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Archaic and Classical
Greek Sicily
greeks overseas
Series Editors
Carla Antonaccio and Nino Luraghi
1
1
Oxford University Press is a department of the University of Oxford. It furthers
the University’s objective of excellence in research, scholarship, and education
by publishing worldwide.Oxford is a registered trade mark of Oxford University
Press in the UK and certain other countries.
1╇3╇5╇7╇9╇8╇6╇4╇2
Printed by Sheridan, USA
Contents
List of Tables xi
Acknowledgments xv
Introduction 1
3. Societies 134
4. Economics 222
Conclusions 319
References 329
Index 419
List of Figures
This book would not have been possible without the generous support
of certain people and institutions. In the first instance I am especially grate-
ful to Ian Morris (Stanford University), who approached me with the initial
idea to publish this book, and to Elissa Morris, the then Classics Editor at
Oxford University Press in New York, who oversaw the process of taking the
book from proposal to contract. Their successors, Robin Osborne (Cambridge
University) and Stefan Vranka, have been ever helpful and have seen the
book through to completion. Particular key moments allowed the book to
take shape. A generous three-╉year Standard Research Grant from the Social
Sciences and Humanities Research Council of Canada made field and library
work in Sicily and Italy possible. In 2005, at the invitation of Carla Antonaccio
and Barbara Tsakirgis, I delivered a paper at their session “Morgantina at Fifty”
(as part of the 106th Archaeological Institute of America Annual Meeting in
Boston), which allowed me to lay the preliminary groundwork for the book’s
introduction. Later that same year, I organized a workshop called “Frontier
History: Cross-╉cultural and Interdisciplinary Perspectives” at the Peter Wall
Institute for Advanced Studies, University of British Columbia, which allowed
me to bring together several colleagues studying frontiers across time and
space and which contributed greatly to my comparative and theoretical under-
standing of frontiers. I received generous support from the then director of
the Institute, Dianne Newell, whom I would like to thank here. The book
began to take shape during the 2007–╉2008 academic year, when I held a
Research Fellowship from the Alexander von Humboldt Foundation at the
Ludwig-╉Maximilians-╉Universität in Munich. Subsequent research talks deliv-
ered especially in Berkeley, Cambridge, Göttingen, Leiden, Pisa, and Rome
gave me the opportunity to air many of the ideas contained in the book’s vari-
ous chapters. I am most grateful to my hosts for their invitations and to my
audiences for their questions and comments. The three anonymous readers
for Oxford University Press also supplied me with much valuable feedback on
xvi Acknowledgments
the various drafts of the manuscript. They provided much food for thought
which I have taken on board and for which I am most grateful. Deepest thanks
must be given to Robin Osborne for being an extraordinary overseer during
the revision of the manuscript, for minding the small details with the big
picture always in view and offering always the best possible advice. Deepest
thanks must also be extended to Carla Antonaccio and Nino Luraghi for their
comments and for welcoming this book into their series. Any misjudgments
or errors that may result from the feedback of all these readers are entirely
my responsibility. For photographs, other than my own or from the Monte
Polizzo project with which I have been involved, I would like to thank the
British Museum, the Hunterian Museum and Art Gallery of the University of
Glasgow, the Museo Mandralisca, the Parco Archeologico di Himera (and its
then director Dr. Francesca Spatafora), and Christine Lane. The original maps
have been drawn by the talented Eric Leinberger (Department of Geography,
University of British Columbia). I am most grateful to him and to my depart-
ment for helping to subsidize the costs of their production. My students
Odessa Cadieux-╉Rey and Heather Purves have been excellent editorial assis-
tants as the final manuscript approached submission. A big thank-╉you is also
due to them. The final word of thanks is reserved for Tara, Inessa, and Gisela.
They have been by my side from start to finish of this book, patiently support-
ing me in all ways. Without them, this effort would not have been possible.
Abbreviations: Bibliographic
The abbreviations used in citing ancient authors and their works follow
those in the third edition of The Oxford Classical Dictionary (1996), edited by
S. Hornblower and A. Spawforth, pp. xxix–╉liv. Abbreviations for journal titles
follow the conventions of L’Année Philologique. All other bibliographic abbre-
viations are listed below.
