Professional Documents
Culture Documents
105
Calvin D. Ullrich
Mohr Siebeck
Calvin D. Ullrich, born 1990; 2019 PhD in Systematic Theology at Stellenbosch University,
South Africa; currently Research Fellow in the Ecumenical Institute at Ruhr-University-
Bochum, Germany.
orcid.org/0000-0002-7129-1488
In the evolution of any book one learns that it is never a wholly remote un-
dertaking, occurring across several junctures that interact and blend into a
variety of dynamic contexts; intellectual, geographic, and personal. As is
often the case, graduate study provided the catalyst at the genesis of this en-
deavor, more precisely, after reading the philosophical writing of Simon
Critchley and his 2012 work, Faith of the Faithless. The general tenor of the
latter was that faith was more ambiguous than simply observing normative
religious beliefs and that it could also operate exterior to confessional bound-
aries, while being implicated at the same time in a complex process in which
political subjects are constituted. This thesis provided the architectonic for
the present study’s central interests. But while Critchley innovatively situated
the poles of continental philosophy and political theology, respectively, an
approach which amounted to a secular ethics, it did not satisfy the conditions
for an adequate theological perspective. I then encountered the ‘radical’ the-
ology of John D. Caputo; in particular, his Prayers and Tears of Jacques
Derrida (1997) and Weakness of God (2006). Reading these texts, it became
possible to imagine an alternate horizon for theology; one which might resist
the temptations of coerciveness or desire for ideological stability. Moreover,
this original and idiosyncratic theological architecture, would also not have to
relinquish Critchley’s appeal to non-confessional persuasions, nor at the same
time would it have to be an obstacle, but rather could be deployed as a critical
resource for invigorating traditional and confessional convictions too. If Ca-
puto’s work established a novel project which decoupled some of theology’s
associations with force and violence, then it was the implicit connection to
power, and therefore the implications to ‘the political,’ that still needed to be
drawn out and made explicit; that is, the question of how a radical theology
could be (or become) political. This is what the present book will describe as
a ‘radical political theology.’
The notion of political theology has a complex and textured history in the
country I call home, South Africa. Indeed, the nationwide student-protests
that occurred there while undertaking graduate study at Stellenbosch Univer-
sity in 2015–16, could be explained as a tacit response to the ongoing effects
of the theologically-inspired politics of apartheid. But just as unconventional
a theological confrère was Caputo in that context, so too was the way of entry
VIII Preface
Calvin D. Ullrich
August, 2020, Cape Town, South Africa
IX
Table of Contents
Introduction.................................................................................................... 1
A. Introduction ................................................................................................. 30
A. Introduction ................................................................................................. 76
E. A Conclusion: ‘The King is Dead – Long Live the King!’ ......................... 244
1
Jacques Lacan, The Seminar of Jacques Lacan: The Other Side of Psychoanalysis, Book
XVII, ed. Jacques-Alain Miller and trans. Russell Grigg (New York: W.W. Norton, 2007),
207.
2
John D. Caputo is presently the Thomas J. Watson Professor of Religion Emeritus at Sy-
racuse University and the David R. Cook Professor of Philosophy Emeritus at Villanova
University.
2 Introduction
3
At Stellenbosch University, for example, a historically white Afrikaans institution, the
‘Open Stellenbosch’ movement that mobilized in April, called for greater inclusion by means
of adjusting the university language policy, which, they argued, ultimately excluded students
whose first language was not Afrikaans. See Tammy Peterson, “Students protest in Stellen-
bosch over language,” News24, www.news24.com/SouthAfrica/News/Students-protest-in-
Stellenbosch-over-language-20150727 (27 July, 2015).
4 Introduction
failure of the governing party, the African National Congress (ANC), to make
good on its promises of a ‘post-apartheid’ era that would inaugurate a new
dispensation of prosperity, at least, that is, for a generation of ‘born-free’
black youth – those born after the formal end of the apartheid regime. Along-
side the pillaging of state resources, cronyism, and state corruption, many felt
that an economically progressive agenda which had been promised, was ulti-
mately compromised by deals made with white-owned businesses. The ma-
jority of black people, it was argued, had been left behind.4 Secondly, under-
pinning the latter was the meta-historical argument of the still-felt implica-
tions of European colonialism. At the university but also in wider public
discourse, this was, and still is, variously referred to as the persistence of
‘white privilege.’ The phenomenon was not only to be recorded in the cele-
bratory symbolic status of colonial statues or even in acts of overt racism, but
was rooted more deeply in the very experience of ‘coloniality’5 itself, or what
the Peruvian sociologist Aníbal Quijano called, ‘the coloniality of power.’6 In
short, the indignation of the student protestors directed at South Africa’s
colonial history and the persisting forms of structural oppression and exclu-
sion, under the negligence of the state and its commitment to an overly neo-
liberal model for economic growth, marked a turning point for South African
democracy. A turning point, which, notwithstanding the unique challenges
facing any fledgling democracy, is less surprising when juxtaposed with
global trends of political pessimism. Liberal democracy may indeed be reced-
ing in practice – the purported ‘ground’ upon which it laid its foundations
trembles as authoritarianisms dressed in different garbs continue to surge. But
the vigorous responses to this universal moment, whether grass-roots move-
ments or new forms of political articulation, suggest that detachment from the
ideological transcending of limitations (ontological, moral, or collective) may
point to a self-revision that is of salvific importance. It is in this context that
the motivations for this book and the analysis it contains, have emerged.
