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Archaic and Classical
Greek Sicily
greeks overseas

Series Editors
Carla Antonaccio and Nino Luraghi

This series presents a forum for new interpretations of Greek settlement


in the ancient Mediterranean in its cultural and political aspects. Focusing
on the period from the Iron Age until the advent of Alexander, it seeks
to undermine the divide between colonial and metropolitan Greeks. It
welcomes new scholarly work from archaeological, historical, and literary
perspectives, and invites interventions on the history of scholarship about
the Greeks in the Mediterranean.

A Small Greek World


Networks in the Ancient Mediterranean
Irad Malkin

Italy’s Lost Greece


Magna Graecia and the Making of Modern Archaeology
Giovanna Ceserani

The Invention of Greek Ethnography


From Homer to Herodotus
Joseph E. Skinner

Pindar and the Construction of Syracusan Monarchy


in the Fifth Century B.C.
Kathryn A. Morgan

The Poetics of Victory in the Greek West


Epinician, Oral Tradition, and the Deinomenid Empire
Nigel Nicholson

Archaic and Classical Greek Sicily


A Social and Economic History
Franco De Angelis
Archaic and
Classical
Greek Sicily
A Social and Economic History
z
FRANCO DE ANGELIS

1
1
Oxford University Press is a department of the University of Oxford. It furthers
the University’s objective of excellence in research, scholarship, and education
by publishing worldwide.Oxford is a registered trade mark of Oxford University
Press in the UK and certain other countries.

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You must not circulate this work in any other form


and you must impose this same condition on any acquirer.

Library of Congress Cataloging-╉in-╉Publication Data


Names: De Angelis, Franco, author.
Title: Archaic and classical Greek Sicily : a social and economic history /
Franco De Angelis.
Description: New York, NY : Oxford University Press, 2016. | Series: Greeks
overseas | Includes bibliographical references and index.
Identifiers: LCCN 2015030331| ISBN 978–0–19–517047–4 (hardback : alkaline paper) |
ISBN 978–0–19–972155–9 (e-book) | ISBN 978–0–19–046533–9 (online)
Subjects: LCSH: Sicily (Italy)—History—To 800. |
Greeks—Italy—Sicily—History. | BISAC: HISTORY / Ancient / Greece.
Classification: LCC DG55.S5 D38 2016 | DDC 937/.802—dc23 LC record available at
http://lccn.loc.gov/2015030331

1╇3╇5╇7╇9╇8╇6╇4╇2
Printed by Sheridan, USA
Contents

List of Figures vii

List of Tables xi

List of Maps xiii

Acknowledgments xv

Abbreviations: Bibliographic xvii

Abbreviations: Chronological xix

Introduction 1

1. The Geographical and Historical Setting 28

2. Settlement and Territory 62

3. Societies 134

4. Economics 222

Conclusions 319

References 329

Index 419
List of Figures

1 Monte Maranfusa: A Typical Native Hilltop


Settlement in the Interior of Western Sicily. 44
2 Calascibetta: A Typical Native Cemetery
of Rock-╉cut Tombs in Eastern Central Sicily. 45
3 Phoenician Scarab Found at Native Site at Monte
Polizzo, Western Sicily. 52
4 Imported East Greek Cup Found at Native Site at
Monte Polizzo, Western Sicily. 52
5 Unworked Red Deer Antler Found at Native Site at
Monte Polizzo, Western Sicily. 54
6 Worked Red Deer Antler Found at Native Site at
Monte Polizzo, Western Sicily. 54
7 View of Plain between Leontinoi and Megara Hyblaia. 70
8 View of Coastal Plain between Megara Hyblaia and
Syracuse. 70
9 View of the Plain of Gela Planted with Grain. 72
10 View of Coastal Topography around Himera. 72
11 View of Plain behind Selinous. 74
12 View of Salso River Valley Planted with Grain to East
of Akragas. 74
13 View of Eighth-╉century House at Megara Hyblaia,
with Second Room Added in Seventh-╉century
Renovation. 87
14 View of Sanctuary of Athena at Himera. 90
15 View of Temple E3 at Selinous. 91
16 View of Archaic City Wall of Naxos. 94
17 View of a Telamon to Olympieion at Akragas. 107
18 View of Temple of Concordia at Akragas. 116
viii List of Figures