BF Black Figure
BG Black Gloss
EC Early Corinthian
EIA Early Iron Age
EPC Early Protocorinthian
FBA Final Bronze Age
G Geometric
LBA Late Bronze Age
LG Late Geometric
LPC Late Protocorinthian
MBA Middle Bronze Age
MG Middle Geometric
MPC Middle Protocorinthian
PG Protogeometric
RBA Recent Bronze Age
RF Red Figure
SG Subgeometric
Archaic and Classical
Greek Sicily
Introduction
1.╇ The following early Hellenistic period, the last sixty years of Greek Sicily to the start of the
First Punic War in 264 BC, has been excluded from the present discussion. This is a period
that has been well trodden in recent years, helped along by the more abundant epigraphic
and literary sources, regarded by many scholars, as we will see throughout this book, as the
“real stuff” of history. See the extensive bibliography in Braccesi and Millino 2000, 222–╉
26, to which add since then Consolo Langher 2000; Caccamo Caltabiano, Campagna, and
Pinzone 2004; Carroccio 2004; Lehmler 2005; Osanna and Torelli 2006; Zambon 2008;
Prag 2009; Prag and Crawley Quinn 2013.
2.╇ Beloch 1886, 261–╉62 is a still useful discussion of Sicily’s surface area both today and in
antiquity.
Map 1 Map of Mediterranean, with major regions and places mentioned in the text.
© Author
Introduction 3
Map 2 Map of Sicily, showing major geographical features and places mentioned
in the text.
© Author
outside the province by more powerful ties of trade and migration, language,
ethnicity, and so on” applies equally well to Greek Sicily.3
The social and economic history of Archaic and Classical Greek Sicily is a
story of remarkable developments. These developments come best into focus
when the narrow disciplinary divides and regional specializations that currently
characterize the study of Greek Sicily are bridged. Ancient Sicily as a whole must
be viewed as a land influenced by the dynamics of multiple cultures and net-
works, which made the island simultaneously part of frontier and world history,
shaped all at once by local, regional, and global phenomena. These are dynamics
that go back right to the start of Sicilian Greek history, when Greeks established
themselves in Sicily as Greece was rapidly developing in the eighth and seventh
3. Woolf 2004, 423–24. In the case of Cyprus, see the thoughtful discussion by Knapp
2008, 14–19.
4 Archaic and Cl assical Greek Sicily
centuries. Sicily provided both the conditions and opportunities for Greeks to
satisfy their growing appetite for a larger share of the Mediterranean’s resources
and possibilities. Sicily’s coasts were little populated and much land needed to
be cleared, factors which conditioned the social and economic decisions of the
early Greek settlers. The control of labor became central, affecting the possible
kinds of economic decision-making. Cities began as frontier establishments,
with nascent populations and institutions. But when we combine into a single
approach the political, territorial, and urban trajectories of these cities, we see
that the first of four economic takeoffs that occurred in Archaic and Classical
Greek Sicily was within a century of initial settlement. These fledgling cities
were well on their way to becoming very successful states, with larger cosmo-
politan populations and more complex institutions. Their impressive physical
and spatial developments were spearheaded by elites who organized themselves
into clans that tightly controlled the distribution of land and protected their
place at the top of the social hierarchy. The initial frontier conditions encoun-
tered in Sicily contributed significantly to the elite’s ability to shape and hold on
to power, and calls for egalitarian and democratic thinking over the course of
Sicilian Greek history proved difficult to achieve. Grain exports made consid-
erable sense as an early economic activity, given the ideal environmental con-
ditions, low labor requirements, and demand in Greece, but Greek Sicily was
never a colonial monoculture. Abundant evidence exists today for manufactur-
ing, mining, fishing, and other agricultural crops, particularly olive and vine, in
the Archaic period, shattering old stereotypes of an unchanging Sicilian Greek
economy over four hundred years. Some of these developments mark out Sicily
as unique when compared to the history of the Greek homeland from where
the settlers came. Local and regional features and dynamics explain these dif-
ferences. At the same time, Sicily and Greece maintained enduring diasporic
links right from the start of their conjoined histories. Their relationship was not
one of center and periphery or of haphazardly overlapping regional trajectories.
Instead, the two regions were interconnected and interdependent throughout
the Archaic and Classical periods, with Sicily forming an integral and important
region of the ancient Greek world.
Many of these conclusions mirror recent trends in ancient historical prac-
tice that Woolf alludes to in the quotation above. The history of Greek Sicily,
however, has not always been conceived of and studied in this way. From the
sixteenth century to the present, the study of Greek Sicily has, like any other
historical field, been influenced by a combination of regional, national, and
international developments that have shaped its questions and data. We need
to outline these developments here and take a stand on what to discard and
what to adopt in light of recent evidence.
Introduction 5
Between the sixteenth century and the unification of Italy in 1861, four main
regional and international developments affected the study of Greek Sicily.
The first was Sicily’s dependent status as part of a larger kingdom or empire.