4
See Roger Southall, “How ANC’s path to corruption was set in South Africa’s 1994
transition,” The Conversation, https://theconversation.com/how-ancs-path-to-corruption-was-
set-in-south-africas-1994-transition-64774 (6 Sep, 2016); see also Roger Southall, “The ANC
for Sale? Money, Morality and Business in South Africa,” Review of African Political Econ-
omy 35 no. 116 (2008): 281–299.
5
It is perhaps worth drawing a distinction following Ramón Grosfoguel between colonial-
ism and coloniality: the latter is the “continuity of colonial forms of domination after the end
of colonial administrations, produced by colonial cultures and structures in the mod-
ern/colonial capitalist/patriarchal world-system.” See Ramón Grosfoguel, “The Epistemic
Decolonial Turn: Beyond political-economy paradigms” in Cultural Studies 21 no. 2–3
(March/May, 2007): 211–223, 219.
6
See Aníbal Quijano, “Coloniality of Power, Eurocentrism, and Latin America”, trans.
Michael Ennis in Nepantla: Views from South 1 no. 3 (Sep, 2000): 533–580.
A. Protests, Masters, and Events 5
7
The Department of Psychoanalysis would be the first of its kind in the French university
system and would fall under the umbrella of the Department of Philosophy, headed by Michel
Foucault. It boasted a fresh list of admirable young philosophers at the time, including Gilles
Deleuze, Jacques Rancière, Alain Badiou, and Jean-François Lyotard. See Stephen Frosh,
“Everyone Longs for a Master: Lacan and 1968” in 1968 in Retrospect: History, Theory,
Alterity, eds., Gurminder K. Bhambra and Ipek Demir (London: Palgrave Macmillan, 2009),
100–112; 100–101.
8
Élisabeth Roudinesco, Jacques Lacan, trans. Barbara Bray (New York: Columbia Uni-
versity Press, 1997), 343.
9
Lacan, The Other Side of Psychoanalysis, 200.
10
Frosh, “Everyone Longs for a Master,” 102–103.
6 Introduction
11
“But outside what? Because when you leave here you become aphasic? When you leave
here you continue to speak, consequently you continue to be inside. INTERVENTION: I do
not know what aphasic is. You do not know what aphasic is? That’s extremely revolting. You
don’t what an aphasic is? There is a minimum one has to know, nevertheless.” Lacan, The
Other Side of Psychoanalysis, 205–206.
12
Ibid., 208.
13
Frosh, “Everyone Longs for a Master,” 106.
14
Slavoj Žižek, The Year of Dreaming Dangerously (London: Verso, 2012), 84.
15
Frosh, “Everyone Longs for a Master,” 100.
A. Protests, Masters, and Events 7
16
Achille Mbembe, “The State of South African Political Life,” Africa Is A Country,
www.africaisacountry.com/2015/09/achille-mbembe-on-the-state-of-south-african-politics
(19 Sep, 2015). Although short, this concise essay provided an accessible statement of the
state of South African politics during 2015, it was also widely disseminated.
17
This is taken from an excerpt of Mbembe’s “Diary of My South African Years” that
was published online: see Achille Mbembe, “Theodor Adorno vs Herbert Marcuse on student
protests, violence and democracy,” First Thing – Daily Maverick, http://
firstthing.dailymaverick.co.za/article?id=73620 (27 Oct, 2018). This psychic state can be
understood as characteristic of a larger phenomenon that is shaping the twenty-first century,
what Mbembe as recently called a ‘politics of enmity.’ See Achille Mbembe, “The Society of
Enmity”, trans. Giovanni Menegalle in Radical Philosophy 200 (Nov/Dec, 2016): 23–35.
This article is a translation of chapter two of Achille Mbembe, Politiques de l’inimitié (Paris:
La Découverte, 2016).
18
See Bert Olivier for example, “Protests, ‘acting out’, group psychology, surplus enjoy-
ment and neo-liberal capitalism” in Psychology in Society, 53 (2017): 30–50.
19
As Žižek recently comments, “recall how the experts in Brussels acted in negotiations
with Greece’s Syriza government during the euro crisis in 2014: no debate, this has to be
done. I think today’s populism reacts to the fact that experts are not really masters, that their
expertise doesn’t work.” See Slavoj Žižek, “Are liberals and populists just searching for a
new master? A book excerpt and interview with Slavoj Žižek,” The Economist, https://
www.economist.com/open-future/2018/10/08/are-liberals-and-populists-justsearching-for-a-
new-master (8 Oct, 2018).
8 Introduction
tute democratic life. To pursue this question further, this book will draw on
the insights of Jacques Derrida as they are specifically taken up in the work
of John D. Caputo and his radical theology.
