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Textbook Bipolar Disorder in Older Age Patients 1St Edition Susan W Lehmann Ebook All Chapter PDF
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Bipolar Disorder in
Older Age Patients
Susan W. Lehmann
Brent P. Forester
Editors
123
Bipolar Disorder in Older Age Patients
Susan W. Lehmann Brent P. Forester
•
Editors
123
Editors
Susan W. Lehmann Brent P. Forester
Department of Psychiatry and Behavioral Division of Geriatric Psychiatry
Sciences, Division of Geriatric Psychiatry McLean Hospital
and Neuropsychiatry Belmont, MA
The Johns Hopkins University School USA
of Medicine
Baltimore, MD and
USA
Behavioral Health, Population Health
Management
Partners Healthcare
Boston, MA
USA
and
Over sixty years ago, Sir Martin Roth described a case series of patients over the
age of 60 who were hospitalized for a psychiatric condition. He observed that
patients with mania, who constituted 6% of all individuals with affective disorder,
tended to have a worse outcome than other patients with depressive disorders and
were discharged less often [1]. Roth was the first to distinguish a different clinical
course and prognosis of elders with affective disorders compared to elders with
dementia or paranoid disorders.
During the past six decades since Roth first published his findings, older age
bipolar disorder has been relatively understudied compared with unipolar depres-
sion. Yet, older individuals with bipolar disorder continue to present clinical chal-
lenges. Over the next 20 years, the population of individuals over age 60 is expected
to increase dramatically, due to the combined effects of increase in life expectancy
and longevity as a result of advances in general health care, and the demographic
influx of the baby boomer generation into older age brackets. Along with the rapid
aging of the population are projections for significantly increased numbers of older
individuals with mental health needs, including bipolar disorder [2].
Bipolar disorder occurs in individuals across the lifespan, from childhood
through old age. At all ages, bipolar disorder can be difficult to diagnose and to
treat. While depressive disorders are frequently managed by non-psychiatric
healthcare clinicians, bipolar disorder—with its complexities of clinical presenta-
tion, comorbid substance use disorders, and varying affective states—often requires
the specific expertise of a psychiatrist. In older age, issues of diagnosis and clinical
management are compounded by the presence of comorbid medical disorders
commonly occurring with aging. Changes in physiology (especially renal, hepatic,
and cardiac function), concomitant medications, and concerns about cognitive
impairment further complicate clinical decision-making for the psychiatrist caring
for the older patient with bipolar disorder. Moreover, older age bipolar disorder
causes significant psychiatric and social morbidity, including high use of outpatient
and inpatient psychiatric resources [3]. Effective care of the older patient with
bipolar disorder must also include advanced knowledge about best practices
regarding optimum modes of psychotherapy, psychosocial support, and treatment
care settings.
vii
viii Preface
References
1. Roth M. The natural history of mental disorder in old age. J Ment Sci. 1955;101:281–91.
2. Bartels SJ, Naslund JA. The underside of the silver tsunami—older adults and mental health
care. NEJM. 2013;368:493–6.
3. Bartels SJ, Forester B, Miles KM, Joyce T. Mental health service use by elderly patients with
bipolar disorder and unipolar major depression. Am J Geriatr Psychiatry. 2000 Spring;8
(2):160–6.
Contents
xi
Contributors
xiii
xiv Contributors
1.1 Introduction
1.2 Definition
disorder that began in the first half of their life, (2) those with a preexisting
depressive disorder that started early in adulthood and converts to bipolar disorder
in later life, (3) those without previous episodes of depressive illness who present
with new-onset mania in later life, and (4) those individuals with “secondary
mania” who acquire bipolar disorder, or a psychiatric condition appearing similar to
bipolar disorder, as a direct result of other medical causes (Table 1.1). The defi-
nitions of early- versus late-onset and secondary bipolar illnesses will be discussed
below in the next section.
1.3 Limitations
One of the major challenges in studying bipolar disorder in older age is that it is less
common in older than in younger individuals. An important limitation to the
majority of studies to date is small sample size. The largest research samples of
individuals with bipolar disorder have had populations in the low thousands [9, 10],
with the majority of studies looking at sample sizes in the low hundreds or less [5].
Because searching within inpatient populations is a convenient way to locate sub-
jects with a relatively rare disorder, the majority of studies on late-life bipolar illness
focus on this group. However, this approach skews samples toward those individuals
with more severe illness, and thus, findings may not be relevant for individuals with
milder symptoms and those who require only outpatient care [5, 11]. Additionally,
there is a lack of longitudinal studies in this area, resulting in a paucity of information
about the long-term course of older age bipolar disorder. Further, retrospective
collection of historical details, such as an individual’s age of onset and clinical
presentation, is subject to recall bias or error. Lack of prospective data may also
contribute to a selection bias of individuals who survive into later life.
In general, the studies we cite are from US samples unless indicated. Different
countries have varying demographic proportions between old and young, different
medical and mental health systems in place, and different social services available
which may affect age of onset proportions and prevalence rates in inpatient versus
outpatient populations as well as health services utilization.
1 Epidemiology of Older Age Bipolar Disorder 3
Overall, the prevalence rates of individuals living in the community with bipolar
illness decrease with age [1, 12, 13]. Whereas bipolar disorder is present in 1.4 % of
individuals aged 18–44, prevalence rates decrease to 0.1–0.5 % in people aged 65 and
older [11, 14]. When individuals with both bipolar type 1 and bipolar type 2 disorders
are considered, prevalence of OABD has been reported to be 1 % of individuals over
the age of 60 [15]. It remains unclear whether this is a historic effect, related to
diagnosis and identification of older patients, a cohort effect related to a lower level of
disease among adults born earlier, a result of increased mortality among individuals
with early-onset bipolar disorder (EOBD), or a combination of factors [16].
Defining the age at onset of bipolar disorder has posed significant challenges for
researchers and there continues to be no clear consensus about how this should be
done. Does one use the age at first mental health contact, the age at first psychiatric
hospitalization, or the first time the patient experienced significant mood symptoms
causing impairment in functioning? Does onset of bipolar disorder begin at the first
depression or the first mania? If manias present first, the task of determining age of
onset is relatively straightforward. However, for as many as 25 % of individuals
who eventually meet DSM 5 diagnostic criteria for bipolar disorder, the first psy-
chiatric treatment or hospitalization for any mood disorder will be for major
depression, sometimes years to decades prior to the emergence of mania, delaying a
correct diagnosis [7, 13, 24–27].