19 View of Epipolae Fortifications at Syracuse. 125


20 View of Capo Soprano Fortifications at Gela. 132
21 View of Monumental Tomb at Megara Hyblaia. 156
22 View of Early Syracusan Tetradrachm Showing
Charioteer on Obverse. 158
23 View of Didrachm Depicting Rooster
and Crab Minted at Himera during
Akragantine Occupation. 191
24 View of Metope Depicting Artemis and Aktaion
from Temple E3 at Selinous. 200
25 Statue Base for Eukleides, Possibly the Oikist, from
Himera. 203
26 View of Naxian Drachm Showing Bunch of Grapes
on Reverse. 235
27 View of Grazing Sheep in Eastern Central Sicily. 237
28 View of Wild Boar in Monti Peloritani. 240
29 Iato K480 Cup Produced in Himera. 244
30 View of Antefix from Himera. 246
31 View of Greek-​style Statue (of Demeter?) from
Terravecchia di Cuti. 247
32 View of Sea-​salt Production near Motya. 251
33 View of Imported Native Sicilian Transport
Amphorae from Himera. 260
34 View of Tetradrachm from Gela with Forepart
of Man-​faced Bull on Reverse. 273
35 View of Syracusan Tetradrachm Depicting Head
of Arethusa and Dolphins Minted under the
Deinomenids. 276
36 View of Olive Grove near Poggioreale in Central
Western Sicily. 286
37 View of Vine Intercropped in the Background with
Olive Trees near Poggioreale in Central Western
Sicily. 286
38 View of Sculpted Head of Demeter
from Akragas. 293
39 View of Cast Three-​unica Bronze Cone
from Akragas. 298
40 View of Cast Three-​unica Bronze Coin
from Himera. 298
41 View of Gold Coin Minted by Dionysius I. 299
List of Figures ix

42 View of Reconstructed Model of the Iurato


Farmstead at Kamarina (note tombs in lower
left corner). 307
43 RF Vase with Scene of Tuna Butchering
from Lipari. 309
44 View of Freshly Caught Silver Scabbard Fish
in Waters off Northern Sicily. 310
List of Tables

1 A Summary of Some Attested and Hypothesized


Urban and Rural Features of Archaic Sicilian Poleis. 96
2 A Summary of Some Attested and Hypothesized
Urban and Rural Features of Sicilian Poleis during the
First Attempt at Centralization (snapshot c. 465 BC). 111
3 A Summary of Some Attested and Hypothesized
Urban and Rural Features of Sicilian Poleis during the
Interlude between Attempts at Political Centralization
(c. 465–╉405 BC). 121
4 A Summary of Some Attested and Hypothesized
Urban and Rural Features of Syracuse’s Territorial
State between Dionysius I and Timoleon
(c. 405–╉344 BC). 128
5 A Summary of Population Estimates for Archaic
Sicilian Poleis. 143
6a The Distribution of Temperatures (in degrees
centigrade) within the Year for Six Sicilian Cities. 227
6b The Distribution by Month of Rainfall (in
millimeters) within the Year for Six Sicilian Cities
(altitude in meters is given in parentheses). 228
7 A Summary of the Hypothesized Agricultural
Productivity Capacities Calculated for Greek Sicily’s
Archaic City-╉states. 232
8 Silver Coinages of Archaic Greek Sicily. 265
9 Coinages of Classical Greek Sicily. 297
List of Maps

1 Map of Mediterranean, with Major Regions and


Places Mentioned in the Text. 2
2 Map of Sicily, Showing Major Geographical Features
and Places Mentioned in the Text. 3
3 Native Settlement Patterns in Later Prehistory. 40
4 Hypothetical Extent of Archaic Greek Territories in
Sicily. 67
5 Town Plan of Naxos. 76
6 Town Plan of Syracuse. 77
7 Town Plan of Megara Hyblaia. 78
8 Town Plan of Himera. 79
9 Town Plan of Selinous. 80
10 Town Plan of Akragas. 81
11 Town Plan of Gela. 82
12 Hypothetical Extent of Greek Territories in Sicily
(a) during the First Generation of Political
Centralization; (b) from the Collapse to the Return
of Political Centralization; and (c) between Political
Centralization and Independence. 109
13 Town Plan of Kamarina. 113
Acknowledgments

