the liberal arts,
but it received considerable attention from time to time, and from place
to place. It was closely related to astronomy, which was one of the lib-
eral arts, and it was commonly thought to be of importance to medical
students, since the movement of the planets was presumed to have some
effect on human physiology and psychology.
The new material also changed the common philosophical and rhe-
torical orientation of the European scholars. Before the twelfth century,
the Latin Christian world had been shaped by the ideas and methods
of Plato and Cicero. Both, especially Plato, stressed the priority of the
spiritual over the material. Both wrote in manners that were intended
to be pleasing and persuasive, not mere logical demonstrations. St.
Augustine and Boethius both stressed the reality of the spiritual world
over the material, as did Plato, and Boethius, like Cicero before him,
preserved the Platonic manner of advancing a philosophical argument
with chatty dialogues among friends. St. Anselm had followed that phil-
osophical and rhetorical tradition. Abelard and Peter Lombard moved
away from the dialogue in favor of logical argumentation, and that
movement was accelerated by the influx of Aristotelian works, works
that read more like geometry textbooks, with a highly technical lan-
guage, than a folksy conversation among friends. Moreover, Aristotelian
philosophy stressed the reality of the material world and therefore the
importance of science more than did earlier Platonist and Neo-Platonist
thinkers.
Because the popes considered Paris to be the premier center for the-
ological studies, they made several attempts to restrict the study of nat-
ural philosophy (science) at Paris by forbidding the use of Aristotelian
books on science, but they did so in vain. By mid-thirteenth century,
all the known scientific works of Aristotle were part of the curriculum.
Elsewhere, the popes made no similar attempts to limit science. When
24 J. C. MOORE

Pope Gregory IX founded the University of Toulouse in 1229, he

placed no restrictions on scientific instruction, and from the very begin-
ning, Oxford was free to emphasize science and mathematics. Robert
Grosseteste (d. 1253 as bishop of Lincoln) was a theology professor
there, but his treatises on science and mathematics show Oxford’s early
emphasis on those subjects. The work of Grosseteste on optics and work
of those who followed him at Oxford (Roger Bacon [d. ca. 1292], John
Pecham [d. 1292]) were influential for centuries thereafter.

&&&&&

In the thirteenth century, colleges began to appear as components of

university life. They were residential units for students, often with sleep-
ing and dining facilities, and usually with a chapel. By then, there were
already well-established models for communal living. There were the
monasteries for men and for women, in which there would commonly be
dormitories or individual cells, a common hall for dining, and a chapel.
There were also charitable institutions called hostels, established to pro-
vide food and shelter for travelers, for the destitute, or the sick, often
imitating the structure of monasteries. There were chapters of canons,
that is, clergy living a communal life like monks but working among the
faithful rather than remaining in the cloister to “pray and work.” Some
of those chapters, like St. Victor and St. Genevieve in Paris, were centers
of learning in their own right. All of these institutions provided models
for the development of colleges associated with universities.
In the early thirteenth century, still another new element was added to
the universities of Europe: friars, especially Dominicans and Franciscans.
The friars were like monks in their adopting a communal life and like
canons in working among the people. But these orders worked out-
side the ordinary diocesan structure, looking to the papacy and to
their own spirit for direction rather than to local bishops. The work of
these friars would not necessarily lead to the pursuit of education, but
the Dominicans (founded by St. Dominic, d. 1221), whose beginning
lay in the effort to combat heresy through preaching, soon appeared at
the universities, living in their own communal houses and in some cases
teaching their own students. St. Francis of Assisi (d. 1226), the founder
of the Franciscans, had opposed learning for his followers, but his pref-
erences were soon discarded and Franciscan houses began to appear in
university towns.
Another random document with
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leikillinen Miina!" sanoi hän ihastuneena.

Hiljaa keinuili vene järven pinnalla, onnellista paria kantoi se.

Sydän oli taasen tavannut sydämmen; ne olivat olleet eroitettuna, ja
tuskalliselta tuntui se ero, luonto kun oli ne yhteen kasvattanut.

