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Continuity
Continuity
& I n n ovat i o n
C a n a d i a n Fa m i l i e s i n t h e N e w M i l l e n n i u m
&
I n n ovat i o n
Amber Gazso
K a r e n Ko b aya s h i
Continuity
Amber Gazso
& I n n ovat i o n
C a n a d i a n Fa m i l i e s i n t h e N e w M i l l e n n i u m
K a r e n Ko b aya s h i
nelson.com
ISBN-13: 978-0-17-659349-0
ISBN-10: 0-17-659349-7
9 780176 593490
Copyright 2018 Nelson Education Ltd. All Rights Reserved. May not be copied, scanned, or duplicated, in whole or in part. Due to electronic rights, some third party content
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BRIEF CONTENTS
Preface xv
Acknowledgments xx
About the Contributors xxi
PART 1 FOUNDATIONS 1
1 FAMILIES AS WE KNOW AND HAVE KNOWN THEM 3
Amber Gazso and Karen Kobayashi
2 THEORIZING AND RESEARCHING FAMILY 14
PART 2 FAMILY FORMATIONS AND LIVING ARRANGEMENTS 29

3 SEEKING INTIMACY, FORMING FAMILIES 31
Sarah Knudson
4 LIVING ARRANGEMENTS 48
Karen Kobayashi and Mushira Mohsin Khan
PART 3 SURVIVING AND THRIVING 63

5 THE OUTCOMES OF INCOMES: FAMILY INSECURITY OR SECURITY IN INSECURE TIMES 65
Kate Bezanson
6 MANAGING LOW INCOME IN FAMILIES: THE IMPORTANCE OF INSTITUTIONS AND INTERACTIONS 80
Ingrid Waldron and Amber Gazso
PART 4 PATTERNS OF INDIGENEITY AND (IM)MIGRATION 97

7 INDIGENOUS FAMILIES: MIGRATION, RESISTANCE, AND RESILIENCE 99
Angele Alook
8 IMMIGRANT FAMILIES AND CANADA’S CHANGING ETHNO-RACIAL DIVERSITY 113
Mushira Mohsin Khan
PART 5 POWER AND RIGHTS 129

9 PAID AND UNPAID WORK: POWER, DIVISION, AND STRATEGIES 131
Glenn J. Stalker
10 WHEN ABUSE STRIKES AT HOME: FAMILIES AND VIOLENCE 147
Nancy Nason-Clark
11 (DE)COLONIZATION, RACIALIZATION, RACISM, AND CANADIAN FAMILIES: RELEARNING THROUGH
STORYTELLING ABOUT LIVED EXPERIENCE 163
Wesley Crichlow
PART 6 CARE WORK AND SOCIAL SUPPORT 181

12 FAMILIES CARING FOR CHILDREN IN THE 21ST CENTURY 183
Rachel Berman
13 CAREGIVING AND SUPPORT FOR OLDER ADULTS 199
Nancy Mandell and Vivian Stamatopoulos
14 FAMILIES EXPERIENCING DIS/ABILITY 216
Deborah Davidson and Nazilla Khanlou
PART 7 DEEPENING CONTINUITY AND INNOVATION 233

15 “DOING FAMILY”: LENSES, PATTERNS, AND FUTURES 235
Anne Martin-Matthews
Index 251
NEL vii
CONTENTS
Preface xv
Acknowledgments xx
About the Contributors xxi
PART 1 FOUNDATIONS 1
1 Families as We Know and Have Known Them 3

Changes We Know and See 4

What Has Changed and What Has Remained The Same: A Framework for
Family Sociology in Canada 5
We Assign Meaning to Family 6
We Practise Family 7
Family Is a Process 7
Change and Continuity? Being Comfortable with Apparent Contradictions 8
Chapter Summary 10
2 Theorizing and Researching Family 14

Theoretical Frameworks for Understanding Families and Family Relations 15

Mid-19th to Early 20th Century Theories 15
Materialist/Conflict Perspective 15
Structural Functionalism 15
Symbolic Interactionism 16
Mid-20th Century to (Very) Early Millennial Theories 17
Beyond the Nuclear Family: Fictive Kin 18
Practices, Processes, and Doing Family: Emergent Ways of Theorizing about Family Relations 18
Feminist Political Economy and Social Reproduction 20
Late Modernity, Individualization 20
Personal Life, Personal Communities 21
Life Course Perspective 22
Studying Families 22
Quantitative Methods 22
Qualitative Methods 23
Chapter Summary 24
PART 2 FAMILY FORMATIONS AND LIVING ARRANGEMENTS 29
3 Seeking Intimacy, Forming Families 31

Sarah Knudson
Choice, Insecurity, Challenges: Theoretical Conversations 32

Major Theoretical Perspectives and Conceptual Frameworks 33
Routes Toward Couplehood 33
Patterns in Coupled Living 36
Practices of Committed Relations 38
Forming a Family—Or Not 39
Options and Challenges for Including Children 39
Options in Practices of Parenting 40
Chapter Summary 42
NEL ix
4 Living Arrangements 48
Karen Kobayashi and Mushira Mohsin Khan
Marriage and Cohabitation 49

Children 50
Same-Sex Families 50
Lone-Parent Families 51
Living Alone 52
New Innovations in Living Arrangements 53
Step–, or Blended, Families 53
Living Apart Together 53
Multi-generational or Extended Families 55
Chapter Summary 57
PART 3 SURVIVING AND THRIVING 63
5 The Outcomes of Incomes: Family Insecurity or Security in Insecure Times 65

Kate Bezanson
Theorizing and Contextualizing Families and Insecurities 66

A Word about Families and Households 67
In/Securities: Families, Incomes, and Work 67
Incomes, Jobs, and Precarious Work 68
Dual Earner-Female Carer and Other Family Forms 70
Gender, Motherhood, and Labour Market Participation 70
Neo-liberalism, Choices, and Moral Registers of Work 72
In/Securities: Families, Social Policies, and Transfers 73
The Outcomes of Incomes: Managing Household In/Securities 75
Chapter Summary 76
6 Managing Low Income in Families: The Importance of Institutions and Interactions 80

Ingrid Waldron and Amber Gazso
The Changing Demographics of Low Income 81

The Institutional Context 82
The Welfare State 83
The Labour Market 84
The Community 85
The Family or Household 86
Managing Low Income: A Qualitative Research Study 86
Family Who Help Include Kin and Fictive Kin 87
More Than One Type of Support to “Get By” 87
Support Networks Differ Only Somewhat by Race and Ethnicity 88
Community Organizations Provide Instrumental and Expressive Support 90
Putting it All Together: Managing Poverty From a Feminist Political Economy Perspective 91
Chapter Summary 91
PART 4 PATTERNS OF INDIGENEITY AND (IM)MIGRATION 97
7 Indigenous Families: Migration, Resistance, and Resilience 99

Angele Alook
The Colonial Breakdown of Indigenous Gender Roles and Family Relations 100
Dismantling of Gender and Family Roles 101
The Harm of Residential Schools 101
Interference of the Child Welfare System 103
x C o ntents NEL
The Indian Act and Gendered Discrimination 103
Identity, Gender, and Family Relations in Flux: Between Wabasca and Edmonton 104
Child as Central 106
Grandparents and Siblings as Co-caregivers 106
Building Healthy Relations in the City 107
Family as Central 107
Aunties Building Healthy Relations 107
Cultural Identity and Practices 108
Indigenous Models of Family: Resistance and Resilience 109
Chapter Summary 110
8 Immigrant Families and Canada’s Changing Ethno-racial Diversity 113