For the remainder of this introductory chapter, then, I will introduce two
conceptual axes which run throughout and frame the content of this book,
namely, ‘sovereignty and event.’ With respect to the former, I will discuss the
conditions in which sovereignty emerges as both a political and theological
concept, and which finds its modern articulation in Carl Schmitt. This will
allow a reflection on the reception of Schmitt’s thought, as well as the oppor-
tunity to make further remarks regarding his contribution to the present anal-
ysis. With respect to the second axis, I will present the vision of what I intend
to pursue regarding Caputo’s radical theology of event, further delimiting his
project from other radical theological projects, before finally situating his
own work and introducing his core theological contribution. The introduction
concludes with a brief word concerning methodology, followed by a short
summary of each chapter.
I. Sovereignty
On the way to formulating an answer to the question of the master figure in
politics, our reference now turns to another figure, namely, that of the sover-
eign. The French philosopher Jacques Derrida (a contemporary of Lacan), in
his last seminars conducted before his death explicitly links the master to the
sovereign: “the master (and what is said of the master is easily transferable to
the first of all, the prince, the sovereign), the master is he who is said to be,
and who can say ‘himself’ to be, the (self-)same, ‘myself.’”20 Derrida contin-
ues, expanding on this definition:
The concept of sovereignty will always imply the possibility of this positionality, this
thesis, this self-thesis, this autoposition of him who posits or posits himself as ipse, the
(self-)same, oneself. And that will be just as much the case for all the ‘firsts,’ for the sov-
ereign as princely person, the monarch or the emperor or the dictator, as for the people in a
democracy, or even for the citizen-subject in the exercise of his sovereign liberty (for
example, when he votes or places his secret ballot in the box, sovereignly). In sum, wher-
ever there is a decision worthy of the name, in the classical sense of the term.
20
Jacques Derrida, The Beast and The Sovereign, eds. Michel Lisse, Marie-Louise Mallet
and Ginette Michaud, trans. Geoffrey Bennington (Chicago: Chicago University Press,
[2009] 2011), 67.
A. Protests, Masters, and Events 9
21
See Victoria Kahn, The Future of Illusion: Political Theology and Early Modern Texts
(Chicago: Chicago University Press, 2014), 6–9.
22
Derrida, The Beast and the Sovereign, 53.
23
Ibid.
24
See for example; Hans Joas, Faith as Option: Possible Futures for Christianity (Stan-
ford: Stanford University Press, 2014), Charles Taylor’s, A Secular Age (Cambridge: Harvard
University Press, 2007), Peter L. Berger, “The Desecularization of the World: A Global
Overview", in The Desecularization of the World: Resurgent Religion and World Politics, ed.
Peter L. Berger (Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1999), Sharpe, M. and Nickelson, D. eds., Secu-
larisations and Their Debates: Perspectives on the Return of Religion in the Contemporary
West, (Dordrecht: Springer, 2014), William E. Connolly, Why I Am Not a Secularist (Minne-
apolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1999), and Talal Asad, Formations of the Secular:
Christianity, Islam, Modernity (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 2003).
25
Graham Ward, for example, speaks of ‘resurgence’ or ‘the new visibility of religion,’
rather than ‘return.’ For him return implies continuity with the past, but the ‘postsecular’
phenomenon has very little to do with old forms of religiosity he claims. For example, he
indicates that mainline church attendance has declined, or if anything, has remained stagnant.
Ward posits a threefold typology for describing this new visibility: Fundamentalism, Depri-
vatization, and Religion and Culture (in terms of its commodification). See Graham Ward,
The Politics of Discipleship: Becoming Postmaterial Citizens (Grand Rapids: Baker Academ-
ic, 2009), especially see chapter three, 117–158.
10 Introduction
26
See Bruno Latour, We Have Never Been Modern (Cambridge: Harvard University
Press, [1991] 1993). While this book had to do with the false distinction that modernity made
between nature and society, it nonetheless captures well the general mood of the times.
27
Carl Schmitt, Political Theology: Four Chapters on the Concept of Sovereignty, trans.
George Schwab (Chicago: Chicago University Press, 2005).
28
Despite the frequent reference to Schmitt as the originator of the phrase ‘political theol-
ogy,’ he has no role in conceiving it. Indeed, apart from Spinoza, whom he certainly had read,
the phrase also shows up in other literature, for example, Simon van Heenvliedt’s Theologi-
co-Politica Dissertatio (Utrecht: Jacob Waterman, 1662). The earliest usage seems to date
back to Marcus Terentius Varro (116–27 B.C.E.), see Hent de Vries and Lawrence E. Sulli-
van, eds., Political Theologies: Public Religions in a Post-Secular World (New York: Ford-
ham University Press), 25–26.
29
Schmitt, Political Theology, 5.
