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New Languages and Landscapes
of Higher Education
New Languages and
Landscapes of Higher
Education
Edited by
Peter Scott, Jim Gallacher,
and Gareth Parry
1
3
Great Clarendon Street, Oxford, OX2 6DP,
United Kingdom
Oxford University Press is a department of the University of Oxford.
It furthers the University’s objective of excellence in research, scholarship,
and education by publishing worldwide. Oxford is a registered trade mark of
Oxford University Press in the UK and in certain other countries
© Oxford University Press 2017
The moral rights of the authors have been asserted
First Edition published in 2017
Impression: 1
All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in
a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, without the
prior permission in writing of Oxford University Press, or as expressly permitted
by law, by licence or under terms agreed with the appropriate reprographics
rights organization. Enquiries concerning reproduction outside the scope of the
above should be sent to the Rights Department, Oxford University Press, at the
address above
You must not circulate this work in any other form
and you must impose this same condition on any acquirer
Published in the United States of America by Oxford University Press
198 Madison Avenue, New York, NY 10016, United States of America
British Library Cataloguing in Publication Data
Data available
Library of Congress Control Number: 2016937501
ISBN 978–0–19–878708–2
Printed in Great Britain by
Clays Ltd, St Ives plc
Links to third party websites are provided by Oxford in good faith and
for information only. Oxford disclaims any responsibility for the materials
contained in any third party website referenced in this work.
This book is dedicated to our good friend and colleague Professor
David Raffe, who passed away in February 2015. David worked
closely with us over a number of years in planning a series of
seminars which led up to this book. He was an outstanding scholar
whose work was recognized both nationally and internationally, and
his contribution to our work as a member of our planning group was
greatly valued. We regret that his early passing deprived us of the
opportunity to work with him in the production of this book, but are
confident that his contributions to the understanding of education in
the twenty-first century will continue to be recognized for many years.
Contents
List of Figures ix
List of Contributors xi
1. Introduction 1
Peter Scott, Jim Gallacher, and Gareth Parry
Index 265
viii
List of Figures
finances in higher education and related issues. She has contributed to the most
significant committees of inquiries into student funding in the UK.
Jürgen Enders is Professor of Higher Education at the School of Management, University
of Bath. He is member of the Academia Europaea and of the German Academy of Science
and Engineering, and Honorary Fellow of the Society for Research into Higher Education.
His academic interest is focused on the study of institutional change in the field of
universities, and their role in society and the economy. He has written and (co)edited
fourteen books, and published more than a hundred articles in books and journals such
as Higher Education, Organization Studies, Public Management, Public Management Review,
Studies in Higher Education, and Scientometrics.
Ulrike Felt is Professor of Science and Technology Studies and currently Dean of the
Faculty of Social Sciences at the University of Vienna. Her research focuses on changing
research cultures, governance, and public participation in technoscientific democracies
as well as the role of temporal structures and future in these developments. She has
been guest professor at numerous universities and has been active in policy advice on a
European and national level. From 2002 to 2007 she was editor-in-chief of Science,
Technology, & Human Values. She is lead editor of the fourth edition of the Handbook of
Science and Technology Studies (MIT Press).
Jim Gallacher is Emeritus Professor of Lifelong Learning at Glasgow Caledonian
University, and was Co-Director of the Centre for Research in Lifelong Learning
1999–2008. He was a board member of the Scottish Funding Council for Further and
Higher Education (SFC) (2005–10). Recent and current research interests include
widening access to further and higher education; links between further and higher
education; work-related higher education. He has managed a wide range of research
projects on these topics, and published numerous books, book chapters, journal
articles, and research reports from his research.
Jeroen Huisman is Professor of Higher Education at the Centre for Higher Education
Governance Ghent (CHEGG), Department of Sociology, Ghent University. Before
moving to Ghent, he was a PhD student and (senior) researcher at the Center for
Higher Education Policy Studies (CHEPS), University of Twente, the Netherlands
(1991–2005) and Professor of Higher Education Management, University of Bath,
UK (2005–13). His main research interest are organizational change, institutional
governance, higher education policy, and internationalization. He is editor of Higher
Education Policy, co-editor of the SRHE Higher Education book series and co-editor of
the series Theory and Method in Higher Education Research. He is also chair of the
Executive Committee of the European Association for Institutional Research.