This book would not have been possible without the generous support
of certain people and institutions. In the first instance I am especially grate-
ful to Ian Morris (Stanford University), who approached me with the initial
idea to publish this book, and to Elissa Morris, the then Classics Editor at
Oxford University Press in New York, who oversaw the process of taking the
book from proposal to contract. Their successors, Robin Osborne (Cambridge
University) and Stefan Vranka, have been ever helpful and have seen the
book through to completion. Particular key moments allowed the book to
take shape. A generous three-╉year Standard Research Grant from the Social
Sciences and Humanities Research Council of Canada made field and library
work in Sicily and Italy possible. In 2005, at the invitation of Carla Antonaccio
and Barbara Tsakirgis, I delivered a paper at their session “Morgantina at Fifty”
(as part of the 106th Archaeological Institute of America Annual Meeting in
Boston), which allowed me to lay the preliminary groundwork for the book’s
introduction. Later that same year, I organized a workshop called “Frontier
History: Cross-╉cultural and Interdisciplinary Perspectives” at the Peter Wall
Institute for Advanced Studies, University of British Columbia, which allowed
me to bring together several colleagues studying frontiers across time and
space and which contributed greatly to my comparative and theoretical under-
standing of frontiers. I received generous support from the then director of
the Institute, Dianne Newell, whom I would like to thank here. The book
began to take shape during the 2007–╉2008 academic year, when I held a
Research Fellowship from the Alexander von Humboldt Foundation at the
Ludwig-╉Maximilians-╉Universität in Munich. Subsequent research talks deliv-
ered especially in Berkeley, Cambridge, Göttingen, Leiden, Pisa, and Rome
gave me the opportunity to air many of the ideas contained in the book’s vari-
ous chapters. I am most grateful to my hosts for their invitations and to my
audiences for their questions and comments. The three anonymous readers
for Oxford University Press also supplied me with much valuable feedback on
xvi Acknowledgments

the various drafts of the manuscript. They provided much food for thought
which I have taken on board and for which I am most grateful. Deepest thanks
must be given to Robin Osborne for being an extraordinary overseer during
the revision of the manuscript, for minding the small details with the big
picture always in view and offering always the best possible advice. Deepest
thanks must also be extended to Carla Antonaccio and Nino Luraghi for their
comments and for welcoming this book into their series. Any misjudgments
or errors that may result from the feedback of all these readers are entirely
my responsibility. For photographs, other than my own or from the Monte
Polizzo project with which I have been involved, I would like to thank the
British Museum, the Hunterian Museum and Art Gallery of the University of
Glasgow, the Museo Mandralisca, the Parco Archeologico di Himera (and its
then director Dr. Francesca Spatafora), and Christine Lane. The original maps
have been drawn by the talented Eric Leinberger (Department of Geography,
University of British Columbia). I am most grateful to him and to my depart-
ment for helping to subsidize the costs of their production. My students
Odessa Cadieux-╉Rey and Heather Purves have been excellent editorial assis-
tants as the final manuscript approached submission. A big thank-╉you is also
due to them. The final word of thanks is reserved for Tara, Inessa, and Gisela.
They have been by my side from start to finish of this book, patiently support-
ing me in all ways. Without them, this effort would not have been possible.
Abbreviations: Bibliographic

The abbreviations used in citing ancient authors and their works follow
those in the third edition of The Oxford Classical Dictionary (1996), edited by
S. Hornblower and A. Spawforth, pp. xxix–╉liv. Abbreviations for journal titles
follow the conventions of L’Année Philologique. All other bibliographic abbre-
viations are listed below.

AA.VV. various authors


AnnalesESC Annales. Economies, sociétés, civilisations
ASAA Annuario della Scuola Archeologica di Atene e delle Missioni
Italiane in Oriente
ArchStorSir Archivio Storico Siracusano
ArchStorSic Archivio Storico Siciliano
ArchStorSicO Archivio Storico per la Sicilia Orientale
AWE Ancient West and East
BAR British Archaeological Reports
BdA Bollettino d’Arte del Ministero della Pubblica Istruzione
BEFAR Bibliothèque des Écoles Françaises d’Athènes et de Rome
BSA Annual of the British School at Athens
BTCGI Bibliografia Topografica della Colonizzazione Greca in Italia e
nelle Isole Tirreniche (Pisa and Rome 1977–╉)
CAJ Cambridge Archaeological Journal
CdA Cronache di Archeologia (new series created out of CronASA
in 1972)
CRDAC Centro di Ricerche e Documentazione sull’Antichità Classica
CronASA Cronache di Archeologia e di Storia dell’Arte
DdA Dialoghi di Archeologia
FA Fasti Archeologici
FGrH F. Jacoby, Die Fragmente der griechischen Historiker (Berlin and
Leiden 1923–╉58)
xviii Abbreviations: Bibliographic

IG Inscriptiones Graecae (Berlin 1873–╉)