A. Protests, Masters, and Events 11
between ‘friend and enemy,’ which he detailed in his second most-often cited
book, The Concept of the Political (1932).30 From these definitions Schmitt
derived the normative conclusion that the theological-political element of
politics needed to be reclaimed. Infamously, he later became a member of the
Nazi Party, with the after effects generally construing political theology as a
long anti-democratic and authoritarian shadow casted over the twentieth cen-
tury.31 In chapter one, Schmitt’s political theology and concept of sovereignty
will be further elaborated and shown to culminate in what will be called a
‘politics of presence.’ This desire for presence, which is the desire of sover-
eignty itself, will be placed in consistent tension with the second axis men-
tioned above: the event. Given Schmitt’s contributions to political theology
and the concept of sovereignty in particular, some further comments about his
reception are necessary in order to situate and justify his inclusion into the
present work.
After his defense of the political-theological heritage which must be re-
claimed for modern politics, a number of critical responses were generated
arising both before and after the Second World War. Some of these responses
were historical-theological in nature, while others focused on secularization
and the use of theological concepts in politics. To the former, the neo-
Kantian legal scholar, Hans Kelsen, and the conservative theologian, Erik
Peterson, both argued in different ways that Schmitt’s theory evaded the
crucial Trinitarian aspect of theology.32 Many years later, in Political Theolo-
gy II (1969),33 Schmitt responded to these criticisms arguing that they were
based on theological dogma, whereas his interests were epistemological and
had to do with the history of ideas.34 Another series of critical responses to
30
Carl Schmitt, The Concept of the Political: Expanded Edition, trans. George Schwab
(Chicago: Chicago University Press, 2007).
31
See Annika Thiem, “Schmittian Shadows and Contemporary Theological-Political Con-
stellations,” Social Research 80 no. 1 (Spring, 2013): 1–33. Thiem details a comprehensive
reception history of Schmitt in this valuable essay.
32
For Kelsen, a Trinitarian incarnational model restricts divine omnipotence implied by
Schmitt’s concept of sovereignty, and rather forces the political order to bind itself to the
concrete limitations of law. See Hens Kelsen, “Gott und Staat,” Logos: Internationale
Zeitschrift Für Philosophie Der Kultur 11 (1922): 261–284; 275. For Peterson, the combina-
tion of Trinitarian theology and Augustinian eschatology, refutes the claim of hierarchal
sovereignty on the one hand, and on the other, necessarily requires the provisional nature of
any political order and at the same time disallows such a thing as Christian political theology.
See Erik Peterson, “Monotheism as a Political Problem: A Contribution to the History of
Political Theology in the Roman Empire” in Theological Tractatus, eds. Erik Peterson and
Michael J. Hollerich (Stanford: Stanford University Press, [1953] 2011), 68–105.
33
Carl Schmitt, Political Theology II: The Myth of the Closure of and Political Theology,
trans. Michael Hoelzl and Graham Ward (Cambridge: Polity Press, 2008).
34
Thiem, “Schmittian Shadows,” 7.
12 Introduction
Schmitt, including Eric Voegelin, Jacob Taubes and Karl Löwith,35 for exam-
ple, were concerned about the negative influences of theological concepts on
philosophies of history. Walter Benjamin, in his The Origin of German Trag-
ic Drama (1925), drew particular attention to the fact that sovereignty was
not the structural analogue to an omnipotent God, but rather emerged as an
imagined consequence of a changed sense of history, namely, the possibility
of an eschatological destruction of the world.36 In another vein, Hans Blu-
menberg criticized Schmitt’s theory of secularization, arguing that it did not
allow for the rearrangement of theological concepts but instead arrested them
in such a way that they were always unchanging. In Blumenberg’s view,
while modernity is indebted to its theological roots, it does not require tran-
scendental norms for its self-assertion.37 As the discussion above concerning
35
For Taubes’ relationship with Schmitt see the appendices, including two letters, in Ja-
cob Taubes, The Political Theology of Paul, eds. Aleida Assmann and Jan Assmann, trans.
Dana Hollander (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 2004), 97–113. See also Jacob Taubes,
To Carl Schmitt. Letters and Reflections, trans. Keith Tribe (New York: Columbia University
Press, 2013). Taubes defends a radically ‘negative political theology’ where the future may
not be appropriated by worldly power. See Marin Tepstra and Theo de Wit, “’No Spiritual
Investment in the World as it is.’ Jacob Taubes’ Negative Political Theology,” in Flight of the
Gods. Philosophical Perspectives on Negative Political Theology, eds. Ilse N. Bulhof and
Laurens ten Kate (New York: Fordham University Press), 320–353. Löwith also directly
engages Schmitt in an early essay, where he argued that after the First World War, the decline
of modern philosophies of history, and therefore the loss of criteria for truth or action, led
Schmitt to defend the sovereign decision as the only means with which to respond to the
‘actual’ (faktische) situation. See Karl Löwith, “The Occasional Decisionism of Carl Schmitt”
in Martin Heidegger and European Nihilism, eds. Karl Löwith and Richard Wolin, trans.
Gary Steiner (New York: Columbia University Press, 1995).