Hugh Lauder is Professor of Education and Political Economy at the University of Bath
and was Director of the Institute for Policy Research (2004–6). He specializes in the
relationship of education to the economy and has for over fifteen years worked on
national skill strategies and more recently on the global skill strategies of multinational
companies and their implications for graduate recruitment. His books include:
P. Brown, H. Lauder, and D. Ashton, The Global Auction: The Broken Promises of
xii
List of Contributors
Education, Jobs and Incomes (2011); and H. Lauder et al. (eds.) Educating for the Knowledge
Economy: Critical Perspectives (2012).
Monica McLean is Professor of Education in the School of Education, University of
Nottingham. Her main area of expertise is curriculum and pedagogy in higher educa-
tion; she has been involved in research that investigates the quality of university
education in different disciplines and professional fields and issues related to fair access
to university education, including retention and success. Her recent research projects,
both funded by the ESRC, have investigated the relevance of the capability approach to
university-based professional education for the public good in South Africa; and quality
and inequality in social science departments in UK universities of different reputation.
She is currently a co-investigator for an ESRC/DfID-funded project focused on raising
the learning outcomes of rural and township youth in South Africa. She has written
Pedagogy and the University: Critical Theory and Practice (2008) and, with Melanie Walker,
Professional Education, Capabilities and the Public Good (2013).
Simon Marginson is Professor of International Higher Education at the UCL Institute
of Education, and Director of the ESRC/HEFCE Centre for Global Higher Education
(CGHE). He is also Joint Editor-in-Chief of the journal Higher Education. CGHE is a
UK government-funded partnership of eleven UK and international universities with a
programme of fifteen projects over five years, investigating global, national, and local
aspects of higher education. His work is focused mostly on global and international
phenomena. He also works on social equality and higher education, and the public role
of higher education institutions, and the effects of competition. His next book is The
Dream is Over: The Crisis of Clark Kerr’s Californian Idea of Higher Education.
Gareth Parry is Professor of Education and Director of the Centre for the Study of
Higher Education, University of Sheffield, and Programme Leader, ESRC Centre for
Global Higher Education. He researches system change and policy reform in higher
education, nationally and internationally. He has led major research projects funded by
the research councils, government departments, and national agencies on aspects of
organization and participation in tertiary education. He was a research consultant to
the Dearing inquiry into higher education (1996–7) and the Foster review of further
education colleges (2004–5). His current work is focused on three areas: new languages
and landscapes for higher education; college systems in cross-national perspective; and
policy inquiry processes in tertiary education.
Gary Rhoades is Professor of Higher Education and Director of the Center for the Study
of Higher Education at the University of Arizona. From January 2009 to June 2011
he served as General Secretary of the American Association of University Professors.
Rhoades’s research focuses on the restructuring of academic institutions and profes-
sions. His books include Managed Professionals: Unionized Faculty and Restructuring
Academic Labor (1998) and (with Sheila Slaughter) Academic Capitalism and the New
Economy (2004). Rhoades is working on an updated book on faculty, tentatively entitled,
Organizing ‘Professionals’: Negotiating the New Academy. He is also beginning a book
on management, tentatively entitled, Managing to be Different: Strategic Imagination or
Strategic Imitation.
xiii
List of Contributors
Peter Scott is Professor of Higher Education Studies at the UCL Institute of Education.
Formerly he was Vice-Chancellor of Kingston University and Professor of Education at
the University of Leeds. He was also for sixteen years editor of The Times Higher
Education Supplement. His major research interests are the development of mass higher
education, particularly in its wider social setting, new patterns of knowledge produc-
tion, and the governance and management of universities.
xiv
1
Introduction
Peter Scott, Jim Gallacher, and Gareth Parry
2
Introduction
academic staff) or, more generally, by giving priority to what has been
termed the interests of ‘producers’. Three key themes are addressed in this
section—student agency and participation (Jim Gallacher and Gareth
Parry); the transformation of learning, teaching, and the curriculum (Monica
McLean and Paul Ashwin); and the most contentious issue in contem-
porary higher education policymaking, cost sharing between students (and
graduates) and taxpayers, the ‘public’, and the state (Claire Callender).