Despite these challenges, multiple studies of bipolar disorder have found a
bimodal distribution of age of onset, with two major groups: a larger group
experiencing onset of manic symptoms before age 30 and a smaller group with
onset after age 40 [1, 7, 10, 24, 25, 28–32]. Some studies have defined an additional
group with early onset in childhood or adolescence [33–36]. For the most part, two
groups of individuals have been described: those with early-onset and late-onset
disease.
1 Epidemiology of Older Age Bipolar Disorder 5
Individuals who present with bipolar illness at a later age tend to be skewed
demographically in three ways. One distinction is that while male to female gender
ratios are fairly even among younger adults with EOBD, women predominate in
many late-onset bipolar samples [9, 21, 25, 27, 35, 38]. It remains unclear whether
this indicates a survival cohort, a bias in users of medical services, or a correlation
6 N. Leistikow and S.W. Lehmann
between female gender and vulnerability to late-onset disease. A large study of both
inpatients and outpatients in Denmark saw no statistically significant gender dif-
ference among older patients with bipolar disorder [10], similar to results from an
inpatient study in Scotland that took population gender rates into account [39] and a
small study of outpatients in England [30]. One finding that has been consistent
across studies is that individuals presenting with bipolar illness later in life are
less likely than early-onset patients to have a family history of bipolar illness
[21, 24–26, 31], raising the question of alternative pathways to disease.
Finally, bipolar illness impacts close relationships [40]. Two studies found that
those with later onset of illness were more likely to be married or living with
someone in their older age than those with earlier onset of disease [32, 35]. One of
the few prospective examinations of age of onset in bipolar illness found that 52 %
of those who first became ill after age 30 were married at the time of the study
compared to 27 % of those who experienced illness before age 21 and 40 % of
those first ill before age 30 [33]. Another small study found that those with later
onset reported more social support and perceived their social support to be more
adequate compared with those who had earlier onset of bipolar disease [26]. These
results suggest that social support may be a casualty of the disease striking before or
during the age when people often find and consolidate partnerships and also has
ramifications for prognosis and service utilization as patients age.
50, 51]. In some cases, when the offending agent or illness is removed or suc-
cessfully treated, mania resolves and does not recur. However, other patients may
recover from the inciting factor but go on to develop repeating patterns of mania
and depression best characterized as bipolar disorder, that we may think of as
having been unmasked or triggered by the event. Others still may have chronic
illnesses which cause a manic-like syndrome best thought of as a mood disorder
secondary to a medical condition. Medications implicated are numerous and include
corticosteroids, isoniazid, dopaminergic agents, and antidepressants [50]. Drugs of
abuse including alcohol, cocaine, stimulants, and hallucinogens can also incite
mania [52]. Illnesses-causing mania are likewise numerous and include Cushing’s
disease, influenza, HIV, neurosyphilis, multiple sclerosis, hyperthyroidism, brain
tumors, and seizure disorders among others [52]. Delirium is an acute state of
global confusion that can present with manic symptoms but should be resolved
before diagnosis of ongoing mania is made. Dementias, especially frontal-temporal
dementia, can present with manic-like syndromes and have cerebrovascular injury
as an overlapping risk factor (Fig. 1.1).
husband for talking fast and not making sense. A psychiatric consult attrib-
uted her abnormal behavior to high-dose prednisone she was taking at the
time. This was tapered off and she returned to baseline. Six years later, she
began having increased energy, with problems falling asleep, and increased
cleaning at night while again on steroid medication. She was hospitalized on a
medical service, diagnosed with steroid-induced psychosis, treated with
low-dose neuroleptic medication, and discharged on a lower dose of steroids.
Two months later, Ms. S presented with her first episode of depression
marked by low mood, low appetite with weight loss, low energy, sadness,
loss of confidence, isolation, and poor concentration. She was diagnosed with
major depression and started on nortriptyline and after two months had res-
olution of depression but then began to experience decreased sleep and
increased energy. Lithium was added to her regimen and her diagnosis was
changed to bipolar disorder. Eventually, nortriptyline was tapered and dis-
continued and her mood remained stable on lithium alone for years with no
further episodes of mania or depression.
Learning Points
• Steroids are an example of a medication that can trigger manic episodes
which respond to antipsychotic treatment.
• Some patients will go on to develop recurrent mood episodes which may
be managed with usual treatments for bipolar disorder such as mood
stabilizers.
The majority of studies of OABD do not distinguish between bipolar 1 and bipolar
2 disorders, and the use of mania as a convenient defining feature of bipolar
disorder naturally skews samples toward those with bipolar 1 disease. Bipolar
spectrum disorders are a relatively recent area of interest post-dating many studies
and will not be discussed here.
There have been relatively few studies looking specifically at older age or
late-onset bipolar 2 disorder. One study of 525 outpatients in Italy noted a statis-
tically significant reduced prevalence of late-life (defined as age 50) bipolar 2
disorder similar to the reduced prevalence of bipolar 1 disorder found elsewhere [6].
An additional observation was that features of atypical depression (defined in
DSM-IV as hypersomnia, increased appetite or weight gain, leaden paralysis, and
rejection sensitivity), which were seen more frequently in younger patients with
bipolar 2 illness, seemed to diminish as patients aged.
10 N. Leistikow and S.W. Lehmann
As previously discussed, mania, the hallmark of bipolar illness, can occur for the
first time at any age, with elders in their 90s experiencing new-onset mania [39, 53–
55]. When the first manic episode arises in the context of a lifetime of unipolar
depression, the clinical diagnosis is changed to bipolar illness. However, there is
disagreement about whether to define bipolar disorder onset as occurring at the time
of first depression, decades prior, or whether to consider the later onset of mania as
initiating bipolar disorder, representing a change or evolution in illness course.
There may be important differences in the way older and younger patients first
present with mania. An older study that defined late-onset bipolar illness as
occurring after age 40 found the late-onset group to present less acutely, with less
violence, irritability, and psychosis, but with more visual, olfactory, and somatic
hallucinations [25]. A population-wide Danish study of 1719 inpatients and out-
patients found that of those diagnosed with bipolar disorder by the end of their first
hospital admission, those with late-onset bipolar illness (defined as beginning after
age 50) presented with more psychosis related to depressions and less psychosis
related to manias when compared to other inpatients with early onset disease [10].