Mushira Mohsin Khan
Defining the Immigrant Family 115

Coming to Canada: Changes in Patterns of Immigration Across Ethnic Groups 115
A Land of Immigrants 115
The Early Settlers 115
The 1800s 115
1900 to 1960 116
1960 Onward 116
Immigration Categories 116
Family Reunification 116
Living Arrangements and Generational Dynamics 118
Multi-generational Households 118
Transnationalism, Astronaut Families, and Satellite Kids 119
Parent–Child Dynamics within Immigrant Families 121
The Theoretical Toolbox: Intersectionality as a Promising Approach to Gaining Insights Into
Immigrant Family Dynamics and Challenges 121
Looking Ahead: Winds of Change and Future Directions 123
Chapter Summary 124
PART 5 POWER AND RIGHTS 129
9 Paid and Unpaid Work: Power, Division, and Strategies 131

Glenn J. Stalker
Changes in Female Labour Force Participation and the Gendered Division of Paid Work 132
Theoretical Frameworks 133
Household Production and Developments in the “New Home Economics” 133
Feminist Economics and Models of Household Production 134
Child Care, Daycare, Leisure, and the Division of Paid and Unpaid Work: Recent Findings 136
Same-Sex Families and Queering the Division of Labour 140
Chapter Summary 141
10 When Abuse Strikes at Home: Families and Violence 147

Nancy Nason-Clark
Understanding Family Violence: Its Frequency and Severity 149

Intimate Partner Violence in Comparative Perspective 149
Canadian Data on Violence against Women 149
Violence Is a Family Problem 150
Understanding the Dynamics of Intimate Partner Violence 151
Why Is there Intimate Partner Violence? 152
Intergenerational Transmission and the Cycle of Intimate Partner Violence 153
Understanding Men Who Batter 154
NEL C o ntents xi
Raising Awareness about Family Violence 156
What Can Be Done? 157
Chapter Summary 158
11 (De)colonization, Racialization, Racism, and Canadian Families: Relearning through

Storytelling about Lived Experience 163
Wesley Crichlow
Colonization, Racialization, and Institutionalized Racism: Family Disparity

and Inequality 164
Canada’s First Peoples 164
Slavery in Canada 166
Institutionalized Racism toward Immigrant and Racialized Families 168
The Live-in Domestic Worker Program and Caribbean Family Destruction 169
The Alchemy of Storytelling Pedagogy: Challenging Racism 170
Chapter Summary 174
PART 6 CARE WORK AND SOCIAL SUPPORT 181
12 Families Caring for Children in the 21st Century 183

Rachel Berman
Socialization Theories 184

The Deterministic Model of Socialization 184
A Relational Approach to Socialization 185
Socialization and Difference 185
Socialization and “Race” or Ethnicity 185
Socialization and Gender 186
Socialization and Social Class 186
Parenting in the 21st Century 187
Culture and Parenting Culture 187
Intensive Mothering, Helicopter Parenting, and the “New” Fathers 187
Baumrind’s Parenting Styles 189
The Challenges of Technology for Contemporary Parenting 189
Caring for Tweens and Teens: Cyber Bullying, Sexting, and Censorware 190
Parenting—You’re Doing It Wrong 191
Parenting Pioneers 191
Parenting Gender Nonconforming Children 191
LGBTQ Parents 193
LGBTQ Youth and Straight Parents 193
Chapter Summary 193
13 Caregiving and Support for Older Adults 199

Nancy Mandell and Vivian Stamatopoulos
Families in Later Life 199

Theorizing Care Over the Life Course: Social Reproduction 200
Giving and Receiving Care 201
Care by Older Adults 202
Gendered Care 202
Co-Residence 203
Immigration Shapes Caring 204
Formal Care 205
Transnational Caregiving 205
Grandparent Caregiving and Receiving 206
xii C o ntents NEL
Young Carers 207
Consequences of Caregiving 208
Chapter Summary 209
14 Families Experiencing Dis/ability 216

Deborah Davidson and Nazilla Khanlou
Understanding Disability as a Social Construction 217

Understanding Disability Through the Social Model 218
Impairments 221
How the Social Model Is Supported by the Medical Model 222
Mark’s Story 224
Understanding Disability Through a Life Course Perspective 225
Families Experiencing Disability: Another Layer of Analysis 227
Chapter Summary 228
PART 7 DEEPENING CONTINUITY AND INNOVATION 233
15 “Doing Family”: Lenses, Patterns, and Futures 235

Anne Martin-Matthews
A Long Lens on Families: Looking Back to See Where We Are Coming From 236
Defining Families 236
Contexts: Change and Continuity 239
Only in Canada? 240
Care: “Family Is as Family Does” 241
Toward a New Sociology of Family 242
Concepts to Advance Understanding of Families 242
Methodologies: Ways of Knowing about Families 243
Policy and Practice: Contexts for Understanding Families Today and Tomorrow 244
Chapter Summary 246
Index 251
NEL C o ntents xiii