The third section covers research and, more broadly, knowledge produc-
tion. There appears to be little doubt that in many countries there has
been an intensification of the focus on the research mission of the uni-
versity, despite the simultaneous development of mass higher education
systems. One explanation has been that these systems are becoming more
segmented into elite research universities, on the one hand, and, on the
other, institutions with a more exclusive focus on teaching mass student
populations. Yet the evidence suggests that the intensification of research
culture is a pervasive phenomenon. This explanation also struggles to
account for the contrast between more managed research systems, at both
national and institutional levels, and more open and distributed know-
ledge production systems. Two distinctive accounts are offered of the
implications for research of these new configurations of time and space,
the first from a theoretical perspective (Ulrike Felt) and the second from a
more policy-oriented perspective ( Jonathan Adams).
The fourth section switches the focus from students and research to
institutions. Three key themes are addressed. The first is the rise and fall
of ‘systems’, and systems thinking, and the rise of more loosely con-
structed ‘field dynamics’ as an explanatory tool (Jürgen Enders). The
second is the evolution of universities as complex organizations (Jeroen
Huisman). The final chapter considers far-reaching changes in character-
istics of the academic profession, which challenge what is implied both by
‘academic’ and by ‘profession’ (Gary Rhoades).
The fifth and final section has a wider focus still, on the relationships
between higher education and society. It comprises two chapters, one on
the ‘public’, or social, aspect of the twenty-first-century university and the
other on the economic (and, in particular, employment) aspects of higher
education and research systems. The first discuses how the ‘public good’
can be conceived of under contemporary conditions, and redefined in
more uncertain and fluid times (Simon Marginson). The second considers
the links between higher education, work and the knowledge economy,
which so often preoccupies politicians and policymakers, although often in
somewhat naive terms of graduate ‘employability’ and research ‘impact’, to
the exclusion of other themes (Phillip Brown and Hugh Lauder).
3
Peter Scott, Jim Gallacher, and Gareth Parry
The origins of this book date back almost a decade. The three editors, and a
fourth colleague David Raffe (who sadly died, and to whom this book is
dedicated), were the organizers of a series of seminars funded by the (then)
Department of Universities, Innovation, and Skills in England and the Scot-
tish Government and by the Higher Education Funding Council for England
and the Scottish Funding Council. The seminars were held alternately in
England and Scotland. Their aim was to bring together scholars and
researchers and policymakers and institutional leaders, in the hope that this
combination would act as a catalyst for new thinking. To some degree they
came to be overshadowed by the banking crisis of 2008 and the subsequent
economic recession, which did little to promote an environment in which
longer-term reflection was able to flourish. Their immediate impact may also
have been blunted by changes of government in both countries.
In 2015 the process was revived at a conference held at the University of
Warwick. Although policymakers and institutional leaders participated along-
side scholars and researchers, the focus shifted from the need to inform policy
formation to a greater need to develop more fundamental thinking about the
state of higher education in the twenty-first century, already well under way.
The focus also shifted from a preoccupation with the United Kingdom, and
Anglo-Scottish comparisons, to wider international perspectives. Papers were
commissioned from UK-based, other European, and American scholars, whose
research ranged even more widely than these geographical affiliations suggest.
Some, although not all, of these papers formed the starting points for the
chapters in this book. New contributions, to remedy gaps, were also commis-
sioned. The result, we hope, is not a conventionally loose collection of edited
contributions but a coherent book organized round a series of themes outlined
in the introductory essay—and, above all, committed to developing new
thinking about higher education. Deliberately, it is neither polemical nor
prescriptive. There is (more than?) enough of both. Our aim is more modest,
but maybe also more ambitious—to begin to develop new languages (perhaps
in the plural) that better reflect the landscapes within which contemporary
higher education is located and to which it has so decisively contributed.
4
Part I
Setting the Scene
2
Introduction
Higher education in the United Kingdom is the primary focus of this introduc-
tory essay. Many of the detailed examples are drawn from, and some of
the discussion based on, the experience of universities and colleges in the
UK. However, as will quickly become obvious, under contemporary conditions
it has become increasingly difficult to treat any national higher education
system without substantial reference to the development of other national
systems. None, in Donne’s memorable phrase, is an island; all are part of the
main. This is even more true of the wider transformations, within higher
education but also those in the wider social world, which are the real subject
of this essay—the new ‘landscapes’ and ‘languages’ in its title. Although the
precise form of their impact on different national systems, and the ways in
which these systems have themselves contributed to these transformations,
have been conditioned by different histories, laws, cultures, and habits, that
impact has been general. The starting point only, therefore, is the UK; the
argument, analysis, and conclusions go much wider.