However, these are relative differences between those with EOBD and LOBD
and should not give the impression that those with LOBD do not frequently present
with manias or that these manias do not feature psychotic symptoms. Notably, the
same study, one of the few looking at a large group of older outpatients, found no
differences in initial presentation for outpatients with late-onset compared with
early-onset bipolar illness, suggesting that differences between the two groups may
be less prominent among individuals with milder disease.
with cancer, and he himself had a knee surgery with slow recovery. He began
having trouble sleeping with increased energy, late-night reading, and began
sending 3 a.m. emails to family members. His primary care doctor continued
citalopram and started trazodone to help with sleep. The patient felt
over-caffeinated and stimulated. He had an elevated self-attitude, became more
talkative than normal, and began having conversations out loud when others
were not present. Normally frugal, he started purchasing expensive items for
himself and began considering investing in new business propositions.
Mr. J was diagnosed with bipolar 1 disorder. Citalopram and trazodone
were stopped, and he was treated with lithium and olanzapine during an
outpatient partial hospitalization. Over the course of a month, he became less
pressured in speech, began sleeping 7–8 hours regularly, and was able to curb
his spending. He experienced increased fatigue for which his olanzapine was
decreased and he was discharged to outpatient care. He remains on medi-
cations and has had no further episodes of either depression or hypomania.
Learning Points
• Bipolar illness should be considered in elders of any age presenting with
manic or hypomanic behavior even in the absence of prior mental illness.
• Antidepressants may contribute to flares of bipolar illness even years after
their initiation.
It is clear that for many individuals with bipolar disorder, “the illness does not ‘burn
out’ or attenuate over time” [2, 7]. Even among outpatient samples, which tend to
have individuals with less severe illness, up to 5 % per year of older patients with
diagnosed bipolar illness flare into mania or hypomania [11].
One recent large study of 2257 outpatients with bipolar I disorder that compared
patients younger and older than 60 found no statistically significant difference in
acute symptoms of depression or elevated mood, beyond younger people having
more distractibility [8]. However, this study did not categorize patients by the age
of bipolar disease onset and focused on outpatients with insurance, who may have
been a healthier cohort. A recent midsize study of almost 600 outpatients found that
those individuals over 65 years of age with bipolar 1 or 2 disorder had more
depressive and catatonic episodes than hypomanic/manic episodes compared with
their younger counterparts [56].
In general, in older age, bipolar disorder is likely to feature more frequent
episodes of illness and decreasing time spent at baseline [12, 40]. One small
prospective study found that older patients had a more “fragile recovery” with a
significantly greater proportion who had been hospitalized for mania relapsing into
depression prior to discharge [24].
12 N. Leistikow and S.W. Lehmann
Bipolar disorder in older age significantly increases the risk of functional decline.
One study of community-dwelling adults over the age of 45 found that those with
bipolar disorder had health care-related quality-of-life scores similar to or worse
14 N. Leistikow and S.W. Lehmann
than individuals with schizophrenia, and greater medical comorbidity and preva-
lence of alcohol use disorder than control subjects with similar education and
occupational achievements [57]. Although younger adults with bipolar disorder
have a relatively better overall prognosis than those with schizophrenia, bipolar
disorder in advancing age is associated with increasing functional impairment,
attenuating these earlier distinctions.
A large study of more than 54,000 patients hospitalized for depression or bipolar
disorder in Sweden compared mortality rates and causes of death with the general
population and found that those with bipolar disorder had more deaths than
expected or “excess mortality” even over those with unipolar depression, with
standardized mortality ratios of 2.5 in men and 2.7 in women for all causes [58].
Notably, compared to individuals with unipolar depression, those with bipolar
disorder had more deaths from natural causes and less from suicide, suggesting that
either bipolar disorder, the behaviors associated with it, or its treatment shortens life
span [58]. This premature mortality may partly account for the decreased preva-
lence of bipolar disorder in later life and samples of older adults with early-onset
bipolar disorder may be considered a survivor cohort [1].
Other studies have shown similarly increased mortality likely due to bipolar
illness [16, 59]. A 26-year follow-up analysis of the original five-center Epidemi-
ologic Catchment Area (ECA) study found that those with any bipolar spectrum
illness had 1.42 greater odds of having died in the follow-up period when compared
to those with no bipolar illness after adjusting for age [60]. The association between
bipolar illness and increased mortality remained statistically significant even after
adjusting for increased depressive episodes and drug and alcohol abuse in the group
with bipolar illness. However, when stratified by age and adjusted for drug and
alcohol abuse, the association for those age 30–44 rose above the threshold for
statistical significance, suggesting that if drug and alcohol use can be reduced or
prevented in this younger population, some excess mortality may decline.
In later life, comorbid medical conditions are common in older adults with bipolar
disorder, including an increased prevalence of hypertension, diabetes, cardiac dis-
ease, and dementia [3]. Despite a similar degree of medical comorbidity, including
cardiovascular disease, those with bipolar illness, compared with unipolar major
depression, have a greater prevalence of endocrine and metabolic disorders,
specifically, hypothyroidism, diabetes, and obesity [61]. It remains unclear how
much of this difference can be attributed to use of medications, such as lithium and
antipsychotics, versus the contribution of factors related to bipolar illness itself.
Results from the five-center ECA study found that individuals of any age with
bipolar I disorder have a substantially higher risk of drug and alcohol use—with a
1 Epidemiology of Older Age Bipolar Disorder 15
1.11 Summary
Although the prevalence of bipolar illness decreases with age, the need for mental
health services among elderly patients with bipolar illness rises. Older patients may
have more frequent recurrences of depressions and hypomanias or manias with
briefer remissions when compared to younger patients. They also have dispropor-
tionately high rates of healthcare utilization when compared to older patients with
unipolar depression. Clinical management of older age bipolar disorder will be
discussed in Chap. 4, but is frequently complicated by medical comorbidity, psy-
chiatric comorbidity, functional and cognitive decline, loss of social supports, and
age-related physiologic changes in renal and liver function affecting drug phar-
macokinetics and pharmacodynamics. Research has identified EOBD and LOBD as
groups with likely different etiologies of bipolar disorder, but the significance for
prognosis and treatment remains unclear. Perhaps to a degree greater than for any
other mood disorder, the clinical complexity of OABD requires thoughtful and
consistent psychiatric care.