PREFACE
Many contemporary sociology of the family textbooks focus on families and change, empha-
sizing what is different and new(er) about families today. Such an approach makes sense
given demographic trends and the shifting dynamics of family formations and intimate
relationships over the past half-century. Indeed, today, nuclear families are no longer pre-
dominant, but rather are just one of several family forms, including queer couples, step- or
blended families, single-parent families, and multi-generational families. Heteronormativity
as the primary lens to understand family lives has proved to be exclusionary and mar-
ginalizing. Where once the practice of parenting was synonymous with mothering, “new”
fathering and intensive parenting have emerged as increasingly normative experiences. Fur-
ther, changes to immigration policies and practices have resulted in growing ethnocultural
diversity among Canadian families.
Scholarly work on contemporary family relations today reflects a necessary emphasis on
change and the challenges that have emerged or persist as salient for family members. For
example, women participate to a greater extent in the paid labour force than in the past,
and they do so with young children and often as part of couple unions. Regardless of one’s
family composition, however, the labour market is increasingly characterized by “bad” jobs
rather than “good.” Families may therefore experience precarity in household incomes, a
reality that is particularly true for racialized, immigrant, and Indigenous families, and one
that is exacerbated by the welfare state’s weakened support for vulnerable families. Thus, it
is not surprising that scholars of the family focus on how families manage these economic
challenges, especially how they can require increasingly more innovative strategies. In par-
ticular, the challenge of caring for very young children in dual-earner families may require
a complex mix of household, family, community, and government support.
And yet, examinations of Canadian families today have sometimes overlooked the his-
torical events and experiences that contextualize the changing contemporary institution
and experience. This oversight of historical context is problematic in that it has led to the
persistence and production of questionable opinions and assumptions about families. Here
are a couple of them that we have heard in our classrooms: “Women (or mothers) have
achieved equality with men (or fathers) in all facets of daily life.” “This is how families are
and should be.” Another unanticipated implication of an exclusive focus on families as they
are experienced today can be a disillusioning about how much has stayed the same in the
context of families and family life over time.
Indeed, from our perspective, rather than seeing only change, we see that the meanings we
assign to families as well as our practices and processes have remained surprisingly similar.
Here are some examples of what continues to be of importance to Canadians in the context
of the family:
• the perception and definition of what family is and why it is important
• the determination of what is considered “on- and off-time” vis-à-vis family transitions,
for example, marriage, parenthood, and the “empty nest”
• the assumption that what is best for all children, whether they are kin or not, matters
• the belief that families should be able to sustain themselves economically and socially,
and that they have opportunities and resources to do so
• the feeling that engagement in intimate and supportive relations makes a difference in
families
• an understanding that family relationships evolve over one’s life course
NEL xv
We also argue that, while there is continuity in what remains important about family, there
is simultaneous diversity and innovation in the definition and character of the meanings we
assign to families and the practices and processes that we engage in. Meanings, practices,
and processes significantly vary over time. Such variations can be attributed to differences
in individual identities, interactions, and ideologies that are linked to gender, sexuality, race
and ethnicity, class, age, ability, and citizenship, as well as social-historical context.
Caregiving for young children, for example, was a family practice in the industrializing
period that continues to be practised now. The practice of caregiving has remained consis-
tent, but how it is performed, by whom, and where is qualitatively different now than in the
past. And yet, changes in contemporary family relations may always include echoes of such
relations in the past. Inequalities in power and rights continue to texturize family mean-
ings, practices, and processes, an observation that is linked to contemporary theoretical
insights grounded in critical feminism, including intersectionality, postmodernism, and
poststructuralism, to name just a few. For example, the increased likelihood today that the
practice of caring for young children in upper-middle and upper class families is performed
by a racialized, foreign-born domestic worker rather than by mothers themselves reflects
enduring ethnic, immigrant, and class inequalities in power and rights.
In essence, we see continuity and innovation as contemporary themes of Canadian family
life that are simultaneous and mutually constitutive of one another. Not surprisingly, conti-
nuity and innovation can and do sit uncomfortably alongside one another. Here, we provide
a few other examples to further illustrate this tension. First, the nuclear family may no longer
be the dominant family formation in Canadian society, but the sanctity of its meaning con-
tinues to be entrenched in policies and laws to the social exclusion of other family forma-
tions. Second, Canadian-born adult children of immigrant parents may experience conflict
in trying to balance their parents’ generational and cultural beliefs with their own education,
employment, and family goals and ambitions. Third, Indigenous and racialized youth may
find it difficult to reconcile the message that Canada embraces diverse families when they
see their family members unfairly treated in the labour market and unjustly targeted by the
police and criminal justice systems.
This edited collection, therefore, seeks to broaden contemporary discussions within
sociology of the family by showcasing both continuity and innovation in Canadian families.
Our objective here is to foster and facilitate scholarly work with this hybridity, to theorize
sameness and difference simultaneously in the study of families, while critically embracing
and perhaps reconciling uncomfortable contradictions. To this end, we have selected the
following topics to foster and facilitate critical discussions:
• Part 1: Foundations
• Part 2: Family Formations and Living Arrangements
• Part 3: Surviving and Thriving
• Part 4: Patterns of Indigeneity and (Im)migration
• Part 5: Power and Rights
• Part 6: Care Work and Social Support
• Part 7: Deepening Continuity and Innovation
Part 1 provides the conceptual, theoretical, and methodological grounding from which to
engage with the contributed chapters. We introduce our conceptual framework of continuity
and innovation more fully here. Parts 2 to 6 focus attention on specific, continuous, and
innovative practices and/or processes of family life, with meanings embedded therein. For
example, the distribution of power and rights have always produced and influenced the
practices of families whether within households or in individual members’ relationships
xvi P r eface NEL
with the state (see Part 5). These different relations have unfolded over time as knowledge has
accumulated. Throughout this collection, we introduce each part as we have in this example,
drawing general linkages to the major conceptual pillars of continuity and innovation.
The parts that organize this collection are those we see as (1) relevant to the everyday lives
of Canadians, especially the lives of students; and (2) cutting across social experiences and
structures of gender, sexuality, race, ethnicity, class, age, ability, and citizenship. In each part,
contributors have written on topics that resonate with them or that represent the areas in which
they are actively engaged as sociologists of the family. Contributors take various approaches
to explore the family as an institution (macro focus) or as an experience (micro focus), using
a variety of theoretical lenses. In addition, they discuss secondary research or present findings
from primary qualitative and quantitative data collection and analyses, often sharing stories of
activism or experiential learning in doing so. They may write objectively, in the third-person;
subjectively and reflexively, in the first-person; or using a blend of the two voices.
Chapter contributors also write on topics that cut across the collection. At times, they engage
with scholarship already presented in previous chapters. Such overlap makes sense vis-à-vis the
way we have organized the parts of this edited collection. For example, if we imagine a Cana-
dian family today or historically, we could write about the meanings that members attach to
family and their practices of family in any one of Parts 2 to 6 even though the meanings, prac-
tices, and processes may be theorized differently. That being said, our division of this collection
into parts is done carefully and deliberately for both organizational purposes and to highlight
what we perceive to be the centrally significant arguments made by our contributing authors.
To summarize, as editors of this collection, we appreciate and understand the varied and
vast experiences that each contributor brings to a discussion on “innovating” families. We
appreciate this emphasis while still acknowledging the oft-stable socio-cultural meanings,
practices, and processes that have served at various times as the foundation of family lives
in Canada. As a collection, this text showcases how emerging and leading sociologists of the
family explore the contemporary moments and experiences of Canadian families while inter-
rogating the past or extrapolating the implications of these moments and experiences for
the future. In our view, this is how best to do sociology of the family in the new millennium.
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75 essay questions.
NEL P r eface xvii

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xviii P r eface NEL
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• Analyze Families in a Global Perspective
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NEL P r eface xix

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
If you get, give. If you learn, teach. — Maya Angelou
The crossing of our paths on this edited collection was inspired by our mentors, Dr. Susan
McDaniel and Dr. Ellen Gee, two well-respected family sociologists who opened the way for
female academics like ourselves to excel in research and teaching. The two were the best of col-
leagues and friends, and set for us, as their graduate students, an example and a standard of
academic excellence rarely encountered in our profession: humble and generous as mentors,
honest and supportive as friends. Through them, we developed an enduring friendship as we
finished our respective programs. Along the way, they instilled in us the belief that we could be
the torchbearers for the next generation. It was an honour to be considered for such an awesome
responsibility. This collection, a reflection of the cross-generational transmission of positive men-
torship and friendship, pays tribute to their personal and professional partnership over the years.
In addition, we pay tribute to Dr. Nancy Mandell, who first entered our lives when we
were both beginning our academic careers. Years later, she encouraged us to take on this
collection, one that she had participated in more than a decade earlier. Offering continued
support and guidance, she walks alongside us as we travel down the path she, too, has set
as a leading sociologist of the family. We count ourselves fortunate to now work together as
colleagues and, indeed, to call her a friend.
A project of this magnitude would not have been possible without the incredible support
of Nelson Education: Leanna MacLean, Jessica Freedman, Theresa Fitzgerald, Jennifer Hare,
Terry Fedorkiw, Marc-André Brouillard, Raja Natesan, and our copy editor, Kate Revington.
It has truly been a pleasure to work with such a professional and diligent group of people.
In addition, we would like to thank our colleagues who reviewed the manuscript. These
include Sarath Chandrasekere, McMaster University; Pearl Crichton, Concordia University;
Amy Kaler, University of Alberta; Caroline McDonald-Harker, Mount Royal University;
Vicki Nygaard, Vancouver Island University; Sandra Rollings-Magnusson, MacEwan Uni-
versity; Lina Samuel, University of Toronto Scarborough; and Denis Wall, Brock University.
Your reviews are much valued and appreciated.
And, of course, this entire collection was made possible by our outstanding contributors.
A big “thank you” to each one of you for believing in the purpose and the possibility of this
collection, and for truly embracing the challenge to imagine a newer way to do sociology
of the family today and tomorrow. We are grateful for your innovative scholarship and for
your collegiality. Your work on this project is refreshing and real; it continues to push the
critical boundaries of family sociology.
But were it not for our students, we could not have even imagined how this collection
could take shape. Through our engagement with you, we are always learning what has
changed and what has stayed the same in families and in gender relations over time. In
particular, we thank those students who participated in our “Families and Social Change”
classes at York University and the University of Victoria. You have inspired us to develop
this collection.
Finally, we give thanks to our wonderful families—Mike and Mac Windle and Cary and
Kaelan Hayashi—for their unwavering love and support while we worked on this edited
collection. Their patience and belief in our capabilities as partners, mothers, and academics
made this dream of working together on a project we truly believed in a reality.
Amber Gazso
Karen Kobayashi
xx NEL
About the Contributors
Angele Alook is a proud member of Bigstone Cree Nation and a fluent speaker of the Cree
language. She earned her Ph.D. in Sociology from York University, Toronto. Her disserta-
tion is titled Indigenous Life Courses: Racialized Gendered Life Scripts and Cultural Identities
of Resistance and Resilience. She specializes in Indigenous feminism, life course approach,
Indigenous research methodologies, cultural identity, and sociology of family and work. She
is an Adjunct Professor, teaching courses on vulnerable populations and the social deter-
minants of health in the Department of Public Health at Concordia University, Edmonton.
After working as a labour relations adviser in government, she became involved in the labour
movement as a full-time researcher for the Alberta Union of Provincial Employees.
Dr. Alook is currently a co-investigator on the SSHRC-funded Corporate Mapping Project,
where she is carrying out research on Indigenous experiences in Alberta’s oil industry and its
gendered impact on working families. As an Indigenous scholar, she has a holistic approach
in understanding the relationships between the environment, the economy, the labour
market, family, community, and health.
Rachel Berman holds a Ph.D. in Family Studies from the University of Guelph. She taught
feminist research methods at York University and McMaster University before joining the
School of Early Childhood Studies at Ryerson University in 2000. She currently teaches
graduate courses on social research with children and theoretical frameworks for early
childhood studies. She has published in the areas of mothering, methods of inquiry, and
perspectives of children and youth. She is also the editor of Corridor Talk: Canadian
Feminist Scholars Share Stories of Research Partnerships (published by Inanna in 2014).
Most recently, Dr. Berman served as the principal investigator on a Social Sciences and
Humanities Research Council–funded project exploring how children and early childhood
educators talk about “race” in early learning settings. She is the mother of two children
and two cats.
Kate Bezanson, Ph.D., is Chair and Associate Professor of Sociology at Brock University. She
works in the areas of gender, care theory, social and labour market policy, comparative and
Canadian political economy, and welfare state theory. Her research centres on the dynamics
of the reconfiguration of the Canadian welfare state in relation to law, families, and social
policy. Her scholarship considers the ways in which new forms of Canadian federalism
reconfigure the relationship between the state and social reproduction. Dr. Bezanson is
currently working on projects related to the gendered effect of parental leave lengths and
funding, childcare policy, and care theory.
Wesley Crichlow, Ph.D., is an Associate Professor at the University of Ontario Institute