Fifty years on . . . The higher education system that emerged in the course of
the 1960s is at first sight very unlike the contemporary system—to the extent
that it can truly be described as ‘another country’. Yet it is also strikingly
familiar. This dialectic between change, even transformation, and continuity,
or stability, must be at the root of accounts of the evolution of higher educa-
tion in the United Kingdom and the distinctive forms that evolution has
taken. Some of these accounts, perhaps the majority, emphasize change,
with the most extreme proclaiming (and relishing the prospect of) ‘paradigm
shift’ (with regard to the emergence initially of a mass system and, more
recently, of a ‘market’ in higher education). Others emphasize, instead, the
Peter Scott
8
New Languages and Landscapes
the vacant posts now advertised by universities bear less and less resemblance to
those advertised half a century ago.
The policy context in which higher education operates has also been trans-
formed. Then there were almost no doubts about the legitimacy of state action
and its responsibilities as the primary driver of development, whether in estab-
lishing new universities or forcing unwilling colleges of technology and (even
more unwilling) colleges of art to combine to form the new polytechnics. Such
forceful restructuring is unimaginable today. There were also few doubts about
the need to develop a more integrated system of higher education bringing
together the existing universities, teacher education, and what Robbins still
labelled ‘technical education’. Now, of course, the notion that a ‘system’ does,
or should exist, is increasingly contested—at any rate in England.
Yet fifty years ago there was almost no detailed surveillance of higher
education’s core business of teaching and research—no quality assurance, no
research assessment, (almost) no codes of good professional (or governance
and management) practice, no elaborated systems of audit and accountability.
Universities enjoyed an exceptional degree of autonomy, derived from histor-
ical precedent and not yet negated by their late twentieth- and early twenty-
first-century relevance to ‘delivering’ both educational opportunities and, in
particular, contributing to the development of a high-skill (and increasingly
globalized) economy. And there were no league tables . . .
Yet, in some key respects, the higher education system of the 1960s
is not ‘another country’ but still a familiar landscape. The most obvious is
that the pattern of institutions established fifty years ago has remained
remarkably stable. The former polytechnics (and Scottish central institu-
tions) became universities in 1992 but, in many respects, are identifiably
the same institutions. A few of the larger teacher training colleges have more
recently also become universities. A handful of mergers have taken place,
with middling success. An even smaller number of non-traditional, and
private, providers have been established within higher education. Of course,
the rigid ‘binary’ demarcation has been replaced by more fluid categoriza-
tions of institutions based largely on league-table positions and membership
of so-called ‘mission groups’. Whether post-binary convergence or this infor-
mal process of differentiation should receive greater emphasis remains an
open question.
Assumptions about the nature of higher education have also remained
comparatively stable since the 1960s. The belief that teaching must be
informed, if not always accompanied, by research remains strong. Patterns
of teaching remain remarkably artisanal, despite the introduction of
new learning technologies, and also professionally determined, despite the
paraphernalia of more intrusive management and quality assurance systems.
Professional values, although battered, and identities, although frayed, have
9
Peter Scott
Contemporary Challenges
10
New Languages and Landscapes
11
Peter Scott
disciplines as they evolve new perspectives and dissolve old ones, and accu-
mulate extended empirical bases, is open to doubt. Also open to doubt is the
extent to which the more intrusive ‘management’ of research truly reflects this
‘Mode 2’ volatility. In many respects it may inhibit the openness of new
systems of research, and more generally knowledge production.
So there is a need to recognize the force of continuity in the whirlwind of
rhetoric about the inevitability of change. Or, perhaps more accurately, a need
to recognize that the most significant changes in contemporary higher edu-
cation systems may have their source in the longue durée, the shifts in deep
society, culture, and the economy, more than the histoire événementielle of
ideology and policy (to adopt the terminology of the late great French histor-
ian Fernand Braudel). The purpose of this introductory essay is to explore
these new ‘landscapes’ and ‘languages’ of contemporary higher education,
taking account of this dialectic between continuity and change and also the
need to distinguish between different dimensions of ‘change’ (in deep struc-
tures and on the political surface). It is divided into two main sections.
The first focuses on the wider environment, changes in deep structure—
demography, occupational patterns, social attitudes—but also shifts in
ideology—neoliberalism and all that. In short—new landscapes.
The second considers another enveloping environment, of the theories,
concepts, and frameworks used to make sense of contemporary higher
education systems—and whether they need to be refined or replaced. In
short—new languages.