Clinical Pearls
• The numbers of older adults with bipolar disorder are expected to increase
in the future.
• While prevalence rates of older age bipolar disorder are low in community
samples, older adults with bipolar disorder are frequently seen in clinical
treatment settings and have high rates of psychiatric service utilization.
• OABD represents a heterogeneous group of individuals and includes
adults with EOBD and LOBD, who may differ in terms of clinical course
as well as illness pathogenesis.
• Individuals with late-onset bipolar illness are more likely to be women,
less likely to have a family history of bipolar disorder, and more likely to
have cerebrovascular risk factors or disease.
16 N. Leistikow and S.W. Lehmann
• Bipolar disorder does not “burn out” with advancing age. Rather, older
adults with bipolar disorder may experience more frequent periods of
illness with less time spent euthymic and at baseline levels of functioning.
• Individuals with OABD frequently have medical and psychiatric comor-
bidities which complicate treatment.
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previously passed a prohibitory constitutional amendment, in itself
defective, and as no legislation had been enacted to enforce it, those
who wished began to sell as though the right were natural, and in
this way became strong enough to resist taxation or license. The
Legislature of 1882, the majority controlled by the Republicans,
attempted to pass the Pond liquor tax act, and its issue was joined.
The liquor interests organized, secured control of the Democratic
State Convention, nominated a ticket pledged to their interests,
made a platform which pointed to unrestricted sale, and by active
work and the free use of funds, carried the election and reversed the
usual majority. Governor Foster, the boldest of the Republican
leaders, accepted the issue as presented, and stumped in favor of
license and the sanctity of the Sabbath; but the counsels of the
Republican leaders were divided, Ex-Secretary Sherman and others
enacting the role of “confession and avoidance.” The result carried
with it a train of Republican disasters. Congressional candidates
whom the issue could not legitimately touch, fell before it, probably
on the principle that “that which strikes the head injures the entire
body.” The Democratic State and Legislative tickets succeeded, and
the German element, which of all others is most favorable to freedom
in the observance of the Sabbath, transferred its vote almost as an
entirety from the Republican to the Democratic party.
Ohio emboldened the liquor interests, and in their Conventions
and Societies in other States they agreed as a rule to check and, if
possible, defeat the advance of the prohibitory amendment idea. This
started in Kansas in 1880, under the lead of Gov. St. John, an
eloquent temperance advocate. It was passed by an immense
majority, and it was hardly in force before conflicting accounts were
scattered throughout the country as to its effect. Some of the friends
of temperance contended that it improved the public condition; its
enemies all asserted that in the larger towns and cities it produced
free and irresponsible instead of licensed sale. The latter seem to
have had the best of the argument, if the election result is a truthful
witness. Gov. St. John was again the nominee of the Republicans, but
while all of the remainder of the State ticket was elected, he fell
under a majority which must have been produced by a change of
forty thousand votes. Iowa next took up the prohibitory amendment
idea, secured its adoption, but the result was injurious to the
Republicans in the Fall elections, where the discontent struck at
Congressmen, as well as State and Legislative officers.
The same amendment had been proposed in Pennsylvania, a
Republican House in 1881 having passed it by almost a solid vote
(Democrats freely joining in its support), but a Republican Senate
defeated, after it had been loaded down with amendments. New York
was coquetting with the same measure, and as a result the liquor
interests—well organized and with an abundance of money, as a rule
struck at the Republican party in both New York and Pennsylvania,
and thus largely aided the groundswell. The same interests aided the
election of Genl. B. F. Butler of Massachusetts, but from a different
reason. He had, in one of his earlier canvasses, freely advocated the
right of the poor to sell equally with those who could pay heavy
license fees, and had thus won the major sympathy of the interest.
Singularly enough, Massachusetts alone of all the Republican States
meeting with defeat in 1882, fails to show in her result reasons which
harmonize with those enumerated as making up the elements of
discontent. Her people most do favor high tariffs, taxes on liquors
and luxuries, civil service reforms, and were supposed to be more
free from legal and political abuses than any other. Massachusetts
had, theretofore, been considered to be the most advanced of all the
States—in notions, in habit, and in law—yet Butler’s victory was
relatively more pronounced than that of any Democratic candidate,
not excepting that of Cleveland over Folger in New York, the
Democratic majority here approaching two hundred thousand. How
are we to explain the Massachusetts’ result? Gov. Bishop was a high-
toned and able gentleman, the type of every reform contended for.
There is but one explanation. Massachusetts had had too much of
reform; it had come in larger and faster doses than even her
progressive people could stand—and an inconsistent discontent took
new shape there—that of very plain reaction. This view is confirmed
by the subsequent attempt of Gov. Butler to defeat the re-election of
Geo. F. Hoar to the U. S. Senate, by a combination of Democrats with
dissatisfied Republicans. The movement failed, but it came very near
to success, and for days the result was in doubt. Hoar had been a
Senator of advanced views, of broad and comprehensive
statesmanship, but that communistic sentiment which occasionally
crops out in our politics and strikes at all leaders, merely from the
pleasure of asserting the right to tear down, assailed him with a vigor
almost equal to that which struck Windom of Minnesota, a
statesman of twenty-four years’ honorable, able and sometimes
brilliant service. To prejudice the people of his State against him, a
photograph of his Washington residence had been scattered
broadcast. The print in the photograph intended to prejudice being a
coach with a liveried lackey. It might have been the coach and lackey
of a visitor, but the effect was the same where discontent had run
into a fever.
Political discontent gave unmistakable manifestations of its
existence in Ohio, Massachusetts, New York (where Ex-Governor
Cornell’s nomination had been defeated by a forged telegram),
Michigan, Nebraska, Kansas, Iowa, Connecticut, California,
Colorado, Pennsylvania, and Indiana. The Republican position was
well maintained in New Hampshire, Vermont, Rhode Island,
Minnesota, Illinois, and Wisconsin. It was greatly improved in
Virginia, where Mahone’s Republican Readjuster ticket carried the
State by nearly ten thousand, and where a United States’ Senator and
Congressman at large were gained, as well as some of the District
Congressmen. The Republicans also improved the situation in North
Carolina and Tennessee, though they failed to carry either. They also
gained Congressmen in Mississippi and Louisiana, but the
Congressional result throughout the country was a sweeping
Democratic victory, the 48th Congress, beginning March 4, 1883,
showing a Democratic majority of 71 in a total membership of 325.