of Technology. His scholarship is informed by the principles of social justice, anti-black
racism, and human rights, with a focus on LGBTQ rights, sexual rights, and gender equality.
He is dedicated to social justice, community–university collaborations, the development of
scholarly and pedagogical praxis, and teaching as activism. His research interests encompass
LGBTQ political criminology; critical equity studies, critical race theory, and anti-black
racism; Caribbean masculinities, families, and sexualities; and youth rights in the Caribbean
and Americas.
Deborah Davidson, Ph.D., is an Associate Professor at York University and a feminist sociol-
ogist with research and writing interests in the areas of well-being, loss and bereavement,
NEL xxi
family and mothering, and pedagogy. Her current research is on commemorative tattoos
and digital archiving. Methodologically, she has expertise in qualitative methods and
creative methodologies, and she is particularly experienced in participatory methods,
auto/biographical approaches, and research of sensitive topics with vulnerable populations.
When not busy with work, Davidson can be found spending time with family and friends—
both two and four legged.
Amber Gazso, Ph.D., is an Associate Professor of Sociology at York University. Her main
areas of research interest include citizenship, family and gender relations, research methods,
poverty, and the welfare state. Overall, she specializes in research that explores family mem-
bers’ relationships with social policies of the neo-liberal welfare state. More recently, she has
published articles on how families manage low income through networks of social support
(including family, community, and the state) in the neo-liberal policy context. Assuming
this same policy context, her current research explores how women and men, including
those with children, experience social assistance receipt while also living with and man-
aging addiction. A side passion is the study and practice of qualitative research methods;
with co-author Katherine Bischoping, she authored Analyzing Talk in the Social Sciences:
Narrative, Conversation and Discourse Strategies (Sage).
Mushira Mohsin Khan is a Ph.D. student in the Department of Sociology and a student
affiliate with the Centre on Aging at the University of Victoria. Her research primarily
focuses on transnational ties and intergenerational relationships within mid- to later-life
diasporic South Asian families, ethnicity and immigration, aging, health and social care. At
time of publication, she was working on a chapter on care work and filial obligation within
immigrant Canadian families for a forthcoming book on transnational aging and kin-work
(RutgersUniversity Press). In 2015 alone, her work was published in an edited volume on
healthcare equity for ethnic minority older adults (Simon Fraser University), the Population
Change and Lifecourse Strategic Knowledge Cluster Discussion Paper Series, and the
International Journal of Migration, Health, and Social Care. She is also the recipient of the
Social Sciences and Humanities Research Canada (SSHRC) Joseph-Armand Bombardier
Canadian Doctoral Scholarship (2015–18).
Nazilla Khanlou, R.N., Ph.D., is the Women’s Health Research Chair in Mental Health in
the Faculty of Health at York University and an Associate Professor in its School of Nursing.
Professor Khanlou’s clinical background is in psychiatric nursing. Her overall program of
research is situated in the interdisciplinary field of community-based mental health promo-
tion, in general, and mental health promotion among youth and women in multicultural
and immigrant-receiving settings, in particular. She has received grants from peer-reviewed
federal and provincial research funding agencies. Dr. Khanlou was the 2011–13 co-director
of the Ontario Multicultural Health Applied Research Network (OMHARN). She is the
founder of the International Network on Youth Integration (INYI), an international network
for knowledge exchange and collaboration on youth. She has published articles, books, and
reports on immigrant youth and women, and mental health. She is also involved in knowl-
edge translation to the public through media.
Sarah Knudson, Ph.D., is an Assistant Professor of Sociology at St. Thomas More College,
University of Saskatchewan. Her main research interests are in the sociology of families,
with a particular focus on dating and early stages of intimate relationships at various points
across the life course. Most of her research is qualitative, and she enjoys using methods
xxii A b o ut the C o nt r i b ut o r s NEL
such as in-depth interviews and content analysis to gain interpretive understandings of
practices. Her recent research projects include a North American study of matchmaking
services and clients, and a Prairie-based study of how dating and relationship formation
factor into young adults’ goal setting, particularly alongside educational, financial, and
career goals. In her teaching as well as her research, she stresses the importance of situating
people’s intimate lives against the broader backdrop of cultural and structural influences.
Karen Kobayashi, Ph.D., is an Associate Professor in the Department of Sociology and a

Research Affiliate at the Institute for Aging and Lifelong Health at the University of Victoria.
She is a social gerontologist who uses a life course perspective to explore the intersections of
structural, cultural, and individual factors or experiences affecting health and aging in the
Canadian population. She has published widely in the areas of family and intergenerational
relationships, ethnicity and immigration, dementia and personhood, and health and social
care. The majority of her research to date has been developed and carried out collaboratively
in interdisciplinary teams, spanning disciplines in the social sciences, human and social
development and medicine, and across a number of academic institutions and healthcare
authorities. Her current research program examines the social, economic, cultural, and
health dimensions of an aging population with particular focuses on (1) the development
of resources to address elder abuse in ethnocultural minority communities; (2) facilitation
of access to health and social care services and programs for ethnocultural minority immi-
grant older adults; and (3) new and emerging family formations, such as living apart together
(LAT), and the implications of changing family relationships for social support in later life.
Nancy Mandell, Ph.D., is a Professor of Sociology and Women’s Studies at York University.
Her research and teaching interests include gender, aging, intergenerational relations, and
migrant settlement. She has published articles and book chapters on rising income inequality
in Canada, economic security among senior immigrant families, intergenerational transna-
tional exchanges in later life families, and critiques of aging. She currently holds two research
grants on economic, cultural, and social factors shaping migration, settlement, and resilience
among Canadian migrants.
Anne Martin-Matthews, Ph.D., is a Professor of Sociology at the University of British