36
Benjamin’s cynical view seems to have been, in a way, affirmed by Schmitt, when he
later drew on the New Testament figure of the katechon who acts with decisiveness in order
to stave off the end of history. But their differences, nonetheless, remained stark. Benjamin
believed that Schmitt’s assertion of the sovereign was an imaginative act in the midst of
radical contingency, and that the justification for decisiveness based on a political theology of
omnipotent sovereignty, is a symptom of nostalgia for a concept of political theology that
longer exists. See Walter Benjamin, The Origin of German Tragic Drama, trans. John Os-
borne (London: Verso, 2003), 66, and Carl Schmitt, The Nomos of the Earth: in the Interna-
tional Law of the Jus Publicum Europaeum, trans. G. L. Ulman (New York: Telos, 2006).
Benjamin’s approach to political-theological questions through the aesthetics of Baroque
drama, bears similarities also with Ernst Kantorowicz’s study in The Kings Two Bodies: A
Study in Medieval Political Theology (Princeton: Princeton University Press, [1957] 2016).
There, the aesthetic production of images, specifically the image of the king’s body, which
harbors both the corporeal body and the mystical unity of the polity together, illustrates how,
according to Thiem, “the unity and imperishable continuity of sovereignty are supported and
enabled by the theological production of images that allow for the mediation of transience
and persistence.” See Thiem, “Schmittian Shadows,” 7.
37
Hans Blumenberg, The Legitimacy of the Modern Age, trans. Robert M. Wallace (Cam-
bridge: MIT Press, [1966] 1985). Following Blumenberg, Victoria Kahn has recently argued
A. Protests, Masters, and Events 13
the porosity of the sacred and secular alludes, the position taken in this book,
as will become further evident throughout, opposes itself to this view on the
basis that it implicitly assumes modernity’s superiority, which is itself an
ideological construal.38
On more explicitly theological grounds, a number of theologians inspired
in large part by the critical theory of the Frankfurt School, as well as the de-
veloping Latin American liberation theologies, responded to Schmitt’s ‘old’
political theology by arguing for a ‘new’ political theology.39 These thinkers,
including Johann Baptist Metz, Jürgen Moltmann, Dorothee Sölle, Gustavo
Gutiérrez and Jon Sobrino, were united with Schmitt only in their criticism of
liberalism. They thought that the critique of liberalism did not require a reas-
sertion of decisive action as Schmitt thought, but rather should issue from the
inherently emancipatory potential of theology itself. Under liberalism, theol-
ogy and religion were confined to the private, and this, the new political theo-
logians argued, was a betrayal of its mission to challenge structural systems
of injustice, colonialism, racism and sexism. Drawing particularly from the
work of Ernst Bloch and Walter Benjamin, they argued against apathy in
light of the ethical and political implications of a Christian understanding of
time.40 For example, the ‘dangerous memory’ as Metz put it, of past and pre-
sent suffering admonishes us to strive for an emancipation for those disre-
garded by history.41 Despite their overtly Marxist orientations they encour-
aged mostly social-democratic styles of government. Moreover, their empha-
sis on those marginalized by society inspired a second wave of political the-
ologies constructed in close proximity to critical theory, including, among
others, feminist theology, black theologies, and queer theology. While the
second half of the twentieth century saw debates about Schmitt’s political
theology largely confined to theologians, sociologists, and historians, the
that current debates about political theology are indeed about the ‘legitimacy of the modern
project of self-assertion.’ See Victoria Kahn, The Future of Illusion, 5–6.
38
See Kathleen Davis’ critique in Periodization and Sovereignty: How Ideas of Feudalism
and Secularization Govern the Politics of Time (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania
Press, 2008), 85–87.
39
For the distinction between ‘old’ and ‘new’ political theology, although this is not a
precise demarcation, see the important volume Francis Schlüssler Fiorenza, Klaus Tanner and
Michael Welker, eds. Political Theology: Contemporary challenges and future directions
(Louisville, CY: Westminster John Knox Press, 2013). The volume includes contributions
from the editors as well as Jürgen Moltmann, Johann Baptist Metz, and Michael Welker.
40
See Jürgen Moltmann, Theology of Hope: On the Ground and Implications of a Chris-
tian Eschatology (New York: Harper and Row, [1967] 1975).
41
For Metz, this dangerous memory is tied to the particular memory of Jesus’ life, death
and resurrection, and it is the Church which “acts as the public memory of the freedom of
Jesus in the systems of our emancipative society.” See Johann Baptist Metz, Faith in History
and Society: Toward a Practical Fundamental Theology, trans. D. Smith (New York: Sea-
bury, 1980), 91.
14 Introduction
latter part, as well as the beginning of the twenty-first century, has seen a
resurgence of interest from the quarters of political theory. This includes
many of the names already mentioned above (Žižek, Badiou, Agamben) and
other leading luminaries: Chantal Mouffe, Ernesto Laclau, and Claude Lefort.