IGCH M. Thompson, O. Mørkholm, and C.M. Kraay (eds.), An
Inventory of Greek Coin Hoards (New York 1973)
MAL Monumenti Antichi dell’Accademia dei Lincei
NSc Notizie degli Scavi di Antichità
PdP La Parola del Passato
P.Oxy. B.P. Grenfell, A.S. Hunt, and others (eds.), The Oxyrhynchus
Papyri (London 1898–╉)
QuadMess Quaderni dell’Istituto di Archeologia della Facoltà di Lettere e
Filosofia dell’Università di Messina
RE Paulys Real-╉Encyclopädie der classischen Altertumswissenschaft
RSF Rivista di Studi Fenici
RSP Rivista di Scienze Preistoriche
RTA/╉JAT Rivista di Topografia Antica/╉Journal of Ancient Topography
Σ Scholiast or ancient commentator on an ancient author
SEG Supplementum Epigraphicum Graecum (Leiden 1923–╉)
SicArch Sicilia Archeologica
Abbreviations: Chronological

BF Black Figure
BG Black Gloss
EC Early Corinthian
EIA Early Iron Age
EPC Early Protocorinthian
FBA Final Bronze Age
G Geometric
LBA Late Bronze Age
LG Late Geometric
LPC Late Protocorinthian
MBA Middle Bronze Age
MG Middle Geometric
MPC Middle Protocorinthian
PG Protogeometric
RBA Recent Bronze Age
RF Red Figure
SG Subgeometric
Archaic and Classical
Greek Sicily
Introduction

This book represents the first ever systematic and comprehensive


endeavor to tackle the social and economic history of Archaic and Classical
Greek Sicily. It has two goals: to collect and analyze the evidence in an inter-
disciplinary and theoretically informed way, and to help shape future research.
The chronological parameters embraced here are the more than four hundred
years of Sicilian history that began with the initial settlement of Greeks at
the start of the Archaic period in the eighth century BC and ended with the
Classical period in about 320 BC.1 The basic patterns of social and economic
behavior were developed and set in this period. As for Greek Sicily’s spatial
parameters, the modern political boundaries of Sicily today occupy a surface
area of some 25,800 square kilometers and include several small surround-
ing islands, like the Aeolians and Aegates (Map 2).2 In this book, Greek Sicily
is taken to mean the main island. However, Greek Sicily’s sphere of interac-
tion was much wider (Map 1). Greg Woolf’s description of Roman provinces
as “simply concatenations of adjacent yet contrasting microregions linked
to each other by the light hand of gubernatorial power, and to microregions

1.╇ The following early Hellenistic period, the last sixty years of Greek Sicily to the start of the
First Punic War in 264 BC, has been excluded from the present discussion. This is a period
that has been well trodden in recent years, helped along by the more abundant epigraphic
and literary sources, regarded by many scholars, as we will see throughout this book, as the
“real stuff” of history. See the extensive bibliography in Braccesi and Millino 2000, 222–╉
26, to which add since then Consolo Langher 2000; Caccamo Caltabiano, Campagna, and
Pinzone 2004; Carroccio 2004; Lehmler 2005; Osanna and Torelli 2006; Zambon 2008;
Prag 2009; Prag and Crawley Quinn 2013.
2.╇ Beloch 1886, 261–╉62 is a still useful discussion of Sicily’s surface area both today and in
antiquity.
Map 1 Map of Mediterranean, with major regions and places mentioned in the text.
© Author
Introduction 3

Map 2 Map of Sicily, showing major geographical features and places mentioned
in the text.
© Author

outside the province by more powerful ties of trade and migration, language,
ethnicity, and so on” applies equally well to Greek Sicily.3
The social and economic history of Archaic and Classical Greek Sicily is a
story of remarkable developments. These developments come best into focus
when the narrow disciplinary divides and regional specializations that currently
characterize the study of Greek Sicily are bridged. Ancient Sicily as a whole must
be viewed as a land influenced by the dynamics of multiple cultures and net-
works, which made the island simultaneously part of frontier and world history,
shaped all at once by local, regional, and global phenomena. These are dynamics
that go back right to the start of Sicilian Greek history, when Greeks established
themselves in Sicily as Greece was rapidly developing in the eighth and seventh