Columbia, Vancouver. From 2004 to 2011, she was Scientific Director of the Institute of
Aging of the Canadian Institutes of Health Research and championed the launch of the
Canadian Longitudinal Study on Aging. Martin-Matthews has published a number of books,
including Widowhood in Later Life and Aging and Caring at the Intersection of Work and
Home Life: Blurring the Boundaries (which she edited with Judith Phillips); she has also
published papers on aging and later life, social support, generational ties, and intersections
of paid and unpaid care in home care.
Nancy Nason-Clark, Ph.D., is a Professor of Sociology (and chair of the department) at the
University of New Brunswick. She is the director of the RAVE Project, a research initiative
that was funded by the Lilly Endowment. Nason-Clark received her Ph.D. in Sociology
from the London School of Economics and Political Science, London, England. She is the
author, editor, or co-author/co-editor of 12 books and has published articles in a variety of
sociology of religion and violence against women journals. Nason-Clark has served as presi-
dent of the Association for the Sociology of Religion and president of the Religious Research
Association; further, she is incoming president of the Society for the Scientific Study of
Religion. Nason-Clark served two terms as editor of Sociology of Religion: A Quarterly
NEL A b o ut the C o nt r i b ut o r s xxiii

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46. Mémoires d’Anthropologie, iii., p. 146.
The Negro’s Another controversy, which, though mainly
Place in Nature. political in origin, cleft the ranks of the
anthropologists, arose from the slavery question. Clarkson had
started his agitation for the abolition of the slave trade about 1782,
and during the early years of the nineteenth century many
unsuccessful attempts were made to bring the system to an end in
America. In 1826 over a hundred anti-slavery societies were in
existence, mainly in the middle belt of the States, while the Cotton
States were equally unanimous and vehement in opposition. Feeling
naturally ran high; riots, murders, lynchings, raids, and general
lawlessness characterised the agitation on both sides, and added
fuel to the flames which finally dissolved the Union in 1860. At home
the question was hotly debated, and popular feeling was excited by
the speeches of Clarkson and Wilberforce, and, most of all, by the
publication of Uncle Tom’s Cabin (1852). Being mainly a question of
race, Anthropology was soon implicated, monogenists and
polygenists naturally ranked themselves on opposite sides, and the
Ethnological Society became a strong partisan of the philanthropists
and abolitionists.
In the midst of the excitement James Hunt, Honorary Fellow of the
Ethnological Society and President of the newly formed
Anthropological Society, read (1863) his paper on “The Negro’s
Place in Nature.”[47] In this he carefully examined all the evidence on
the subject, physical and psychical, and arrived at the conclusion
that “the negro is intellectually inferior to the European, and that the
analogies are far more numerous between the ape and negro than
between the ape and the European”; moreover, that “the negro
becomes more humanised when in his natural subordination to the
European than under any other circumstances,” “that the negro race
can only be humanised and civilised by Europeans,” and “that
European civilisation is not suited to the negro’s requirements or
character.” An abstract of the paper was read by Dr. Hunt at the
meeting of the British Association at Newcastle, 1863, where the
presence of an eloquent coloured speaker enlivened the subsequent
discussion.[48] A tremendous outcry greeted the publication of this
paper, and tightened the tension on the already strained relations
between the two societies. Fierce denunciations from Exeter Hall
and the “broad-brimmed school of philanthropists” were matched by
equally vehement applause from the opposing camp. When Dr. Hunt
died, a few years later, the following obituary notice, extracted from a
New York paper, appeared in the Anthropological Review,[49] under
the heading “Death of the Best Man in England”:—
47. Mem. Anth., I., p. i.
48. Anth. Rev., i., p. 386.
49. January, 1870, p. 97.
We are pained to hear of the death of Dr. James Hunt, beyond doubt
the best, or at all events the most useful, man in England, if not, indeed,
in Europe. The man that leads all other men in knowledge essential to
human well-being, that thus extends the bounds of human happiness,
and best illustrates the wisdom and beneficence of the Almighty Creator
to His creatures, is, per se and of necessity, the best man of his
generation; and such a man was the late Dr. James Hunt of England....
Dr. Hunt, in his own clear knowledge and brave enthusiasm, was doing
more for humanity, for the welfare of mankind, and for the glory of God,
than all the philosophers, humanitarians, philanthropists, statesmen, and,
we may say, bishops and clergy of England together.... His death at the
early age of thirty-six is a great loss to England, to Christendom, to all
mankind; for, though there are many others labouring in the same great
cause, especially in France and Germany, there was no European of this
generation so clear and profound in the science of humanity as Dr. Hunt.
A serious discussion of the anatomical and psychological relation

of the negro to the European is still to the fore, especially in the
United States of North America. But even as late as 1900 a book
was published in America with the following title, and we have been
informed that it has had a very large sale in the Southern States:—
The Negro a Beast; or, “In the Image of God.” The Reasoner of the
Age, the Revelator of the Century! The Bible as it is! The Negro and His
Relation to the Human Family! The Negro a beast, but created with
articulate speech, and hands, that he may be of service to his master—
the White man. The Negro not the Son of Ham, neither can it be proven
by the Bible, and the argument of the theologian who would claim such,
melts to mist before the thunderous and convincing arguments of this
masterful book. By Charles Carroll, who has spent fifteen years of his life
and $20,000.00 in its compilation. Published by American Book and Bible
House, St. Louis, Mo., 1900.
The publishers are “convinced that when this book is read ... it will
be to the minds of the American people like unto the voice of God
from the clouds appealing unto Paul on his way to Damascus.”
This preposterous book could appeal only to the ignorant and
bigoted, and we mention it merely as an extreme instance of the
difficulties against which science has sometimes to contend when
dealing with burning social questions.
The latest word on this subject is by Professor F. Boas, who
believes that the negro in his physical and mental make-up is not
similar to the European. “There is, however, no proof whatever that
these differences signify any appreciable degree of inferiority of the
negro ... for these racial differences are much less than the range of
variation found in either race considered by itself.... The anatomy of
the American negro is not well known; and, notwithstanding the oft-
repeated assertions regarding the hereditary inferiority of the
mulatto, we know hardly anything on the subject.”[50] The real
problem in America is the mulatto, since “the conditions are such
that the persistence of the pure negro type is practically impossible.”
50. Franz Boas, “Race Problems in America,” Science, N.S. xxix., p. 848, 1909.
Chapter IV.
THE UNFOLDING OF THE ANTIQUITY OF MAN
Fossil Man. Ignorance and prejudice combined to assert that