Much of this interest, again, has to do with the crisis of liberalism, its more
aggressive neo-liberal iterations, the new public visibility of religion, and
consequently, the continued and still unresolved ambiguity between theologi-
cal concepts and what constitutes democratic political legitimacy.42
As this brief reception history demonstrates, Schmitt’s enduring signifi-
cance and wide-ranging impact on twentieth-century thought, with respect to
his critique of liberalism, his formulation of political theology, and concept of
sovereignty, make him an important point of reference for the argument of
this book. In particular, it is Schmitt’s thesis of the theological origins of
political sovereignty which motivates many of the later themes in Derrida’s
(and therefore Caputo’s) work – especially as they pertain to deconstructing
the ‘thesis of theogony’ present in modern concepts.43 The approach in what
follows will not be to jettison political theology, but rather, insofar as Caputo
is a preeminent interpreter of Derrida, the intention will be to present a ‘radi-
cal’ reconfiguration of theology that might contribute toward re-thinking the
concept of sovereignty, and thereby introduce a more radical political theol-
ogy.
The phrase, ‘radical political theology,’ is borrowed from the title of Clay-
ton Crockett’s book, Radical Political Theology (2011).44 Crockett’s motiva-
tions are congenial to the present analysis, to the extent that he is also con-
cerned with what alternatives can be thought at the breakdown of liberalism.
For him, and which the argument of this book would affirm, is that the an-
swer is not to be sought in neoconservative forms of politics and theology,
but rather in more radical forms that avoid the horrors of Marxism. This re-
quires a political theology that is neither liberal, liberational, nor orthodox,
but rather one that is inspired by a more radical philosophy of religion that
42
A brief look at the varying contributions in the prodigious volume edited by Hent de
Vries and Lawrence E. Sullivan, illustrates just how wide and contested political theology
remains in the twenty-first century. See Hent de Vries and Lawrence E. Sullivan, eds. Politi-
cal Theologies: Public Religions in a Post-Secular World (New York: Fordham, 2006).
43
See Michael Naas, Derrida From Now On (New York: Fordham University Press,
2008), who argues convincingly for this motivation in Derrida’s later work. Naas writes,
“Whether one agrees or disagrees with Schmitt’s – and thus Derrida’s – diagnosis of sover-
eignty, it is hard to contest that it is this conjunction of sovereignty and theology in Schmitt
that interests Derrida,” 65.
44
Clayton Crockett, Radical Political Theology: Religion and Politics After Liberalism
(New York: Columbia University Press, 2011). Another book which is also in close proximi-
ty to Crockett and radical theological possibilities for politics is Jeffrey Robbins’, Radical
Democracy and Political Theology (New York: Columbia University Press, 2011).
A. Protests, Masters, and Events 15
45
Crockett, Radical Political Theology, 43–59.
46
Besides Crockett and Robbins, who as we have noted make only brief allusions to Ca-
puto’s work for its political potentials, this author is aware of only one other book-length
study that considers Caputo in a more political register. See Katherine Sarah Moody’s, Radi-
cal Theology and Emerging Christianity: Deconstruction, Materialism and Religious Prac-
tices (Farnham: Ashgate, 2015).
16 Introduction
47
See John de Gruchy, Christianity and Democracy: A Theology for a Just World Order
(Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1995) and John de Gruchy and Steve de Gruchy,
The Church Struggle in South Africa: Twenty-Fifth Anniversary Edition (Minneapolis: For-
tress Press, 2005).
48
See Dirkie Smit, “For Allan Boesak: Resisting ‘Lordless Powers’” in Remembering
Theologians – Doing Theology: Collected essays Dirkie Smit, vol. 5, ed. Robert Vosloo
(Stellenbosch: SUN Media, 2013), 77–95. See also Prince Dibeela, Puleng Lenka-Bula and
Vuyani Vellem, eds. Prophet from the South: Essays in honour of Allan Aubrey Boesak
(Stellenbosch: SUN Media, 2014) and Tanya van Wyk, “Political Theology as critical theol-
ogy” in HTS Teologisie Studies/Theological Studies 71 no. 3 (Aug, 2015): 1–8. Accessed at:
http://dx.doi.org/10.4102/hts.v71i3.3026.
49
De Gruchy, Christianity and Democracy, 257–258, quoted in Robert Vosloo, “’Democ-
racy is coming to the RSA’: On democracy, theology, and futural history” in Verbum et
Ecclesia 37 no. 1 (May, 2016), 6. Accessed at: https://doi.org/10.4102/ve.v37i1.1523.
50
De Gruchy, Christianity and Democracy, 258.
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APPENDIX
MEASURES AND WEIGHTS.
A few tables of measures may be helpful here because accurate
measurements are necessary to insure success in the preparation of
any article of food.
All dry ingredients, such as flour, meal, powdered sugar, etc.,
should be sifted before measuring.
The standard measuring cup contains one-half pint and is divided
into fourths and thirds.
To measure a cupful or spoonful of dry ingredients, fill the cup or
spoon and then level off with the back of a case-knife.
In measures of weight the gram is the unit.
A “heaping cupful” is a level cup with two tablespoonsful added.
A “scant cupful” is a level cup with two tablespoonsful taken out.
A “salt spoon” is one-fourth of a level teaspoon.
To measure butter, lard and other solid foods, pack solidly in
spoon or cup and measure level with a knife.
TABLE OF MEASURES AND WEIGHTS[13]
4 saltspoons = 1 teaspoon, tsp.
3 teaspoons = 1 tablespoon, tbsp.
4 tablespoons = ¼ cup or ½ gill.