In conclusion a final, and much briefer, section considers the implica-
tions of the analysis offered in the two main section—the ‘landscapes’
and the ‘languages’—for the structure, funding, governance, and man-
agement of higher education.
12
New Languages and Landscapes
Knowledge Economy
A large part of the justification for the scale and relevance of contemporary
higher education systems is derived from their supposed contribution to the
development of a high-skill high-value-added economy. This has often been
labelled a ‘knowledge economy’ because its supposed engine is the production
of ‘knowledge’ (not simply, or even mainly, science but also big data, brands,
13
Peter Scott
and the rest; indeed symbols of all kinds). This contribution has many
strands—highly skilled graduates with ‘employability’ if not always (technic-
ally) expert skills; research that has identifiable social, economic, and, above
all, technological ‘impacts’; but also a mass population of highly educated
people with both the resources to consume goods and services (which they
themselves may have helped to design, create, and make) and the skills
and mentalities to navigate successfully through a complex knowledge, or
symbolic, society.
Much of the investment, public or private, in higher education is justified in
these terms. A good example was the Lisbon Declaration by European Union
leaders of their goal of making Europe the most advanced high-technology
economy in the world by 2010, a target that may never have been realistic
but was in any case derailed by the financial crisis of 2008 and subsequent
economic recession and stagnation (European Commission: High-Level
Group 2004). Targets for increased participation in higher education have
also been justified not on grounds of social justice but on the basis of forecasts
of future demand for graduates in the workforce, as was the case with (New)
Labour’s pledge in the 2001 UK general election to enrol more than 50 per
cent of young people in higher education (another missed target—at any rate,
in England and Wales). The Organization for Economic Cooperation and
Development (OECD) has calculated that for every public dollar (or pound
or euro) invested in higher education three dollars’ worth of economic activity
is generated—an almost irresistible, if perhaps optimistic, rate-of-return
(OECD 2012).
Yet doubts about this virtuous circle have never completely dissipated—and
not only among those who have always objected to the inevitably reductionist
view of the value of higher education implicit in such justifications. The
linear, even mechanistic, accounts of the transition first from pre-industrial
to industrial economies and then from industrial economies to post-industrial
economies, pioneered by scholars such as Daniel Bell in the 1970s, have fallen
out of fashion (Bell 1974, 1976). Their somewhat naive optimism, even uto-
pianism, which looked forward to a world of reduced effort and increased
pleasure, in which the hard work of the world would be made smooth, was
quickly proved to be wrong—first, by the oil shock of the 1970s and then by
the free-market reforms of the 1980s. Instead there has been an intensification
of work processes, accompanied by longer hours and increasing inequalities
of reward.
More recent accounts of the twenty-first-century economy have tended to
emphasize, first, not so much the (initial) production but the (subsequent)
monetization of knowledge; secondly, the substitution of credit for wage
growth, rendering more fragile the basis of an economy dependent on gallop-
ing consumption; thirdly, the growth of inequality not seen since belle
14
Another random document with
no related content on Scribd:
kantajillamme; norjalainen sanoi käywänsä kesät läpi
talwiwaatteissa, kelpo ketineet olikin hänellä: tawallinen willapaita,
pumpulipaita, paksu willa-röijy, wahwat liiwit ja merimiehen paksu
takki kokowillawuorineen. Loppupuolella matkaa, kun ilma lämpeni,
nousi häneltä hiki selästä laukun-nahkaan. Yksi puro eli joki oli
matkallamme. Se oli kaiwanut uran itselleen kiwikallioon; rannat
oliwat useassa kohden kuin hakatut seinät, jonka tähden puroa ei
huomannut ennen kuin se juuri pöllähti eleen. Kuljettiin wähän
matkaa, niin sanoo norjalainen: »tässä se nyt on Karabellan niemen
metsä.» Me katsoimme ympärillemme ja etemmäksikin; sitte miehen
silmiin, mutta hän ei näyttänyt leikkiä laskewalta. »Missä se on?»