3. Woolf 2004, 423–​24. In the case of Cyprus, see the thoughtful discussion by Knapp
2008, 14–​19.
4 Archaic and Cl assical Greek Sicily

centuries. Sicily provided both the conditions and opportunities for Greeks to
satisfy their growing appetite for a larger share of the Mediterranean’s resources
and possibilities. Sicily’s coasts were little populated and much land needed to
be cleared, factors which conditioned the social and economic decisions of the
early Greek settlers. The control of labor became central, affecting the possible
kinds of economic decision-​making. Cities began as frontier establishments,
with nascent populations and institutions. But when we combine into a single
approach the political, territorial, and urban trajectories of these cities, we see
that the first of four economic takeoffs that occurred in Archaic and Classical
Greek Sicily was within a century of initial settlement. These fledgling cities
were well on their way to becoming very successful states, with larger cosmo-
politan populations and more complex institutions. Their impressive physical
and spatial developments were spearheaded by elites who organized themselves
into clans that tightly controlled the distribution of land and protected their
place at the top of the social hierarchy. The initial frontier conditions encoun-
tered in Sicily contributed significantly to the elite’s ability to shape and hold on
to power, and calls for egalitarian and democratic thinking over the course of
Sicilian Greek history proved difficult to achieve. Grain exports made consid-
erable sense as an early economic activity, given the ideal environmental con-
ditions, low labor requirements, and demand in Greece, but Greek Sicily was
never a colonial monoculture. Abundant evidence exists today for manufactur-
ing, mining, fishing, and other agricultural crops, particularly olive and vine, in
the Archaic period, shattering old stereotypes of an unchanging Sicilian Greek
economy over four hundred years. Some of these developments mark out Sicily
as unique when compared to the history of the Greek homeland from where
the settlers came. Local and regional features and dynamics explain these dif-
ferences. At the same time, Sicily and Greece maintained enduring diasporic
links right from the start of their conjoined histories. Their relationship was not
one of center and periphery or of haphazardly overlapping regional trajectories.
Instead, the two regions were interconnected and interdependent throughout
the Archaic and Classical periods, with Sicily forming an integral and important
region of the ancient Greek world.
Many of these conclusions mirror recent trends in ancient historical prac-
tice that Woolf alludes to in the quotation above. The history of Greek Sicily,
however, has not always been conceived of and studied in this way. From the
sixteenth century to the present, the study of Greek Sicily has, like any other
historical field, been influenced by a combination of regional, national, and
international developments that have shaped its questions and data. We need
to outline these developments here and take a stand on what to discard and
what to adopt in light of recent evidence.
Introduction 5

Between the sixteenth century and the unification of Italy in 1861, four main
regional and international developments affected the study of Greek Sicily.
The first was Sicily’s dependent status as part of a larger kingdom or empire.
Sicilians studied their past for models and ideas that could help them bet-
ter understand the present, and that meant primarily that ancient Rome and
its provinces received the lion’s share of scholarly attention. In other words,
there was a near absence of studies on Greek Sicily. Virtually all of these early
Sicilian studies, moreover, belonged to an antiquarian tradition characterized
by an extremely strong regional focus (even in discussions of ancient Greek
literature) and a usually uncritical, believe-​all attitude to ancient sources.4 The
second development was the Grand Tour, which entailed learned and usually
foreign travelers seeking firsthand experience with ancient Greece, Hellenism
being now regarded as the source of the European spirit. Both southern Italy
and Sicily were initially major draws for these travelers, because of these
regions’ impressive ancient Greek monuments and the fact that the Ottomans
ruled Greece, making it less accessible to foreigners. In Sicily the activities
of Grand Tour travelers often centered around writing travelogues, studying
and illustrating art and architecture (sometimes accomplished through exca-
vation, as it was then conceived), and absorbing as much of Greek antiquity
and its survival as possible.5 The Grand Tour’s legacy of foreigners associat-
ing Sicily with Hellenism has lived on to the present day, as have the strong
regional focus and approach to the ancient sources.6
These developments were taking place alongside two other international
ones that redefined ancient Hellenism. While ancient Hellenism remained the
dominant inspiration for Europeans at home and abroad, some of its branches
started to be deemed more important than others. The American Revolution
and the creation of the modern Greek nation-​state acted as prime stimuli. The
lead-​up to the American Revolution caused European powers to reassess their
settlement and colonization policies and to favor mercantile endeavors and
federalist associations.7 In this light, ancient Greece, rather than Rome, served