16 tablespoons (dry ingredients) = 1 cup, c.
12 tablespoons (liquid) = 1 cup.
2 gills = 1 cup.
2 cups = 1 pint.
2 pints = 1 quart.
4 quarts = 1 gallon.
2 tablespoons butter = 1 ounce.
1 tablespoon melted butter = 1 ounce.
4 tablespoons flour = 1 ounce.
2 tablespoons granulated sugar = 1 ounce.
2 tablespoons liquid = 1 ounce.
2 tablespoons powdered lime = 1 ounce.
1 cup of stale bread crumbs = 2 ounces.
1 square Baker’s unsweetened chocolate = 1 ounce.
Juice of one lemon = (about) 3 tablespoons
5 tablespoons liquid = 1 wineglassful.
4 cups of sifted flour = 1 pound
2 cups of butter (packed solid) = 1 pound
2 cups of finely chopped meat (packed solidly) = 1 pound
2 cups of granulated sugar = 1 pound
2⅔ cups of powdered sugar = 1 pound
2⅔ cups brown sugar = 1 pound
2⅔ cups oatmeal = 1 pound
4¾ cups rolled oats = 1 pound
9 to 10 eggs = 1 pound
1 cup of rice = ½ pound.
APOTHECARIES WEIGHTS[13]
20 grains = 1 scruple, ℈
3 scruples = 1 drachm, ʒ
8 drachms (or 480 grains) = 1 ounce, ℥
12 ounces = 1 pound, lb.
APOTHECARIES MEASURES[13]
60 minims (M) = 1 fluid drachm, f ʒ
8 fluid drachms = 1 fluid ounce, f ℥
16 fluid ounces = 1 pint, O or pt.
2 pints = 1 quart, qt.
4 quarts = 1 gallon, gal.
APPROXIMATE MEASURES[13]
One teaspoonful equals about 1 fluid drachm.
One dessertspoonful equals about 2 fluid drachms.
One tablespoonful equals about 4 fluid drachms.
One wineglassful equals about 2 ounces.
One cup (one-half pint) equals about 8 ounces.
METRIC MEASURES OF WEIGHT[13]
In measures of weight the gram is the unit.
1 gram 1.0 gm.
1 decigram 0.1 gm.
1 centigram 0.01 gm.
1 milligram 0.001 gm.
FOOTNOTES:
[13] Practical Diatetics, Alida Frances Pattee, Publisher, Mt.
Vernon, N. Y.
Classification of Diets.
The purpose is not to give below such receipts as are found in
ordinary cook books, but simply to suggest foods useful for invalids,
for semi-invalids, or for chronic, abnormal conditions of digestive
organs.
BEVERAGES.
Beverages are primarily to relieve thirst; they may also contain
food elements; they may be used for their effect in heat and cold; for
their flavor which helps to increase the appetite; or for their
stimulating properties.
WATER. Pure and carbonated; mineral waters contain iron, sulphur,
lithium, etc.
Hot drinks should be served at a temperature of from 122 to 140
degrees F. When water is used as a hot drink it should be freshly
drawn, brought to a boil and used at once. This sterilizes and
develops a better flavor.
Cold water should be thoroughly cooled, but not iced, unless ice
water is sipped very slowly and held in the mouth until the chill is off.
Water is best cooled by placing the receptacle on ice rather than by
putting ice in the water.
Lemonade. Wash and wipe a lemon. Cut a slice from the middle
into two pieces to be used in the garnish before serving; then squeeze
the juice of the rest of the lemon into a bowl, keeping back the seeds.
Add sugar and boiling water; cover and put on ice to cool; strain and
pour into a glass.
Fruit Lemonade. To change and vary the flavor, fresh fruit of all
kinds may be added to strong lemonade, using boiling water as
directed above.
Lemon Whey. Heat one cup of milk in a small sauce pan, over hot
water, or in a double boiler. Add two tablespoonsful of lemon juice;
cook without stirring until the whey separates. Strain through cheese
cloth and add two teaspoons of sugar. Serve hot or cold. Garnish with
small pieces of lemon.
Wine Whey may be made in the same way, using ¼ cup of sherry
wine to 1 cup of hot milk.
Grape Juice, Apple Juice and Currant Juice are tonics and make
a dainty variety for the sick room. They should be used according to
their strength, usually about ⅓ of juice to ⅔ water. They should be
kept cold and tightly corked until ready to serve.
LIQUID FOODS.
Under this heading such liquids are given as are actual foods.
MILK. Milk is a complete food and a perfect food for infants, but not
a perfect food for adults. It may be used as
Whole or skimmed;
Peptonized; boiled;
Sterilized, pasteurized;
Milk with lime water, Vichy or Apollinaris;
With equal parts of farinaceous liquids;
Albuminized milk with white of egg;
Milk with egg yolk, flavored with vanilla, cinnamon or nutmeg;
Milk flavored with coffee, cocoa, or meat broth;
Milk punch; milk lemonade;
Koumiss; kefir or whey, with lemon juice, as above.
