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(CIA) Work Paper On The Possibilities of CARICOM and An INTERPOL-related Email of Slight Correspondence (Shawn Dexter John Is The Sole Author)
(CIA) Work Paper On The Possibilities of CARICOM and An INTERPOL-related Email of Slight Correspondence (Shawn Dexter John Is The Sole Author)
for field audit, reporting, and communication of political and legal publications by Shawn Dexter
John [me]). *Please, adhere to all UN evacuation orders detailed and do not offend the
communicators of related U.S.-UN operations*
1 message
We (including myself) are not requesting conflict and not communicating any concept of surrender or such as none is warranted,
demanded, ordered, decided, concluded, conjectured, theorized, conceivable, or made determinative (however or if ever perceived).
Please open and read the second attachment.
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Highest level of attained university academic degree: Master of Arts in History (along with a
Graduate Certificate in International Studies)
Other level of attained university academic degree: Bachelor of Arts in History (along with a minor in
Economics)
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I, Shawn Dexter John, am the only individual editing the manuscript (aside being the sole author).
I will provide any update to the [edited and completed] manuscript, if any: [EDITED AND
COMPLETED] The New Societies – Concepts and Apperceptions of an Eastern Caribbean model of
Commonality.
The version published as a book was simply a covert sketch, published in that manner to provide a
template to government affiliates working across distance preceding its expected completion at a then
later date (corresponding with me editing work today) – quite a humble act. Tampering might have
devalued the book material but the model and intent were communicated well preceding the
publication of the [completed] edited version (here) – the completed version consists of slightly over
200 pages. (The edited version is presented as a bonafide law article.)
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I provide that the Caribbean Community will certainly be preserved. Hopefully, the course of our
nations, concerning the path to continental integration, won’t threaten this particular conclusion.
Here, I communicate the ideal future of the prudent institution. This outlook provides that the
current design of the governance structure, substantially, should suffice initially. The current system
is non-legislative, however, caters to unhindered ministerial discourses, effective agency operations,
and disciplined negotiations serving the impressive relations, budding development, and sound
single market policies of the economic region. This conserved condition, however, would be made
almost obsolete by a trans-continental free trade area and the [likely] subsequent development of a
unified market encompassing the Panamerican hemisphere. Therefore, I am certain that
institutionalists will prioritize the politicalization of the organization, at some point in its future, for
securing the immense comfort gained with the hyper-productive, principled, and flexible apparatus.
(Full politicalization requires an honest legislature.)
This plausible transformation could effect a legislative council to prudently ratify or reject the
presented internal-proposals of the Heads of Government. The evolved Caribbean Community could
aim to secure and further the health of citizens and their governments by great assertion, by adeptly
supplementing the domestic departments, sovereign laws, and conventional treaties catering to this
fundamental purpose. Here, I withhold inserting my own [meticulous] design to this amicable
change.
Notes:
1. Essentially, I envision an agreement formed among Caricom members requiring bonafide [full-
time] legislative activities in the ratification of internal programs and, plausibly, [confederal]
regulatory-acts on corresponding matters. Caricom will serve as a political confederation, within
the future Union of the Americas, for maximizing the superb competence of the institution
amongst other formidable reasons. This is quite evident. (The membership count of the
Caribbean Community won’t decrease or increase much – the common goals and ethos of its
members and the present efficiency of its governance system favor this. This future political
confederation of independent states and associate states won’t attempt to threaten the purpose
and function of the Organization of American States or its successor and won’t diminish nations’
allegiance to the OAS or its successor. [As Caricom is currently constituted, meaning as a
singularized market of some political features, or in its future condition, as a bonafide political
confederation, withdrawals are not anticipated. I do anticipate that the Dominican Republic will
join within a few years.] [The Bahamas, a full member of the Caribbean Community, will soon join
the Caricom Single Market and Economy – this is widely expected.])
2. The supranational legislators could be elected from within the national legislatures – this is
intended. (Still, electing legislators directly from the population is circumstantially effective and
sufficient. An equal count of legislators is preferred. Caricom’s popularity makes this mode
approachable.) (In preferring strong government inclusion, meaning minimal divergence of
national and supranational governments, I first imagined legislators being elected from within
the national legislatures plausibly. A popular supranational authority and an equal count policy,
including a single legislator from each Member, can loosen this articulated constraint, however,
when national legislators are given veto power precisely. An evolution can take place, one
allowing popular elections upon the exhibited maturation of the supranational government aside
the exhibition of these features. Popularity requires members’ emotional investment in the
construct, gained trust in its operation, and an affirmation of its authority and representational
authenticity concerning the populations. [Popular elections concern the expanded theory.]) (Veto
power would serve to challenge only legislation deemed unconstitutional if the legislative
system is absent of the legislative-policy apparatus. This veto power is associated with stable
and familiar authority, an element of both the general and expanded theories.)