Ilta oli kulunut jo myöhäksi, kun uusi vene saapui rantaan ja

maalle nousivat onnelliset soutelijat; käsikädessä astuivat he, he
olisivat tahtoneet vaikka koko maailmalle sanoa, että rakastivat
toisiaan ja olivat onnelliset.

"Tänään on käynyt tytölle hyvin!" nauroi Pekka, nähdessään

tyttärensä iloisena ja vilkkaana.

"Oikein arvattu, niin onkin!" vastasi Miina.

Eräänä kauniina elokuun iltapäivänä soutaa Ruuhkajärvellä

moniaita veneitä. Etummaisessa niistä näemme entiset nuoret
tuttavamme. He palaavat pappilasta, jossa ovat vannoneet ikuista
uskollisuutta toisillensa ja saaneet papillisen siunauksen; nyt ovat
Kalle ja Miina laillinen aviopari. Morsiamen kasvot loistavat
onnellisuudesta, hänen kantaissaan helähtelevää morsiuskruunua;
ihastuttavan katseen loi hän onnelliseen ylkäänsä, joka vakavana
rinnalla istuu.

Samassa veneessä vastapäätä morsiusparia istuu nuori iloisen

näköinen herrasmies, sehän on ennen tuntemamme Alpert herra,
joka nyt seuraa pientä hääjoukkoa takamaille.

"Onpa hauskaa kun tanssitaankin illalla", puhuu Alpert, "mutta

enpä vielä kysynytkään, kukas tulee soittamaan?"

"Hm, Puumalan Antti!"

 "Hyvä, Antti soittaa kauniisti, sen olen kuullut?" Kaksi muuta
venettä seurasi jo mainittua. Niissä oli morsiusparin sukulaisia ja
tuttavia, paraastaan nuorta väkeä ja hilpeällä mielellä kulki seurue
rantaa kohden.

Rannalla oli tuttavia vastassa ja siitä yksissä lähdettiin torpille,

jotka olivat koristetut lehtipuilla ja muilla viheriöillä kasveilla mitä
ihanimmaksi.

"Ohoo, täällähän ollaan kuin esivanhempaimme paratiisissa",

huudahti
Alpert herra, astuissaan Alamaan pihaan.

"Niin sitä nyt ollaan! mutta harvoin onkin häisiä päiviä", sanoi
Pekka, joka oli pihalla vastassa.

"Harvoin kyllä, mutta hyvä kun joskuskin!"

"Jaa, hyvä kyllä, ja vielä parempi että tekin tulitte niihin osaa
ottamaan, vaikka ei täällä ole paljoa tarjona!"

"Toivon sentään ettei hauskuudesta ole puutetta!"

"Eipä pitäisi", jatkoi Pekka vilkkaasti, "tämä on tanssitalo, johon

tullaan iltaa viettämään, käymme nyt ensiksi tuonne minun mökilleni,
siellä se on pelimannikin, vetää marssia, että korpi raikuu!"

Pihalla oli Mikkokin vieraita vastassa, sanoen heitä tervetulleiksi,

kävi hänkin joukkoon, ja niin lähdettiin morsiustaloon. Siellä oli
oivallinen hääpöytä laitettu, olikin nyt oikein varsinainen kokki
ruokien teossa, joita nuoret pojat pöydälle kantoivat.
 Hääpöydässä toivotti Alpert herra onnea nuorelle pariskunnalle ja
lupasi häälahjaksi Kallelle Alamaan torpan nautinnon samoilla
ehdoilla kuin tähänkin asti.

"Onpas siinä lahjaa, pila vieköön", sanoi Pekka, "eipä Mikolla

olekaan enää juuri mökin maat!"