In Pennsylvania alone of all the Northern States, were the
Republican elements of discontent organized, and here they were as
well organized as possible under the circumstances. Charles S. Wolfe
had the year previous proclaimed what he called his “independence
of the Bosses,” by declaring himself a candidate for State Treasurer,
“nominated in a convention of one.” He secured 49,984 votes, and
this force was used as the nucleus for the better organized
Independent Republican movement of 1882. Through this a State
Convention was called which placed a full ticket in the field, and
which in many districts nominated separate legislative candidates.
The complaints of the Independent Republicans of Pennsylvania
were very much like those of dissatisfied Republicans in other
Northern States where no adverse organizations were set up, and
these can best be understood by giving the official papers and
correspondence connected with the revolt, and the attempts to
conciliate and suppress it by the regular organization. The writer
feels a delicacy in appending this data, inasmuch as he was one of the
principals in the negotiations, but formulated complaints, methods
and principles peculiar to the time can be better understood as
presented by organized and official bodies, than where mere
opinions of cotemporaneous writers and speakers must otherwise be
given. A very careful summary has been made by Col. A. K. McClure,
in the Philadelphia Times Almanac, and from this we quote the data
connected with the—
The Independent Republican Revolt In
Pennsylvania.
I. D. McKee, Chairman.
M. S. Quay,
J. F. Hartranft,
Thomas Cochran,
Howard J. Reeder,
C. L. Magee,
Charles S. Wolfe,
I. D. McKee,
Francis B. Reeves,
Wharton Barker,
J. W. Lee,
I. D. McKee, Chairman.
Wharton Barker.
John J. Pinkerton.
Geo. E. Mapes.
H. S. McNair.
Charles W. Miller.
Frank Willing Leach, Secretary.
In pursuance of the above call, the Independent Convention met, May 24th, in Philadelphia, and
deciding that the action of the regular Republican Convention, held at Harrisburg on May 10th, did not
give the guarantee of reform demanded by the Independents, proceeded to nominate a ticket and adopt
a platform setting forth their views.
Although the break between the two wings of the party was thus made final to all appearances, yet all
efforts for a reconciliation were not entirely abandoned. Thos. M. Marshall having declined the
nomination for Congressman at Large on the Republican ticket, the convention was reconvened June
21st, for the purpose of filling the vacancy, and while in session, instructed the State Central Committee
to use all honorable means to secure harmony between the two sections of the party. Accordingly, the
Republican State Committee was called to meet in Philadelphia, July, 13th. At this meeting the following
propositions were submitted to the Independents:
Pursuant to the resolution passed by the Harrisburg Convention of June 21st, and authorizing the
Republican State Committee to use all honorable means to promote harmony in the party, the said
committee, acting in conjunction with the Republican candidates on the State ticket, respectfully submit
to the State Committee and candidates of the Independents the following propositions:
First. The tickets headed by James A. Beaver and John Stewart, respectively, be submitted to a vote of
the Republican electors of the State, at primaries, as hereinafter provided for.
Second. The selection of candidates to be voted for by the Republican party in November to be
submitted as aforesaid, every Republican elector, constitutionally and legally qualified, to be eligible to
nomination.
Third. A State Convention to be held, to be constituted as recommended by the Continental Hotel
Conference, whereof Wharton Barker was chairman and Francis B. Reeves secretary, to select
candidates to be voted for by the Republican party in November, its choice to be limited to the
candidates now in nomination, or unlimited, as the Independent State Committee may prefer.
The primaries or convention referred to in the foregoing propositions to be held on or before the
fourth Wednesday of August next, under regulations or apportionment to be made by Daniel Agnew,
Hampton L. Carson, and Francis B. Reeves, not in conflict, however, with the acts of Assembly
regulating primary elections, and the candidates receiving the highest popular vote, or the votes of a
majority of the members of the convention, to receive the united support of the party.
Resolved, That in the opinion of the Republican State Committee the above propositions fully carry
out, in letter and spirit, the resolution passed by the Harrisburg Convention, June 21st, and that we
hereby pledge the State Committee to carry out in good faith any one of the foregoing propositions
which may be accepted.
Resolved, That the chairman of the Republican State Committee be directed to forward an official
copy of the proceedings of this meeting, together with the foregoing propositions, to the Independent
State Committee and candidates.
Whereupon, General Reeder, of Northampton, moved to amend by adding a further proposition, as
follows.
Fourth. A State Convention, to be constituted as provided for by the new rules adopted by the late
Republican State Convention, to select candidates to be voted for by the Republican party in November,
provided, if such convention be agreed to, said convention shall be held not later than the fourth
Wednesday in August. Which amendment was agreed to, and the preamble and resolutions as amended
were agreed to.
This communication was addressed to the chairman of the Independent State Committee, I. D.
McKee, who called the Independent Committee to meet July 27th, to consider the propositions. In the
meantime the Independent candidates held a conference on the night of July 13th, and four of them
addressed the following propositions to the candidates of the Stalwart wing of the party:
Philadelphia, July 13th, 1882.
To General James A. Beaver, Hon. William T. Davies, Hon. John M. Greer, William Henry Rawle, Esq., and Marriott
Brosius, Esq.
Gentlemen: By a communication received from the Hon. Thomas V. Cooper, addressed to us as candidates of the
Independent Republicans, we are advised of the proceedings of the State Committee, which assembled in this city yesterday.
Without awaiting the action of the Independent State Committee, to which we have referred the communication, and
attempting no discussion of the existing differences, or the several methods proposed by which to secure party unity, we beg
to say that we do not believe that any of the propositions, if accepted, would produce harmony in the party, but on the
contrary, would lead to wider divisions. We therefore suggest that the desired result can be secured by the hearty co-
operation of the respective candidates. We have no authority to speak for the great body of voters now giving their support to
the Independent Republican ticket, nor can we include them by any action we may take. We are perfectly free, however, to act
in our individual capacity, and desire to assure you that we are not only willing, but anxious to co-operate with you in the
endeavor to restore peace and harmony to our party. That this can be accomplished beyond all doubt we feel entirely assured,
if you, gentlemen, are prepared to yield, with us, all personal considerations, and agree to the following propositions:
First. The withdrawal of both tickets.
Second. The several candidates of these tickets to pledge themselves not to accept any subsequent nomination by the
proposed convention.