man was created a few thousand years ago in a
state of physical perfection. The possibility of the discovery of fossil
man was therefore inconceivable to most people, and those earlier
writers who entertained the idea were generally inclined to deny it.
Cuvier, limiting the age of the earth to the orthodox 6,000 years, had
stated that fossil bones of man did not exist. Moreover, up to the time
of his death (1832) nothing had been found to disturb this generally
received opinion.
More than a hundred years before (1726) Professor Scheuchzer,
of Zürich, had discovered his famous “Homo diluvii testis”—“Man,
witness of the Flood”—and had described it as a “rare relic of the
accursed race of the primitive world,” exclaiming piously:
“Melancholy skeleton of an old sinner, convert the hearts of modern
reprobates!” His fossil was proved later to be that of a gigantic
salamander, and fossil man was allowed to sleep for more than a
century.
When the question was again raised, in the middle of the
nineteenth century, evidence of human remains which had been
hitherto disregarded assumed a new importance, and earlier finds
were re-examined.
Cannstadt. First there was the Cannstadt cranium, found in
Neanderthal. 1700 by Duke Eberhard of Würtemberg, which
remained undescribed for 135 years in the Stuttgart Museum. Later it
was claimed as belonging to the prehistoric “race,” proofs of whose
existence were so rapidly accumulating. In 1856 a fresh stimulus
was given by the discovery of a cranium and some other remains in
the Feldhofen Cave, at the entrance to a small ravine called
Neanderthal, on the right bank of the river Düssel, in Rhenish
Prussia.
This was the first discovery of remains of palæolithic man to
receive serious attention. The skeleton was embedded in a hard,
consolidated loam, but unfortunately was badly damaged by the
workmen before it was extricated. By the intervention of Fuhlrott, the
thigh bones, the upper bone of each arm, shoulder-blade, collar-
bone, some fragments of ribs and the cranium, were rescued, and
are now in the Rheinische-Antiquitäts’ Museum at Bonn. When the
remains were first exhibited by their discoverer at Bonn, doubts were
freely expressed as to their human character. Virchow pronounced
his opinion that the cranium was diseased; in the long controversy
which raged over this skull his wide pathological experience, his
distrust of merely morphological considerations, his agnostic position
with regard to the origin of species in general and of man in
particular, led him, perhaps, to propound this extreme view. Broca
declared it to be normal. Huxley recognised the skull as human, but
declared it to be the most ape-like ever discovered; and he placed it
below the Australian in type.
No absolute reliance could, however, be placed on the evidence of
a single skull, and an imperfect one at that; but later discoveries
served in the main to confirm Huxley’s opinion.
Spy. Another important find was that of two crania
and other skeletal remains discovered in 1886 at
Spy, in the Namur district, Belgium, by de Puydt and Lohest,[51] with
an associated fauna which included the woolly rhinoceros,
mammoth, cave bear, hyæna, etc., five out of the nine species being
extinct.
51. Fraipont et Lohest, Arch. de Biol., vii., 1887, p. 623.
Other Finds. Since 1886 new discoveries of human remains
have been made at short intervals in various parts
of Europe, and these range in date from historic to prehistoric times,
the oldest skulls having naturally the most interest.
The very careful studies of these remains that have been made by
numerous anatomists are of extreme interest to students, and their
general conclusions will be found summarised in certain text-books;
but the details are of a somewhat technical character. Suffice it to
say that even as far back as the palæolithic period, when men used
only chipped stone implements, there were several human varieties
in Europe; and, though in their anatomical characters they were in
some respects more animal-like than existing Europeans, they were
scarcely more so than certain non-European races of the present
day—such, for example, as the Australian. In all cases the skulls
were unmistakably those of true men, but on the whole it may be
said that the points in which they differed from more recent
Europeans betrayed “lower” characters.
In order that the reader may appreciate what rapid progress is now
being made in this direction, we give a brief account of the most
recent discoveries of fossil man.
Homo In October, 1907, a lower jaw was found in a
Heidelbergensis. deposit of sand at Mauer, near Heidelberg. The
teeth are typically human; but the chinless jaw, with its thick body,
very broad and short ascending portion, and other special points,
surpasses in its combination of primitive characters all known recent
and ancient human jaws, thus it is a generalised type from which
they can readily be derived. It has been suggested that, as the jaw is
neither distinctly human nor anthropoid, it is a survival from that
remote ancestor from which there branched off on the one side the
genus Homo, and on the other the genera of anthropoid apes. Dr. O.
Schoetensack regards Homo Heidelbergensis as of early
Pleistocene or late Pliocene age; but Dr. E. Werth[52] relegates it to
the middle of the Ice Age.
52. Globus, xcvi., 1909, p. 229.
Homo In March, 1908, Herr Otto Hauser found a
Primigenius. skeleton of a young man in the upper valley of the
Vézère, Dordogne; the skull had a receding forehead, prominent
jaws, and large orbits, surmounted by massive brow-ridges; the
limbs were short. It was a distinct burial with associated objects
which prove it to be of Mousterian age (p. 75, n. 2).
Also of Mousterian age are the skeleton discovered in August,
1908,[53] and the skull in February, 1909, at La Chapelle-aux-Saints,
Corrèze, and the skeleton exhumed in September in the latter year
at Ferrassie, Dordogne, by M. Peyrony, who had previously
discovered another skeleton of the same age at Peche de l’Azé,
near Sarlat, also in Dordogne. These two finds have not yet been
described.
53. Bouysonnie et Bardon, l’Anthropologie, xix., 1908, p. 513.
Skull of the fossil man of La Chapelle-aux-Saints,
after the restoration of the nasal bones and jaws. From
l’Anthropologie, xx.,
1909, p. 267; with the permission of Professor M. Boule.
Compared with the short stature (5ft. 3in.) of the La Chapelle man,
the skull is of remarkably large size. It is narrow, with a flattened
cranial vault and enormous brow-ridges; the orbits are large, and the
face is very projecting. Professor Boule agrees with other
investigators in regarding this skull as belonging to the Neanderthal-
Spy type, and considers that the group is distinct from all other
human groups, living or fossil.[54]
54. M. Boule, l’Anthropologie, xix., 1908, p. 519; xx., 1909, p. 257. See also M.
Alsberg, Globus, xcv., 1909, and H. Klaatsch, Arch. für Anth., N.F., vii., p.
287.
As Professor Sollas points out, “the primitive inhabitants of France

were distinguished from the highest civilized races, not by a smaller,
but by a larger, cranial capacity; in other words, as we proceed
backwards in time the human brain increases in volume.”[55] We
know that they buried their dead, and in some cases provided
weapons and food for use in a future state. Their inventiveness is
proved by the variety and gradual improvement in the technique of
their tools and weapons. Their carvings in the round or low relief,
their spirited engravings on bone and ivory, and their wonderful
mural paintings, whether in outline, shaded monochrome, or
polychrome, evince an astonishing æsthetic sense and technical
skill.
55. Quart. Journ. Geol. Sci., vol. 66, 1910, p. lxii.
As the diggers in Mesopotamia, Egypt, Greece, Crete, and

elsewhere, have proved that civilisation was far more ancient than
could have been conceived even fifty years ago, so the cave
explorers have shown us that during the latter half of the Palæolithic
age there lived mighty hunters, skilful artists, big-brained men, who
laid the foundations upon which subsequent generations have built.
This, then, is the lesson that the latest results of investigations into
the antiquity of man has taught us—that brain, not brawn, has been
the essential factor in the evolution of man. The human brain had
developed at a greater rate than the body, which even then retained
unmistakable evidence of man’s lowly origin. How long had this
evolution been progressing before Mousterian times?[56] The ruder
stone implements of the Acheulian and Chellian epochs carry us an
appreciable time backward; and if even some of the eoliths are
artifacts, we can project tool-using man to yet earlier times. Then the
record becomes blurred, as it is manifestly impossible to decide
whether simple bruising of stones was caused by man or natural
agencies.
56. W. L. H. Duckworth, Morphology and Anthropology, 1904, p. 520.
Pithecanthropus But these investigations all fade into relative
erectus. insignificance compared with the sensation
caused by the discovery made by Dr. Dubois in Java in 1891. Dr.
Eugene Dubois was a graduate of Leyden University who, besides
having some knowledge of geology and palæontology, had attained
distinction in anatomy. Between 1890 and 1896 he was stationed in
Java, as surgeon to the Dutch Indian army, and by order of the
Government he conducted some explorations with a view to
determining the fossil fauna which had been discovered in those
parts many years before. While examining the beds attributed to the
Pleistocene period below the dry season level of the Bengawan
River, at Trinil, he found the teeth, calvarium, and femur of the now
world-famous Pithecanthropus erectus. This was announced even in
scientific journals as “The ‘Missing Link’ found at last.” Dubois
published his account in Java in 1894, and since that date a vast
amount of literature has accumulated round the subject, representing
the three antagonistic points of view. Some, like Virchow, Krause,
Waldeyer, Ranke, Bumüller, Hamann, and Ten Kate, claim a simian
origin for the remains; Turner, Cunningham, Keith, Lydekker, Rudolf
Martin, and Topinard believed them to be human; while Dubois,
Manouvrier, Marsh, Haeckel, Nehring, Verneau, Schwalbe, Klaatsch,
and Duckworth ascribe them to an intermediate form. The last-
mentioned sums up the evidence in these words: “I believe that in
Pithecanthropus erectus we possess the nearest likeness yet found
of the human ancestor, at a stage immediately antecedent to the
definitely human phase, and yet at the same time in advance of the
simian stage.”[57]
57. “The lowest term of the human series yet discovered is represented by
Pithecanthropus, and dates from some part of the Pleistocene epoch” (W. J.
Sollas, Science Progress, 1908, p. 353). See also W. Volz, Neues Jahrb. f.
Mineral., 1907.
The English, as Dr. Dubois somewhat slyly noted, claimed the