4. On the Sicilian antiquarian tradition, see generally Pace 1958, 1–​100, 551–​54; Salmeri 1993;
Ceserani 2000; De Francesco 2013, 100–​106. On the uncritical uses of sources in this period,
see Pace 1958, 55; La Rosa 1987, 708; Pinzone 2000, 113, 130. It is worth stressing that Sicilian
antiquarianism was regional in its focus, but that should not be translated into isolation
(Brancato 1973).
5. The best discussion on Sicily can be found in Momigliano 1979. For Italy as a whole, see
Black 2003.
6. Momigliano 1979, 178.
7. See Urquhart forthcoming.
6 Archaic and Cl assical Greek Sicily

as the better model. The drive for American independence elicited intense
discussions on the relationships between ancient Greek metropoleis and their
so-​called colonies (a translation of the ancient word apoikia, technically an
independent “home away,” that only became more entrenched as a result of
these discussions).8 The independence of the American colonies led to the
ancient Greek colonies gaining their independence in the scholarly mind-
set. But this was only a temporary victory. The creation of the modern Greek
nation-​state, following liberation from the Ottomans, threw a wrench in the
works. Greece naturally became a rallying point for discussions of Hellenism
in all its temporal and spatial manifestations. When Athens was chosen as the
capital of this new nation-state in 1834, in large part because of Athens’ asso-
ciations with its impressive ancient counterpart, it was a watershed moment.
Ancient Athens appealed to Europeans because of the Ottoman Empire,
which represented Europe’s single biggest political foe. Ancient Athens could
be used to distinguish Europeans from the Ottoman Turks. For Athens, in
addition to its cultural and historical achievements, had defeated the Persians,
another eastern empire. Athens, moreover, was quite uppity about its ethnic
and racial purity, something meaningful to Europeans, both at home and in
their colonies, as they fought for supremacy of the world and its many peo-
ples. Europeans worried that cultural mixing would submerge them. Ancient
Athenian democracy appealed too, as modern fledgling democracies began to
emerge; this provided yet another way to distinguish Europeans as politically
different from the Ottomans and their stultifying sultans. In Athens, ancient
evidence and modern mindsets coalesced, giving rise to a new framework in
which to appreciate and study the history of ancient Greece. Within this new
paradigm of ancient Hellenism, the long shadow of marginalization inevitably
began to be cast on such regions as Sicily.
This new configuration of Hellenism is most clearly seen in the twelve-​
volume history of ancient Greece by the Englishman George Grote published
between 1846 and 1856.9 Grote solidified the trend of Hellenocentrism, and
Athenocentrism in particular. The civilizing mission of England in its colo-
nial possessions was introduced into ancient Greek history through a pro-
cess of Hellenization of non-​Greeks, or “barbarians.”10 Grote allowed for
fusion between incoming settlers and existing natives. Such fusion, how-
ever, was not between equals and was couched in a racialized discourse,