Under these conditions we will unite with you in urging upon our respective constituencies the adoption of the third
proposition submitted by your committee, and conclude the whole controversy by our final withdrawal as candidates. Such
withdrawal of both tickets would remove from the canvass all personal as well as political antagonisms, and leave the party
united and unembarrassed.
We trust, gentlemen, that your judgment will approve the method we have suggested, and that, appreciating the
importance of concluding the matter with as little delay as possible, you will give us your reply within a week from this date.
John Stewart.
Levi Bird Duff.
George W. Merrick.
George Junkin.
William McMichael, Independent candidate for Congressman at Large, dissented from the
proposition of his colleagues, and addressed the following communication to Chairman Cooper:
Philadelphia, July 13th, 1882.
Yours truly,
William McMichael.
To these propositions General Beaver and his colleagues replied in the following communication:
Philadelphia, July 15th, 1882.
Hon. Thomas V. Cooper, Chairman Republican State Committee, Philadelphia, Pa.
Sir: We have the honor to acknowledge the receipt through you of a communication addressed to us by the Hon. John
Stewart, Colonel Levi Bird Duff, Major G. W. Merrick, and George Junkin, Esq.; in response to certain propositions submitted
by the Republican State Committee, representing the Republican party of Pennsylvania, looking to an amicable and
honorable adjustment of whatever differences there may be among the various elements of the party. Without accepting any
of the propositions submitted by your committee, this communication asks us, as a condition precedent to any
recommendation on the part of the writers thereof, to declare that in the event of the calling of a new convention, we will
severally forbid the Republicans of Pennsylvania to call upon us for our services as candidates for the various positions to be
filled by the people at the coming election. To say that in the effort to determine whether or not our nomination was the free
and unbiased choice of the Republican party we must not be candidates, is simply to try the question at issue. We have no
desire to discuss the question in any of its numerous bearings. We have placed ourselves unreservedly in the hands of the
Republicans of Pennsylvania. We have pledged ourselves to act concurrently with your committee, and are bound by its
action. We therefore respectfully suggest that we have no power or authority to act independently of the committee, or make
any declaration at variance with the propositions submitted in accordance with its action. There ought to be and can be no
such thing as personal antagonism in this contest. We socially and emphatically disclaim even the remotest approach to a
feeling of this kind toward any person. We fraternize with and are ready to support any citizen who loves the cause of pure
Republicanism, and with this declaration we submit the whole subject to your deliberate judgment and wise consideration.
James A. Beaver.
William Henry Rawle.
Marriott Brosius.
W. T. Davies.
John M. Greer.
At the meeting of the Independent State Committee, July 27th, the propositions of the Regular
Committee were unanimously rejected, and a committee appointed to draft a reply, which was done in
the following terms:
Thomas V. Cooper, Esq., Chairman Republican State Committee.
Dear Sir: I am instructed to advise you that the Independent Republican State Committee have considered the four
suggestions contained in the minutes of the proceedings of your committee, forwarded to me by you on the 12th instant.
I am directed to say that this committee find that none of the four are methods fitted to obtain a harmonious and honorable
unity of the Republican voters of Pennsylvania. All of them are inadequate to that end, for the reason that they afford no
guarantee that, being accepted, the principles upon which the Independent Republicans have taken their stand would be
treated with respect or put into action. All of them contain the probability that an attempt to unite the Republicans of the
State by their means would either result in reviving and strengthening the political dictatorship which we condemn or would
permanently distract the Republican body, and insure the future and continued triumph of our common opponent, the
Democratic party.
Of the four suggestions, the first, second and fourth are so inadequate as to need no separate discussion: the third, which
alone may demand attention, has the fatal defect of not including the withdrawal of that “slated” ticket which was made up
many months ago, and long in advance of the Harrisburg Convention, to represent and to maintain the very evils of control
and abuses of method to which we stand opposed. This proposition, like the others, supposing it to have been sincerely put
forward, clearly shows that you misconceive the cause of the Independent Republican movement, as well as its aims and
purposes. You assume that we desire to measure the respective numbers of those who support the Harrisburg ticket and
those who find their principles expressed by the Philadelphia Convention. This is a complete and fatal misapprehension. We
are organized to promote certain reforms, and not to abandon them in pursuit of votes. Our object is the overthrow of the
“boss system” and of the “spoils system.”
In behalf of this we are willing and anxious to join hands with you whenever it is assured that the union will be honestly
and earnestly for that purpose. But we cannot make alliances or agree to compromises that in their face threaten the very
object of the movement in which we have engaged. Whether your ticket has the support of many or few, of a majority or a
minority of the Republican voters, does not affect in the smallest degree the duty of every citizen to record himself against the
abuses which it represents. Had the gentlemen who compose it been willing to withdraw themselves from the field, as they
were invited to join in doing, for the common good, by the Independent Republican candidates, this act would have
encouraged the hope that a new convention, freely chosen by the people, and unembarrassed by claims of existing candidates,
might have brought forth the needed guarantee of party emancipation and public reform.
This service, however, they have declined to render their party; they not only claim and receive your repeated assurances of
support, but they permit themselves to be put forward to secure the use of the Independent Republican votes at the same
time that they represent the “bossism,” the “spoils” methods, and the “machine” management which we are determined no
longer to tolerate. The manner in which their candidacy was decreed, the means employed to give it convention formality, the
obligations which they incur by it, the political methods with which it identifies them, and the political and personal plans for
which their official influence would be required, all join to make it the most imperative public duty not to give them support
at this election under any circumstances.
In closing this note, this committee must express its regret, that, having considered it desirable to make overtures to the
Independent Republicans, you should have so far misapprehended the facts of the situation. It is our desire to unite the
Republican party on the sure ground of principle, in the confidence that we are thus serving it with the highest fidelity, and
preserving for the future service of the Commonwealth that vitality of Republicanism which has made the party useful in the
past, and which alone confers upon it now the right of continued existence. The only method which promises this result in the
approaching election is that proposed by the Independent Republican candidates in their letter of July 13th, 1882, which was
positively rejected by your committee.
On behalf of the Independent Republican State Committee of Pennsylvania,
I. D. McKee, Chairman.
The election followed, and the Democratic ticket, headed by Robert E. Pattison of Philadelphia,
received an average plurality of 40,000, and the Independent Republican ticket received an average vote
of about 43,000–showing that while Independence organized did not do as well in a gubernatorial as it
had in a previous off-year, it yet had force enough to defeat the Republican State ticket headed by Gen.