Sicilians studied their past for models and ideas that could help them bet-
ter understand the present, and that meant primarily that ancient Rome and
its provinces received the lion’s share of scholarly attention. In other words,
there was a near absence of studies on Greek Sicily. Virtually all of these early
Sicilian studies, moreover, belonged to an antiquarian tradition characterized
by an extremely strong regional focus (even in discussions of ancient Greek
literature) and a usually uncritical, believe-all attitude to ancient sources.4 The
second development was the Grand Tour, which entailed learned and usually
foreign travelers seeking firsthand experience with ancient Greece, Hellenism
being now regarded as the source of the European spirit. Both southern Italy
and Sicily were initially major draws for these travelers, because of these
regions’ impressive ancient Greek monuments and the fact that the Ottomans
ruled Greece, making it less accessible to foreigners. In Sicily the activities
of Grand Tour travelers often centered around writing travelogues, studying
and illustrating art and architecture (sometimes accomplished through exca-
vation, as it was then conceived), and absorbing as much of Greek antiquity
and its survival as possible.5 The Grand Tour’s legacy of foreigners associat-
ing Sicily with Hellenism has lived on to the present day, as have the strong
regional focus and approach to the ancient sources.6
These developments were taking place alongside two other international
ones that redefined ancient Hellenism. While ancient Hellenism remained the
dominant inspiration for Europeans at home and abroad, some of its branches
started to be deemed more important than others. The American Revolution
and the creation of the modern Greek nation-state acted as prime stimuli. The
lead-up to the American Revolution caused European powers to reassess their
settlement and colonization policies and to favor mercantile endeavors and
federalist associations.7 In this light, ancient Greece, rather than Rome, served
4. On the Sicilian antiquarian tradition, see generally Pace 1958, 1–100, 551–54; Salmeri 1993;
Ceserani 2000; De Francesco 2013, 100–106. On the uncritical uses of sources in this period,
see Pace 1958, 55; La Rosa 1987, 708; Pinzone 2000, 113, 130. It is worth stressing that Sicilian
antiquarianism was regional in its focus, but that should not be translated into isolation
(Brancato 1973).
5. The best discussion on Sicily can be found in Momigliano 1979. For Italy as a whole, see
Black 2003.
6. Momigliano 1979, 178.
7. See Urquhart forthcoming.
6 Archaic and Cl assical Greek Sicily
as the better model. The drive for American independence elicited intense
discussions on the relationships between ancient Greek metropoleis and their
so-called colonies (a translation of the ancient word apoikia, technically an
independent “home away,” that only became more entrenched as a result of
these discussions).8 The independence of the American colonies led to the
ancient Greek colonies gaining their independence in the scholarly mind-
set. But this was only a temporary victory. The creation of the modern Greek
nation-state, following liberation from the Ottomans, threw a wrench in the
works. Greece naturally became a rallying point for discussions of Hellenism
in all its temporal and spatial manifestations. When Athens was chosen as the
capital of this new nation-state in 1834, in large part because of Athens’ asso-
ciations with its impressive ancient counterpart, it was a watershed moment.
Ancient Athens appealed to Europeans because of the Ottoman Empire,
which represented Europe’s single biggest political foe. Ancient Athens could
be used to distinguish Europeans from the Ottoman Turks. For Athens, in
addition to its cultural and historical achievements, had defeated the Persians,
another eastern empire. Athens, moreover, was quite uppity about its ethnic
and racial purity, something meaningful to Europeans, both at home and in
their colonies, as they fought for supremacy of the world and its many peo-
ples. Europeans worried that cultural mixing would submerge them. Ancient
Athenian democracy appealed too, as modern fledgling democracies began to
emerge; this provided yet another way to distinguish Europeans as politically
different from the Ottomans and their stultifying sultans. In Athens, ancient
evidence and modern mindsets coalesced, giving rise to a new framework in
which to appreciate and study the history of ancient Greece. Within this new
paradigm of ancient Hellenism, the long shadow of marginalization inevitably
began to be cast on such regions as Sicily.
This new configuration of Hellenism is most clearly seen in the twelve-
volume history of ancient Greece by the Englishman George Grote published
between 1846 and 1856.9 Grote solidified the trend of Hellenocentrism, and
Athenocentrism in particular. The civilizing mission of England in its colo-
nial possessions was introduced into ancient Greek history through a pro-
cess of Hellenization of non-Greeks, or “barbarians.”10 Grote allowed for
fusion between incoming settlers and existing natives. Such fusion, how-
ever, was not between equals and was couched in a racialized discourse,
Die Glücksbude
Eine Erzählung von
Ernst Preczang
Geheftet Mk. 2.— Gebunden Mk. 2.60
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