remains as human; while the Germans declared them to be simian;
he himself, as a Dutchman, assigned them to a mixture of both.
The geological horizon in which the remains of Pithecanthropus
erectus were discovered is still an open question. Of late opinion
seems to tend towards regarding it as belonging to the early
Pleistocene instead of the Pliocene, to which it was at first referred.
[58]
After reviewing all the evidence concerning Tertiary man,
Professor Sollas concludes:—“We have now reached the end of this
summary, and find ourselves precisely where we were, having
obtained no evidence either for or against the existence of man in
times previous to the great Ice Age” (loc. cit., p. 350).
58. The terms Magdalenian, Solutrian, Aurignacian, Mousterian, Acheulian,
Chellian, refer to various epochs of culture in Palæolithic times, giving their
sequence from the newest to the most ancient. These epochs are further
sub-divided by some investigators, and several, if not all of them, are
connected by intermediate stages. In other words, the remains prove that a
steady evolution in culture has taken place. Nowhere do all these layers
occur in one locality, and the evidence of their order is a matter of
stratigraphy (i.e., it is essentially a geological method). Palæontology decides
on the animal remains found in the beds. The human anatomist discusses
the human remains, and the archæologist deals with the artifacts or objects
made by man. The accurate determination of the order of the beds is
obviously of fundamental importance.
The discovery of these human remains has had a very noticeable

effect on anthropometry. Most of them are imperfect, some very
much so; as in the case, for example, of the partial calvaria of
Pithecanthropus and of the Neanderthal specimen. The remains are
of such intense interest that they stimulated anatomists to a more
careful analysis and comparison with other human skulls and with
those of anthropoids. As time rolled on, new ways of looking at the
problems suggested themselves, which led to the employment of
more elaborate methods of measurement or description. Almost
every specimen of fossil man has led to some improvement in
technical research; and the subject is not yet exhausted, as the
character of the inner walls of the crania have not yet yielded all their
secrets, more particularly in regard to the brains which they once
protected. It would be tedious to enumerate the names of those who
have studied even the two calvaria just mentioned, and impossible to
record all of those who have advanced our knowledge of the
anatomy of fossil man.
Chapter V.
COMPARATIVE PSYCHOLOGY
At the present time the data for a comparison of the bodily functions
of the members of one race with those of another are so scanty that
the science of ethnical physiology can scarcely be said to exist.
Fortunately, there is a quite different state of affairs for the study of
the mind—or Psychology—though even in this field there is yet a
great deal of work to be done.
During the eighteenth century the term “Anthropology,” which was
very vaguely employed, was often used to designate a
comprehensive psychology dealing with the entire mental side of
man, as well as the relations between soul and body. Later, as its
scope became widened, the centre of gravity shifted over to physical
man; but anthropologists have always maintained their right to deal
also more or less with psychology.
Phrenology. Psychology in early times concerned itself with
the essence of the soul as an independent entity,
its relations to the body, its destructibility or indestructibility, and the
laws of its operations. The word “Psychology” has always had a
vague and varying significance. Thus, when Hunt, in his presidential
address before the Anthropological Society in 1866, says: “I am glad
to know that there are many Fellows of this Society who are at
present working on the psychological aspects of our science,” he
referred to the interest then taken by the members in the phrenology
of the period. Later on, however, he expresses his opinion with
regard to “modern phrenology” as being “wholly unscientific.” The old
phrenology is now practically dead.
Psychical During the last quarter of the last century a
Research. study of various obscure mental states received a
fresh impetus in this country by the founding of the Society for
Psychical Research. This society principally investigates (1)
hypnotism, disorders of personality, automatic writing, and crystal-
gazing, which are universally recognised by psychologists as
furnishing fields for scientific study; and (2) thought-transference and
its manifestations, which are not, however, at present generally
accepted as facts.
Though but recently crept forth, vix aut ne vix quidem, from the chill
shade of scientific disdain, Anthropology adopts the airs of her elder
sisters among the sciences, and is as severe as they to the Cinderella of
the family, Psychical Research. She must murmur of her fairies among
the cinders of the hearth, while they go forth to the ball, and dance with
provincial mayors at the festivities of the British Association.[59]
59. A. Lang, Making of Religion, p. 43.
The hypnotic and kindred practices of the lower races have until
lately scarcely attracted the attention of anthropologists. Bastian in
1890 wrote a tract, Ueber psychische Beobachtungen bei
Naturvölkern, and Tylor has also touched on the subject in Primitive
Culture; but its main advocate is Andrew Lang, who declares:
“Anthropology must remain incomplete while it neglects this field,
whether among wild or civilised men,” and “In the course of time this
will come to be acknowledged.”
Methods and If we turn now from popular to scientific notions
Aims. of psychology, we discern the following methods
and aims of the science. There are two methods—(1) the
introspective, by which one’s own mental states are observed; and
(2) the objective, by which the conduct of others is observed: both
may be studied without or under experimental conditions. It is very
difficult to secure reliable introspection in backward peoples, and
also to interpret the mental state of an individual by observing his
behaviour.
The objects of psychology are five-fold:—
1. The study of mind compared with non-mental processes.
2. The study of the mind of the individual compared with other
minds.
3. The study of the normal mind of the individual compared with
the abnormal.
4. The study of the mind of one race compared with that of other
races.
5. The study of the mind of genus Homo compared with that of
animals.
All these are of interest and value for Anthropology, especially the
second, fourth, and fifth.
In the earlier days of psychology, when the subject was in the
leading-strings of philosophy, it had little ethnological value. Indeed,
the possibility of such a subject as ethnological psychology was not
realised.
Ethnical Ethnical psychology, the study of the mind of
Psychology. other races and peoples, of which, among the
more backward races, glimpses can be obtained only by living
among them and endeavouring to reach their point of view by means
of observation and experiment, is a modern conception; and for this
branch of the subject there is no history.
As an illustration of the change of attitude with regard to ethnical
psychology during the last fifty years, we may quote from
Burmeister[60] in 1853: “It is not worth while to look into the soul of the
negro. It is a judgment of God which is being executed that, at the
approach of civilisation, the savage man must perish”; and again,[61]
in 1857: “I have often tried to obtain an insight into the mind of the
negro, but it was never worth the trouble.” Compare with this such
works as R. E. Dennett’s At the Back of the Black Man’s Mind, 1906.
In justification of his attempt to represent the basal ideas of the West
African native, Dennett says: “I cannot help feeling that one who has
lived so long among the Africans, and who has acquired a kind of
way of thinking black, should be listened to on the off-chance that a
secondary instinct, developed by long contact with the people he is
writing about, may have driven him to a right, or very nearly right,
conclusion” (pp. 133-4). And as the keynote of his elaborate
investigation, which results in “crediting the Africans with thoughts,
concerning their religious and political system, comparable to any
that may have been handed down” to ourselves by our own
ancestors, he quotes from Flora L. Shaw[62]: “It may happen that we
shall have to revise entirely our view of the black races, and regard
those who now exist as the decadent representatives of an almost
forgotten era, rather than as the embryonic possibility of an era yet to
come.”
60. Der Schwarze Mensch.
61. Reise nach Brasilien.
62. Flora L. Shaw (Lady Lugard), A Tropical Dependency, p. 17.