James A. Beaver. All of the three several State tickets were composed of able men, and the force of both
of the Republican tickets on the hustings excited great interest and excitement; yet the Republican vote,
owing to the division, was not out by nearly one hundred thousand, and fifty thousand more
Republicans than Democrats remained at home, many of them purposely. In New York, where
dissatisfaction had no rallying point, about two hundred thousand Republicans remained at home, some
because of anger at the defeat of Gov. Cornell in the State nominating convention—some in protest
against the National Administrations, which was accused of the desire for direct endorsement where it
presented the name of Hon. Chas. J. Folger, its Secretary of the Treasury, as the home gubernatorial
candidate,—others because of some of the many reasons set forth in the bill of complaints which
enumerates the causes of the dissatisfaction within the party.
At this writing the work of Republican repair is going on. Both the Senate and House at Washington
are giving active work to the passage of a tariff bill, the repeal of the revenue taxes, and the passage of a
two-cent letter postage bill—measures anxiously hastened by the Republicans in order to anticipate
friendly and defeat unfriendly attempts on the part of the Democratic House, which comes in with the
first session of the 48th Congress.
In Pennsylvania, as we close this review of the struggle of 1882, the Regular and Independent
Republican State Committees—at least the heads thereof—are devising a plan to jointly call a Republican
State Convention to nominate the State ticket to be voted for in November, 1883. The groundswell was
so great that it had no sooner passed, than Republicans of all shades of opinion, felt the need of
harmonious action, and the leaders everywhere set themselves to the work of repair.
The Republicans in the South differed from those of the North in the fact that their complaints were
all directed against a natural political enemy—the Bourbons—and wherever there was opportunity they
favored and entered into movements with Independent and Readjuster Democrats, with the sole object
of revolutionizing political affairs in the South. Their success in these combinations was only great in
Virginia, but it proved to be promising in North Carolina, Mississippi, and Louisiana, and may take more
definite and general shape in the great campaign of 1884.
The Democratic party was evidently surprised at its great victory in 1882, and has not yet formally
resolved what it will do with it. The Congress beginning with December, 1883, will doubtless give some
indication of the drift of Democratic events.
The most notable law passed in the closing session of the 47th Congress, was the Civil Service Reform
Bill, introduced by Senator Geo. H. Pendleton of Ohio, but prepared under the direction of the Senate
Judiciary Committee. The Republicans, feeling that there was some public demand for the passage of a
measure of the kind, eagerly rushed to its support, at a time when it was apparent that the spoils of office
might slip from their hands. From opposite motives the Democrats, who had previously encouraged,
now ran away from it, but it passed both Houses with almost a solid Republican vote, a few Democrats in
each House voting with them. President Arthur signed the bill, but at this writing the Commission which
it creates has not been appointed, and of course none of the rules and constructions under the act have
been formulated. Its basic principles are fixed tenure in minor places, competitive examinations, and
non-partisan selections.
POLITICAL CHANGES—1883.
In the fall of 1883 nearly all of the States swept by the tidal wave of 1882 showed that it had either
partially or completely receded, and for the first time since the close of the Hayes administration (always
excepting the remarkable Garfield-Hancock campaign), the Republican party exhibited plain signs of
returning unity and strength. Henry Ward Beecher has wittily said that “following the war the nation
needed a poultice, and got it in the Hayes administration.” The poultice for a time only drew the sores
into plainer view, and healing potions were required for the contests immediately following. The
divisions of 1882 were as much the result of the non-action of the Hayes administration, as of the
misunderstandings and feuds which later on found bitter manifestation between the Stalwarts and Half-
Breeds of New York.
The Independents took no organized form except in New York and Pennsylvania, and yet the
underlying causes of division for the time swept from their Republican moorings not only the States
named, but also Massachusetts, Connecticut, Ohio, Indiana, Michigan, Kansas, Colorado and California.
The year 1882 seemed the culmination of every form of Republican division, and then everything in
the States named gave place to faction. Very wisely the Republican leaders determined to repair the
mischief, as far as possible, in the otherwise uneventful year of 1883. Their efforts were in most
instances successful, especially in Massachusetts where Robinson overthrew Gen. Butler’s State
administration by 20,000 majority; in Pennsylvania, where the Republican State ticket received about
20,000 majority, after the reunion of the Regular and independent factions. In Pennsylvania the efforts
at reconciliation made in the Continental Conference, and in subsequent conventions, gave fruit in 1883,
and at this writing in July, 1884 there is no mark of division throughout the entire State, if we except
such as must inevitably follow the plain acceptance of Free Trade and Protective issues. Very few of the
Republicans of Pennsylvania favor Free Trade, and only in the ranks of this few could any division be
traced after the close of the elections of 1883.
Ohio was an exception to the Republican work of reconciliation. Division still continued, and Judge
Hoadly, a leading and very talented Democrat, was elected Governor by about 15,000 majority, after a
contest which involved the expenditure of large sums of money. In the Convention which nominated
Hoadly, Senator Pendleton was practically overthrown because of his attachment to the Civil Service law
which takes his name, and later on he was defeated for U. S. Senator by Mr. Payne, the McLean and
Bookwalter factions uniting for his overthrow, which was accomplished despite the efforts of Thurman,
Ward and other leaders of the older elements of the party. Both the Hoadly and Payne battles were won
under the banners of the “Young Democracy.”
Any compilation of the returns of 1883 must be measurably imperfect, for in only a few of the States
were important and decisive battles waged. Such as they were, however, are given in the table on the
next page:
State Elections of 1882 and 1883, compared with the Presidential Election of 1880.
1880.[67]
STATES. Garfield, Hancock, Weaver, Dow,
Rep. Dem. Gbk. Pro.