3. Though the full-membership count won’t increase much, I do expect Aruba, Bonaire, Curacoa,
Guadeloupe, Martinique, Puerto Rico, Saba, St. Barthelemy, St. Eustatius, St. Maarten, St. Martin,
and the United States Virgin Islands to all join the Caribbean Community as Associate Members.
(I am certain that Venezuela and Mexico, for example, won’t join the Caribbean Community as
full members [or as associate members]. Both monetary plans and the actual establishment of a
monetary union, concerning the Caribbean Community, will detract many larger, [contemporarily]
confident countries from exhibiting interest. External common systems may also serve as
hindrances. I anticipate that these larger countries will join the hemispheric monetary union
administered by the future Union of the Americas several decades into the future. The Caribbean
Community will build further its members’ trust and confidence in the developing paradigm of
monetary inclusion. I am certain that the United States and the Caribbean Community will join
this hemispheric monetary union after several decades of enjoying both their respective
monetary systems [upon re-confirming the sound logic and significant capabilities of a
hemispheric political union of Pan-America and its orbital system] in refining their membership if
the continental currency union is expedited in its creation.)
4. I anticipate that there will be an official neo-cryptocurrency sanctioned by the Union of the
Americas, evolvable, manifested immediately upon the date of Union inception, one which would
allow Pan-American nations and regions, over the appropriate time period, to smoothly evolve
into a continental currency Union succeeding exhausting successful national and regional
currencies such as the United States dollar and an approaching Caribbean dollar, old and young
money.
5. Additionally, contrary to some’s belief concerning nation-state observance, the international
community observes the Caribbean Community through the United Nations observance
protocol.
6. The lack of a juridical system within Mercosur, the Southern Common Market, and no
demonstrated or insinuated plan to create one, the lack of a formal and effectual Secretariat, its
soft parliamentary body, and its narrow market-oriented purpose and function will likely result in
an effective obsolescence of much of Mercosur’s operations. The integration processes of the
Americas, as one continental unit, will serve as the primary opposing forces; we are in the
process of developing a unified [hemispheric] market and political union. (Free trade agreements
negotiated by Mercosur will likely be re-protected by cautious treaty provisions establishing a
Pan-American single market [as negotiated with assistance from the Organization of American
States, the expected hosting party].) (I am certain that the free trade agreement of the Americas,
upon its formulation, will not preclude the continued operation of Mercosur’s customs union.
Mercosur’s arrangement won’t devolve [then]. The subsequent hemispheric single market,
however, will render Mercosur “sub-operable” for the most part.)
7. With time, the future Union of the Americas will evolve into a rigid federation as will other
continental unions; however, it won’t be dismayed by a successful and exceptional regional
confederation (Caricom) within its sphere. (Canada, as a perfected political federation, proves
that a multilingual and multicultural community, of distinct sovereign and autonomous provincial
parts, can function and operate as a rigid, harmonious, and single unitary community supervised
by a liberal federal authority.)
8. It is very possible, as this is sound and approachable, that the Organization of American States
will create a multi-phase singular initiative developing a single-market and an economic union
directly subsequent to the exhausted operation of a hemispheric free trade area. The
conventional path requiring a common market within the evolutionary process isn’t imperative.
9. I do foresee the Caribbean Community, specifically, building on its members’ relationship with
the European Union (the EU-Cariforum Economic Partnership Agreement). In benefiting from the
productive climate which will emerge subsequent to a continental free trade agreement,
regarding [budding] industrial growth, a free trade agreement with the Caribbean Community will
become very attractive to the European Union. I also expect the Caribbean Community to
concoct liberal agreements with the African Union, including a manifested free trade
arrangement, in the coming future. (Most certainly, the Pacific Community will assume lesser
pursuits. Their inherent conditions are quite different. I still expect the Pacific Community to
deepen it’s relationship with the Pacific Islands Forum and to co-adopt its responsibilities.) (I
anticipate that there will be a miraculous economic rise of Africa as an exceptionally-united
political unit – the African Union’s prerogatives provide for this.)
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My contact information for potential employers (including professional fellowships and United
States federal or state government offices): carindian1@gmail.com or sdexterjohn@gmail.com.
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