»Tuossa edessämme;» ja todellakin päästyämme pienen mäen alle
huomasimme pensastoa; mutta erehdys! Se on koiwikkoa, 2, 3 sylen
pituista koiwumetsää; miehen polwen paksuiset maitowalkeat
koiwun rungot kiiltäwät lehtien wälistä. Ihmeellistä! ne oliwat
kaswaneet pitkin maata ja tuuhealehtiset oksat rehoittiwat
kummallakin, puolella; lehdetkin oliwat melkein yhtäsuuret kuin
etelämpänä. Juuresta oli runko sangen paksu, waan oheni sitte
melkeen heti ja käyränä mutkitteli se yhtä paksuna muutamia syliä
noin kyynärän werran maasta. Tosi metsää se oli. Sawossa luullaan,
että metsän pitää pystysuoraan kohdalleen kaswaa; kuka sen on
sanonut! Jos se woi kaswaa suoraan maan sisään, sitä minä en
tiedä, enkä ole nähnyt, mutta sen olen nähnyt, että metsä kaswaa
ihan pitkin maata. Karabellan metsä oli alaltaan noin tawallisen pihan
kokoinen ja oli näöltään etempää niinkuin heitetty rasi meillä. Woipi
arwata syynkin tuohon koiwujen wiisaasen käytökseen: jos ne
nostaisiwat latwansa pystyyn, niin kyllä pohjoinen osaisi kohti ja
tukistaisi lakkapäät paljaiksi, mutta nyt se huristaa yli, eikä
hoksaakaan, että alempana olisi ollut syötäwää; on myös meren
puolella wähä kinnarin kynnystä, josta se kiireissään kimpoaa
toiselle harjulle. Kaikilla an keinonsa pettää wainoojansa. Mutta
muutamia kukkalajia kaswoi ihan pohjoisrannalla. Erästä kaunista,
walkeata kukkaa, joka oli muodoltaan kuin metsätähti ja muuramen
kukkaa wähä suurempi, kaswoi suuret aukot aiwan walkeana; se oli
omituista nähdä noin korkeassa pohjasessa. Matkan puoliwälissä,
wähä päälle, tultiin wuoren pyöreälle harjalle, jonne näkyi wielä
Tsipna Wolokan kyla ja Sopiskan kyla edessämme, kuin myöskin
korkea kallioniemi saarennon luoteisnurkassa, joka niemi pistää ulos
Muotkawuonoon sen pohjoisrannalta ja jakaa wuonon sisä-ja ulko-
osaan. Sopuskan kylän takaa näkyiwät mustat, korkeat Karpinkalliot,
jotka laskewat mereen. Jotenkin selwän kuwan sai tästä katsoen
koko saarennon muodosta ja luonnosta; sen sisäosat owat paljaita ja
autioita mykkelikkömaita, joissa porot kuuluwat paikan kussakin
löytäwän ruokaa, ja karhut löytäwät tien sinne poroin perässä.
Astuessamme myötämaata kylään, joutaa pitää puhetta, syödä
Uuran juustojäännöksiä j.n.e., sillä mitään erinomaista ei ole
katseltawana, kun rantakin on etäällä mäkien takana ja sisäwuorien
tyhjiä kupeita ei jaksa enempätä katsella. »Käwihän teillä
kuwernöörikin.» »Joo, laski komean laiwansa rannan luo, jossa wäki
juhlawaatteissa oli wastassa, nousi paatilla rantaan, astui ylös
mäelle, jossa minä seisoin ja käski minun opastaa itseään maata
myöten Sopuskaan. Minä pyysin wain saada pistäytä mökissäni
ewästä ottamassa ja panemassa wähä parempaa waatetta päälleni.
Hän kielsi sen ja niin lähdettiin astumaan muut herrat muassa; laiwa
ajoi meritse Sopuskaan. Hywästi jaksoiwat herrat kulkea, waan
hitaastihan sitä mentiinkin. Sopuskassa oli wäki rannalla
odottamassa, jos kuwernööri tahtoisi jotain kysäistä, waan hän nosti
ainoastaan lakkiansa, astui paattiin ja nousi laiwaan. Waitokuwassa
oli hän antanut soutaa itseään paatissa ympäri lahden rantoja
myöten; silloin oli yö. Sen perästä meni hän Arkangeliin.» »Eikö hän
mitään tiedustellut kolonistain oloista?» — Norjalainen astui niin
pitkiä askelia, että minun täytyi panna hölkkäjuoksu pysyäkseni
wähäkään rinnalla.
Sopuska
Waitokuwan
Tämän kylän ympärille saisi myös niittyä paljon enempi kuin mitä
on huoneiden ympärille tehty. Karjaa näillä on melkeen sama werta
kuin Waitokuwalaisilla.
Puumanki
Wesisaari