Alabama 56,221 91,185 4,642
Arkansas 42,436 60,775 4,079
California 80,348 80,426 3,392
Colorado 27,450 24,647 1,435
[68]Connecticut 67,071 64,415 868 40
Delaware 14,133 15,275 120
Florida 23,654 27,964
Georgia 54,086 102,470 969
Illinois 318,037 277,321 26,358 443
Indiana 232,164 225,522 12,986
Iowa 183,927 105,845 32,701 592
Kansas 121,549 59,801 19,851 25
Kentucky 106,306 149,068 11,499 258
Louisiana 38,637 65,067 439
Maine 74,039 65,171 4,408 93
Maryland 78,515 93,706 818
Massachusetts 165,205 111,960 4,548 682
Michigan 185,341 131,597 34,895 942
Minnesota 93,903 53,315 3,267 286
Mississippi 34,854 75,750 5,797
Missouri 153,567 200,699 35,135
Nebraska 54,979 28,523 3,950
Nevada 8,732 9,613
New Hampshire 44,852 40,794 528 180
New Jersey 120,555 122,565 2,617 191
New York 555,544 534,511 12,373 1,517
North Carolina 115,874 124,208 1,126
Ohio 375,048 340,821 6,456 2,616
Oregon 20,619 19,948 249
Pennsylvania 444,704 407,428 20,668 1,939
Rhode Island 18,195 10,779 236 20
South Carolina 58,071 112,312 556
Tennessee 107,677 128,191 5,917 43
Texas 57,893 156,428 27,405
Vermont 45,567 18,316 1,215
Virginia 84,020 128,586
West Virginia 46,243 57,391 9,079
Wisconsin 144,400 114,649 7,986 69
Total 4,454,416 4,444,952 308,578 10,305
Plurality 9,464
1882.[69]
STATES.
Rep. Dem. Gbk. Pro.
Alabama 46,386 100,591
Arkansas 49,352 87,675 10,142
California 67,175 90,694 1,020 5,772
Colorado 27,552 29,897
[68]Connecticut 54,853 59,014 607 1,034
Delaware 10,088 12,053
Florida 20,139 24,067 3,553
Georgia 24,930 81,443 68
Illinois 254,551 249,067 11,306 11,202
Indiana 210,234 220,918 13,520
Iowa 149,051 112,180 30,817
Kansas [70]98,166 [70]61,547 [70]23,300
Plurality 130,195
1883.[68]
STATES.
Rep. Dem. Gbk. Pro.
Alabama
Arkansas
California
Colorado [68]
Plurality 42,303
The Republican National Convention met at Chicago, in the Exposition Building, on Tuesday, June 3d,
1884. It was called to order by Senator Sabin, the Chairman of the National Committee, who at the
conclusion of his address, at the request of his Committee, presented the name of Hon. Powell Clayton,
of Arkansas, for temporary President. Gen. Clayton, as a friend of Blaine, was antagonized by the field,
which named Hon. John R. Lynch for the place. An exciting debate followed, at the close of which Mr.
Lynch received 431 votes to 387 for Clayton. Ex-Senator Henderson of Missouri was made permanent
President without a contest. The contested seats were amicably settled, the most notable being that of
the straight-out Republicans of Virginia against Gen. Mahone’s delegation. The latter was admitted, the
only contest being in the Committee. The Blaine leaders did not antagonize, but rather favored Mahone’s
admission, as did the field generally, for the State Convention which elected this delegation had openly
abandoned the name of the Readjuster Party and taken that of the Republican. None of the Straightouts
expressed dissatisfaction at what appeared to be the almost universal sentiment.
Candidates for the Nomination.
On the third day the following candidates were formally placed in nomination, after eloquent eulogies,
the most notable being those of Judge West of Ohio, in behalf of Blaine; Gen. H. H. Bingham, of Penna.,
for President Arthur; and Geo. W. Curtis for Senator Edmunds:
This body assembled at Chicago, in the Exposition Building, on Tuesday, July 8th, 1884, and was
called to order by Ex-Senator Barnum, the Chairman of the National Committee. The Committee
presented Governor Richard B. Hubbard, of Texas, for temporary chairman. After his address a notable
contest followed on the adoption of the unit rule, the debate being participated in by many delegates.
Mr. Fellows, of New York, favored the rule, as did all of the advocates of Governor Cleveland’s
nomination for President, while John Kelly opposed it with a view to give freedom of choice to the
twenty-five delegates from New York who were acting with him. The contest was inaugurated by Mr.
Smalley, of Vermont, who was instructed by the National Committee to offer the following resolution:
Resolved, that the rules of the last Democratic Convention govern this body until otherwise ordered,
subject to the following modification: That in voting for candidates for President and Vice-President no
State shall be allowed to change its vote until the roll of the States has been called, and every State has
cast its vote.
Mr. Grady, of New York, offered the following amendment to the resolution:
When the vote of a State, as announced by the chairman of the delegation from such State is
challenged by any member of the delegation, then the Secretary shall call the names of the individual
delegates from the State, and their individual preferences as expressed shall be recorded as the vote of
such State.
After discussion the question was then put, the chairman of each State delegation announcing its vote
as follows:
THE VOTE IN DETAIL.
First Ballot.
States. No. Sherman, Sherma
Delegates. Blaine. Arthur. Edmunds. Logan. John. Hawley. Lincoln. W. T.
[74]Alabama 20 1 17 1
Arkansas 14 8 4 2
California 16 16
Colorado 6 6
Connecticut 12 12
Delaware 6 5 1
Florida 8 1 7
Georgia 24 24
Illinois 44 3 1 40
Indiana 30 18 9 1 2
Iowa 26 26
Kansas 18 12 4 1 1
Kentucky 26 5½ 16 2½ 1 1
[74]Louisiana 16 2 10 3
Maine 12 12
Maryland 16 10 6
Massachusetts 28 1 2 25
Michigan 26 15 2 7
Minnesota 14 7 1 6
Mississippi 18 1 17
Missouri 32 5 10 6 10 1
Nebraska 10 8 2
Nevada 6 6
New
Hampshire 8 4 4
New Jersey 18 9 6 1 2
New York 72 28 31 12 1
North
Carolina 22 2 19 1
Ohio 46 21 25
Oregon 6 6
Pennsylvania 60 47 11 1 1
Rhode Island 8 8
South
Carolina 18 1 17
Tennessee 24 7 16 1
Texas 26 13 11 1
Vermont 8 8
Virginia 24 2 21 1
West Virginia 12 12
Wisconsin 22 10 6 6
Territories.
Arizona 2 2
Dakota 2 2
Idaho 2 2
Montana 2 1 1
New Mexico 2 2
Utah 2 2
Washington 2 2
Wyoming 2 2
Dist. of
Columbia 2 1 1
Total 820 334½ 278 93 63½ 30 13 4