"Se on teidän työnne ja ansionne", sanoi Alpert, "ilman teitä ei

kukaties näillä takamailla olisi yhtä peltosarkaa, eikä niittulappua,
ilman teitä olisi tämä mitätön räme, sutten ja karhuin pesäpaikka.
Mutta rehellinen, uupumaton työ palkitsee tekijänsä, samalla
hyödyttäin koko kansaa ja isänmaata. Senpätähden lupaan
mielelläni nämät maat näille nuorille; ei se oikeastaan tulekkaan
heille miksikään lahjaksi, vaan oikeutettuna perintönä" ja, jatkoi hän
morsianta silmiin katsoen, "toinen torppa tulee Miinan myötäjäisinä,
tietysti vasta sitte, kun ei Pekka sitä enää tarvitse."

"Te olette jalo mies", sanoi Mikko, "nyt vasta voimmekin viettää
oikein iloisia häitä, koska tiedämme, että näitten toimeentulo on
turvattu vielä sittenkin, kun me vanhat olemme päivämme
päättäneet, ja kyllä kai niin kauan sovimme."

"Aivan hyvin", sanoi Pekka, "ystävyys on täällä ollut paras

tukemme kovinakin aikoina, kestäneehän sitä eteenkinpäin!"

"Minä", sanoi Kalle Alpertille, "saan teitä kiittää sekä aineellisista

että henkisistä eduista. Jos ette nuoruudessani olisi ravintoa
hankkinut kaipaavalle hengelleni, kuka tietää mitä olisi minusta
tullut!"

"Vaan tuossa tuodaan paistia", sanoi Alpert, "isketäänpäs siihen ja

morsiusparin kunniaksi, hyvällä ruokahalulla!"
 "Oikein hyvällä", sanoi Pekka, "ja iloisella mielellä, vaikka ollaankin
täällä metsän sydämmessä!"

Iloisella mielellä näytti jokainen olevan ja vilkkaasti haastellessa

kului ilta. Silloin rupesivat nuoret muistuttelemaan, että olisi tanssin
aika ja pelimanni etunenässä kulki hääjoukko Mikon laveaan tupaan,
viihdyttämään tanssi-intoaan.

Iloisina tanssivat nuoret, mutta kaikista iloisin oli Alpert herra, hän
tanssi, laski leikkiä ujosteleville tytöille, häntä huvitti nähdä kansansa
lapsia heidän teeskentelemättömässä yksinkertaisuudessaan.

Toisen päivän ikäpuolella läksivät vieraat kukin kotiaan vieden

hauskoja muistoja muassaan näistä kaikinpuolin niin iloisista häistä.

Syksypuoleen eräänä sunnuntai-iltana istui nuori pariskunta

Ruuhkajärven rannalla, katsellen, miten laineet loiskuivat rantaa
vasten. Äänetönnä istuivat he käsikädessä, näkyipä pari kirkasta
kyyneltä nuoren naisen silmissä, mutta ne eivät olleet surun, ei —
entisajan muistot saivat ne uhkumaan.

"Oi sinä tuttava järvi", huudahti Kalle, "kuinka monta kertaa

olenkaan pinnallasi soudellut, myrskyssä ja tyyneellä. Tuolla", sanoi
hän, "olen soudellut monta kertaa onnellisena, mutta myöskin
onnettomana, sydän särkymäisillään! Mutta onnettomuuteni olikin
vaan luultua, ei todellista; olen löytänyt rauhaa sydämmelleni ja
saanut omakseni sen, jota rakastin, jota rakastan enemmin kuin
omaa itseäni."

Miina painoi päänsä Kallen rinnoille, kuiskaten: "Oi Kalle, minä en

ansaitse niin suurta rakkautta, luontoni on paha, mutta minä koetan
tulla paremmaksi!"
 "Ole sinä vaan semmoinen kuin olet, semmoisena olen sinua
rakastanut ja rakastan, semmoisena olet sinä elämäni ihana
päivänpaiste ja sydämeni paras ilo!" sanoi Kalle hymyillen.

Loppu.
 *** END OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK TAKAMAAN
TORPPARIT ***

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