8. Cf. Osborne 1998; De Angelis 1998, 539.


9. Grote 1846–​56. See recently Ceserani 2012, 215–​19.
10. Grote 1846–​56, 3:494–​97.
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bezieht den hinteren Teil und nimmt einige zweckmäßige
Änderungen vor. Sie räumt die losgebrochene Erde weg und hat
bald eine schöne runde Wölbung freigemacht, die das Nest
aufnehmen soll. In den nächsten Tagen wird dann die Kinderstube
fein ausgepolstert. Weit braucht die Frau Duftig nach Baumaterial
nicht zu suchen, der Igel hat zum Bau seines Winternests im vorigen
Herbst viel zu reichlich Laub und dürres Gras eingetragen und gibt
gern seiner Nachbarin etwas davon ab. Aber auf den Bau eines
warmen Nestes beschränkt sich die Vorsorge der Frau Iltis nicht. Die
ersten Tage nach dem Werfen läßt sie die Jungen am liebsten
keinen Augenblick allein, deshalb muß für genügend Proviant
gesorgt werden.
Mit ihren schwerfällig aussehenden humpelnden Sätzen stöbert
sie vom Einbruche der Dunkelheit bis gegen Morgen umher. Zur
Erlangung größerer Beute ist sie jetzt etwas zu schwerfällig. Deshalb
gilt allabendlich ihr erster Ausgang der Feldscheune. Dort wimmelt
es förmlich von Mäusen. Die langgeschwänzte braunrote
Brandmaus, die so nett aussieht mit ihrem dunklen Streifen auf der
Rückenmitte, die Feldmaus mit dem kurzen Schwänzchen, sogar die
großäugige Waldmaus ist dort anzutreffen. Da gibt es eine fröhliche
Jagd. Sorgsam beobachtet Frau Iltis das Rascheln im Stroh. Ganz
langsam und vorsichtig schleicht sie näher. Da schiebt sich ein
schnupperndes Näschen aus dem Stroh, die ganze Maus kriecht
hervor und knappert und raschelt. Nur einen schwarzen Schatten
sieht sie noch in der Luft, noch einen leisen Pieps kann sie
ausstoßen, und da ist sie schon zwischen den scharfen Iltiszähnen
zerdrückt. Zweien oder dreien geht es ebenso, aber nur eine wird
gefressen, die andern werden als Vorrat in die Wochenstube
getragen.
Dann geht es im Graben entlang hinunter auf die feuchten
Wiesen am Teiche. Mit trippelnden Sätzen hüpft hier Frau Iltis dahin.
Sie nimmt sich nicht die Mühe, vorsichtig zu schleichen, denn die
Beute, der es gilt, ist zu stumpfsinnig, rechtzeitig zu fliehen. Jetzt hat
Mama Duftig erspäht, was sie sucht, sie hüpft zu und zwischen ihren
Zähnen quäkt ein Frosch gar erbärmlich. Und er wird zwar raffiniert,
aber gar grausam behandelt. Der Stinkmarder zerbeißt ihm das
Rückgrad oder die Hinterbeine, so daß er nicht entfliehen kann.
Einen ganzen Vorrat von solch armen halb- oder ganz toten
Beutetieren trägt Frau Iltis ein.
Doch eines Abends fühlt sie, heute kann sie nicht mehr fort. Und
in der Tat. Am andern Morgen trifft Borstig beim Heimkommen von
seinem Nachtbummel auf eine zahlreiche Familie. „Na, glücklich
vorüber, Frau Nachbarin, meinen Glückwunsch“, sagt er, „wieviel
sind’s denn?“ „Sieben Stück“, wird mit schwacher Stimme
geantwortet. „Etwas reichlich ist der Segen, das letztemal hatte ich
bloß drei“! „Dafür sind auch in diesem Jahre die Mäuse nicht
schlecht geraten, und Sie haben doch erzählt, Sie könnten sogar
Kaninchen und Fasanen fangen, da werden Sie die kleinen Dinger
schon groß kriegen,“ tröstet der Igel. Dann guckt er sich die junge
Gesellschaft genauer an. Zwar hat er nur lobende Worte für die
„prächtigen Kerle,“ im Innern aber schilt er sie häßlich und
prophezeit ihnen kein hohes Alter. Um seine eignen Kinder hat er
sich auch nie sonderlich gekümmert; erst wenn sie ein paar Monate
alt waren, traf er sie gewöhnlich zufällig mit ihrer Mutter, und dann
waren sie schon hübsch groß und echte kleine Igel. Kein Wunder,
daß ihm die lichtgefärbten, blinden Dinger nicht gefallen. Volle
vierzehn Tage soll es dauern, bis sie sehen lernen, na da, und dabei
murren und schmatzen sie fortwährend beim Saugen, da will er sich
nur gleich aus dem Staube machen und in die Feldscheune
übersiedeln.
Volle drei Wochen läßt er verstreichen, ehe er wieder einen
Besuch bei Duftigs macht, und da ist er allerdings überrascht. Das
sollen dieselben Wechselbälge sein, die ihn jetzt mit ihren schwarz-
blauen Augen verwundert angucken und die schon fauchen, wenn er
näher kommt. Auch seine Freundin hat sich recht verändert,
allerdings nicht zum guten. Der Balg ist schäbig geworden und die
eingefallenen Flanken zeigen, daß es keine leichte Arbeit ist, für sich
und noch sieben andre hungrige Mäuler zu sorgen.
Lange Zeit hat Borstig keine Gelegenheit, die Familie Duftig zu
besuchen, erst im September trifft er Frau Iltis wieder. Natürlich ist
die Freude auf beiden Seiten groß. Sie sieht wieder wohler aus,
konstatiert er, der ist aber fett geworden, denkt sie. Dann sprechen
sie von den Kindern. Vier davon sind fortgezogen und haben sich
selbständig gemacht, drei haben sich bis jetzt zur Mutter gehalten.
Den ganzen Winter über wollen sie im Dornstrauch verbringen,
wenigstens wenn sie nicht gerade auf Jagdzügen in abgelegenen
Gegenden unterwegs sind.