The earliest recognition of the anthropological aspect of
psychology is found in Germany, where Bastian was always insisting
on the essential connection between psychology and ethnology; and,
although his own literary method was peculiarly obscure, he did a
very great deal, both by his writings and personal influence, to
stimulate the study of psychology from the point of view of ethnology.
P. W. A. Bastian.
Bastian. Adolf Bastian (1826-1905), after passing

Folk through five universities—Heidelberg, Berlin,
Psychology. Jena, Wurzburg, and Prague—began his life of
travel in 1851 as a ship’s doctor. The next twenty-
five years were mainly spent in voyages of research in all parts of
the world, and always with one object in view—the collection of
materials for a comparative psychology, on the principles of a natural
science. His first journey, which occupied eight years, resulted in the
publication in 1860 of the first of a long series of writings. When not
engaged in travel, his life was filled with his work in connection with
the Berlin Museums. Great though these services were, Bastian’s
main interest was always concentrated on psychology. The ideas of
folk psychology were in the air, and the study of Welt-Anschauung,
or, to use Bastian’s phrase, Völker-Gedanken, was already
inaugurated in Germany. To organise this study by introducing wide
scientific, inductive, and comparative methods, and to collect
evidence from among all the peoples of the earth, was Bastian’s life-
work, in which he was still engaged when death overtook him at
Trinidad in 1905. Among the conceptions of the Natur-Völker—the
“cryptograms of mankind,” as he called them—he worked
unceasingly, demonstrating first the surprising uniformity of outlook
on the part of the more primitive peoples, and secondly the
correlation of differences of conceptions with differences in material
surroundings, varying with geographical conditions. This second
doctrine he elaborated in his Zur Lehre von den Geographischen
Provinzen, in 1886.
The term “psychology of peoples” has become familiar of late, and
books have been written on the psychology of special peoples, such
as the Esquisse psychologique des Peuples Européens (1903), by
A. Fouillée; but these are based on general considerations, and not
on experimental evidence.
The place of Comparative Psychology in Anthropology was
officially determined in this country by the request which the
Anthropological Institute made to Herbert Spencer in 1875, to map
out the Comparative Psychology of Man, with a view to providing
some sort of method in handling the various questions that came
before the Institute. The result of this was Spencer’s provisional
Scheme of Character, in which the problem of measurement took an
important place.
Experimental In the department of experimental psychology
Psychology. Germany again took the lead. G. T. Fechner[63]
attempted by means of laboratory tests to discover the law of
connection between psychical and bodily events. A band of workers
arose, and the new science spread to other countries. In our country
Sir Francis Galton took advantage of the International Health
Exhibition at London, 1884, to install in the exhibition an
anthropometric laboratory, in which a few psychological experiments
were made on a large number of people, and since then he has
frequently made arrangements for similar laboratories.
63. Elemente der Psychophysik, 1860.
In nearly all of the larger universities Experimental Psychology is a
recognised study, and almost every variety of mental condition is
investigated. Professor W. Wundt, in his Völkerpsychologie (1904),
has been a master-builder on these foundations.
The experiments in psychological laboratories were of necessity
confined to subjects readily accessible, who naturally were mainly
Europeans or of European descent. A few observations had been
made on aliens who, as a rule, had been brought from their native
countries for show purposes; but in these cases the observations
were made under unfavourable conditions so far as the subject was
concerned. With the exception of these very few and unsatisfactory
investigations, experimental psychology was mainly concerned with
the subjects numbered 2, 3, and 5 in the table on p. 81.
A new departure was made in 1898 by the Cambridge
Anthropological Expedition to Torres Straits. For the first time trained
experimental psychologists (Drs. W. H. R. Rivers, W. McDougall, and
C. S. Myers) investigated by means of an adequate laboratory
equipment a people in a low stage of culture under their ordinary

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Families in the New Millennium (eBook

PART 2 FAMILY FORMATIONS AND LIVING ARRANGEMENTS 29

PART 3 SURVIVING AND THRIVING 63

PART 4 PATTERNS OF INDIGENEITY AND (IM)MIGRATION 97

PART 5 POWER AND RIGHTS 129

PART 6 CARE WORK AND SOCIAL SUPPORT 181

PART 7 DEEPENING CONTINUITY AND INNOVATION 233

1 Families as We Know and Have Known Them 3

Changes We Know and See 4

2 Theorizing and Researching Family 14

Theoretical Frameworks for Understanding Families and Family Relations 15

PART 2 FAMILY FORMATIONS AND LIVING ARRANGEMENTS 29

3 Seeking Intimacy, Forming Families 31

Choice, Insecurity, Challenges: Theoretical Conversations 32

Marriage and Cohabitation 49

PART 3 SURVIVING AND THRIVING 63

5 The Outcomes of Incomes: Family Insecurity or Security in Insecure Times 65

Theorizing and Contextualizing Families and Insecurities 66

6 Managing Low Income in Families: The Importance of Institutions and Interactions 80

The Changing Demographics of Low Income 81

PART 4 PATTERNS OF INDIGENEITY AND (IM)MIGRATION 97

7 Indigenous Families: Migration, Resistance, and Resilience 99

8 Immigrant Families and Canada’s Changing Ethno-racial Diversity 113

Defining the Immigrant Family 115

PART 5 POWER AND RIGHTS 129

9 Paid and Unpaid Work: Power, Division, and Strategies 131

10 When Abuse Strikes at Home: Families and Violence 147

Understanding Family Violence: Its Frequency and Severity 149

11 (De)colonization, Racialization, Racism, and Canadian Families: Relearning through

Colonization, Racialization, and Institutionalized Racism: Family Disparity

PART 6 CARE WORK AND SOCIAL SUPPORT 181

12 Families Caring for Children in the 21st Century 183

Socialization Theories 184

13 Caregiving and Support for Older Adults 199

Families in Later Life 199

xii C o ntents NEL

14 Families Experiencing Dis/ability 216

Understanding Disability as a Social Construction 217

PART 7 DEEPENING CONTINUITY AND INNOVATION 233

15 “Doing Family”: Lenses, Patterns, and Futures 235

NEL C o ntents xiii

xvi P r eface NEL

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NEL P r eface xix

Wesley Crichlow, Ph.D., is an Associate Professor at the University of Ontario Institute

xxii A b o ut the C o nt r i b ut o r s NEL

Karen Kobayashi, Ph.D., is an Associate Professor in the Department of Sociology and a

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NEL A b o ut the C o nt r i b ut o r s xxiii

48. Anth. Rev., i., p. 386.

49. January, 1870, p. 97.

A serious discussion of the anatomical and psychological relation

THE UNFOLDING OF THE ANTIQUITY OF MAN

Fossil Man. Ignorance and prejudice combined to assert that

As Professor Sollas points out, “the primitive inhabitants of France

As the diggers in Mesopotamia, Egypt, Greece, Crete, and