Eggnog. To make eggnog, separate the white and the yolk, beat
the yolk with ¾ of a tablespoonful of sugar and a speck of salt until
creamy. Add ¾ of a cup of milk and 1 tablespoonful of brandy. Beat
the white until foamy, add to the above mixture and serve immediately.
A little nutmeg may be substituted for the brandy. The eggs and milk
should be chilled before using. Eggnog is very nutritious.
Grape Yolk. Separate the white and the yolk of an egg, beat the
yolk, add the sugar and let the yolk and sugar stand while the white of
the egg is thoroughly whipped. Add two tablespoonsful of grape juice
to the yolk and pour this on to the beaten white, blending carefully.
Have all ingredients chilled before blending and serve cold.
Albuminized Milk. Beat ½ cup of milk and the white of one egg
with a few grains of salt. Put into a fruit jar, shake thoroughly until
blended. Strain into a glass and serve cold.
Toast Water. Toast thin slices of stale bread in the oven; break up
into crumbs; add 1 cup of boiling water and let it stand for an hour.
Rub through a fine strainer, season with a little salt. Milk, or cream and
sugar may be added if desirable. This is valuable in cases of fever or
extreme nausea.
Crust Coffee. Dry crusts of brown bread in the oven until they are
hard and crisp. Pound or roll them and pour boiling water over. Let
soak for fifteen minutes, then strain carefully through a fine sieve.
Meat Broth. Meat broth is made from meat and bone, with and
without vegetables. The proportion is a quart of water to a pound of
meat. Cut the meat into small pieces, add the cold water and simmer
until the quantity is reduced one-half. Strain, skim and season with
salt. Chicken, veal, mutton and beef may be used in this way. They
may be seasoned with onions, celery, bay-leaves, cloves, carrots,
parsnips, rice, barley, tapioca; stale bread crumbs may be added.
SEMI-SOLID FOODS.
jellies. Meat Jellies are made in two ways:
(1) Cook soup meat (containing gristle and bone) slowly for a long
time in just enough water to cover. Strain and set the liquid away in a
mold to cool and set. If desired, bits of shredded meat may be added
to the liquid before molding.
(2) Use meat broth and gelatin in the proportion of one tablespoon
gelatin to three quarters of a cup of hot broth. Pour into mold and set
on ice.
Boiled Custard.—One pint of milk, two eggs, half cup of sugar, half
saltspoon of salt. Scald the milk, add the salt and sugar, and stir until
dissolved. Beat the eggs very thick and smooth. Pour the boiling milk
on the eggs slowly, stirring all the time. Pour the mixture into a double
boiler, set over the fire and stir for ten minutes. Add flavoring. As soon
as a thickening of the mixture is noticed remove from the fire, pour
into a dish and set away to cool. This custard makes cup custard, the
sauce for such puddings as snow pudding, and when decorated with
spoonfuls of beaten egg-white, makes floating island.
Caramel Custard.—Melt the dry sugar until golden brown, add the
hot milk, and when dissolved proceed as before. Bake.
gruels.—Gruels are a mixture of grain or flour with either milk or
water. They require long cooking and may be flavored with sugar,
nutmeg, cinnamon, or almond.
Take the meal or flour (oatmeal, two tablespoons, or cornmeal, one
tablespoon, or arrowroot, one and a half tablespoons). Sift it slowly
into one and a half cups boiling water, simmer for an hour or two.
Strain off the liquid; add to it one teaspoon of sugar, season with salt,
and add one cup of warm milk.
Water Gruel.—If water gruel is desired, let the last cup of liquid
added be water instead of milk.
Cream Gruel.—A cream gruel may be made by using rich cream
instead of milk or water.
COOKED MEATS
[17]Beef, r’nd, boiled (fat) Small serving 36 1.3 40 60 00
[17]Beef, r’d, boiled (lean) Large serving 62 2.2 90 10 00
[17]Beef, r’d, boiled
Small serving 44 1.6 60 40 00
(med.)
[17]Beef, 5th rib, roasted Half serving 18.5 .65 12 88 00
[17]Beef, 5th rib, roasted Very small s’v’g 25 .88 18 82 00
[18]Beef, ribs boiled Small serving 30 1.1 27 73 00
[16]Calves foot jelly 112 4.0 19 00 81
[16]Chicken, canned One thin slice 27 .96 23 77 00
[16]Lamb chops, boiled,
One small shop 27 .96 24 76 00
av
[16]Lamb, leg, roasted Ord. serving. 50 1.8 40 60 00
[17]Mutton, leg, boiled Large serving 34 1.2 35 65 00
[17]Pork, ham, boiled (fat) Small serving 20.5 .73 14 86 00
[17]Pork, ham, boiled Ord. serving 32.5 1.1 28 72 00
[17]Pork, ham, r’st’d, (fat) Small serving 27 .96 19 81 00
[17]Pork, ham, r’st’d,
Small serving 34 1.2 33 67 00
(lean)
[16]Turkey, as pur.,
Small serving 28 .99 23 77 00
canned
[17]Veal, leg, boiled Large serving 67.5 2.4 73 27 00
VEGETABLES
[16]Artichokes, av. 430 15 14 0 86