„Vater, wir haben heute abgefährtet. An der Remise haben wir


viel Iltisfährten gefunden. Kantors Paul war auch dabei. Ach Vater,
da mußt Du sie schießen, heute nachmittag, ach bitte, Vater!“ „Nein,
Kinder“, sagt der Förster, „heute zum Weihnachtsfeiertag schieße ich
nicht. Aber nehmt doch die Hunde mit, Treff und Seppel, den Dackel.
Kantors Paul mag den Fox mitbringen. Aber seht euch vor, daß die
Hunde sich nicht beißen. Die Stänker werden wohl in
Kaninchenbauen stecken!“ „Nein Vater, die stecken unter dem
Reisig, ach bitte, komm doch selber mit, da folgen die Hunde besser,
bitte Vater!“ „Na meinetwegen denn!“
Am Nachmittag setzt sich der Jagdzug, der Förster und Karl, sein
Junge und Kantors Paul und die drei Hunde in Bewegung. Der
Schnee ist weggetaut und von Fährten nichts mehr zu sehen. Eine
leise Anspielung des Försters, die Jungen hätten vielleicht
Kaninchenfährten für Iltisfährten angesehen, wird mit wahrer
Entrüstung zurückgewiesen. So dumm wären sie doch nicht, und
Kaninchenspur und die vom Marder wären doch ganz verschieden.
Schließlich nähert man sich der Remise. Seppel ist natürlich der
erste, der riecht schon lange in jedes Kaninchenloch und zieht die
süße Witterung ein. Aber er muß zurück und ebenso der Rowdy, der
Fox, Treff weiß das von allein. Bald ist man am Reisighaufen. Einen
Augenblick stehen Dackel und Terrier, als müßten sie sich erst
besinnen, was der Geruch zu bedeuten hat, dann fahren sie beide
mit gesträubten Rückenborsten in den Haufen hinein. Seppel kennt
den Raubzeuggeruch, aber Rowdy, der nur Ratten und Hamster
würgen durfte, braucht einige Zeit, bis er begreift, daß er lustig
losraufen kann, ohne Schläge zu bekommen. Jetzt geben die
kleinen Hunde Laut, Seppel tief und grollend, der Fox giftig und hell,
aber zum Angriff gehen sie nicht vor, wenn auch der Laut immer
wütender wird. „Aha“, sagt der Förster, „die Stänker haben den
Hunden etwas vorgestunken. Hui faß, Seppel, kiß, kiß, Rowdy!“
Wütendes Kläffen antwortet, und nun ertönt das gurgelnde Knurren
des Terriers, er hat gefaßt. Auch Seppel will nicht mehr
zurückstehen, er packt einen zweiten und zaust sich mit ihm herum.
Das Kreischen und Fauchen der gepackten Räuber, das Knurren der
Hunde, ein Mordsspektakel. Den möchte sich ein dritter Iltis zunutze
machen. Leise drückt er sich unter dem Haufen hinweg und
versucht, nach dem freien Felde zu entkommen. Beinahe wäre es
ihm geglückt, aber ehe er noch in den Schollen des Sturzackers
verschwunden ist, hat ihn Karl erblickt. Der reißt den verdutzten Treff
am Halsbande herum und stürmt dem flüchtenden Stinkmarder
nach. Da hat auch Treff die Situation erfaßt. Einige Sekunden nur
dauert es, da ist der Flüchtling eingeholt. Ein Griff über die
Schulterblätter, und Mama Duftig fliegt dem Hunde um die Behänge,
daß ihre Knochen knacken und die Räuberseele entweicht.
Mittlerweile ist auch der geräuschvolle Kampf im Dorngestrüpp
beendet, die Sieger zerren ihre Beute hervor und lecken sich ihre
geringfügigen Beiß- und Kratzwunden.
Dann zieht ein Siegeszug nach dem Dorfe zurück. Die Knaben
sind stolz auf ihre Spurkenntnis; denn ohne die wäre die Jagd nicht
unternommen worden, der Förster aber freut sich, daß seine
Unterweisungen von den Jungen gemerkt und in der Praxis
angewendet worden sind. Die Helden des Tages sind aber natürlich
die Hunde, die gestreichelt und geliebkost werden wie lange nicht.
Verlag Haupt & Hammon ·
Leipzig

Die Glücksbude
Eine Erzählung von
Ernst Preczang
Geheftet Mk. 2.— Gebunden Mk. 2.60

Eine t a p f e r e , f r e u d i g e L e b e n s a u f f a s s u n g spricht aus


Preczangs Buch, dieser Erzählung von der prächtigen, resoluten
Frau, die ihren aus der Bahn geworfenen Mann stützt und ihm,
sich und ihrem Jungen eine Existenz außerhalb der bürgerlichen
Welt im Reiche der fahrenden Leute gründet. Das Werk schildert
ein hartes Geschick, aber durch warmen H u m o r gemildert und
von moderner Romantik, hier der R o m a n t i k m o d e r n e n
L a n d f a h r e r l e b e n s , umwoben. E i n e e c h t e J u g e n d s c h r i f t , an
der sich auch die Erwachsenen erfreuen und erfrischen werden!
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